THE  UBRARY  OF  THE 
UNIVERSITY  OF 
NORTH  CAROLINA 
AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


ENDOWED  BY  THE 
DIALECTIC  AND  PHILANTHROPIC 
SOCIETIES 

E  LIBRARY 


DE7 

1911 

V.  3 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


10002192805 


This  book  is  due  at  tine  WALTER  R.  DAVIS  LIBRARY  on 
the  last  date  stamped  under  "Date  Due."  If  not  on  hold  it 
may  be  renewed  by  bringing  it  to  the  library. 

^^^^  RET 
DUE 

^'^^^  RET 
DUE 

DEC  2 

-t — — — 

Form  No.  513. 
Rev.  1184 

Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2015 


https://archive.org/details/plutarchslivestr03plut_0 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


CONTENTS 
Vol.  Ill 


PAGE 

✓    PYRRHUS       .                .               .                .                .  1 

f  Caius  Marius             .        .        .        i.,       I.       1.  52 

Lysander  .        .        .        .        .        .        I.        .  113 

•  Sylla                                                                 .  152 

Comparison  of 

Lysander  with  Sylla       .        .        .        .  207 

CiMON   213 

utLucuLLus          .......  243 

Comparison  of 

lucullus  with  cimon      .        .        .        .  302 

NiciAs   .  .307 

-I^Crassus     ........  351 

Comparison  of 

Crassus  with  Nicias  .        .        .        .        .  398 

Sertorius          .......  405 

>^Eumenes  ........  441 

/  Comparison  of 


Sertorius  with  Eumenes  .        .        1.        .  467 


-1 


817217 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Vol.  Ill 


Feast  of  Lucullus  .        .        Photogravure  Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 


The  Battle  of  Issus        .....  8 

Marius  on  the  Ruins  of  Carthage      .        .        .  102 

Hercules  ........  340 

The  Catilinian  Conspiracy         .        .        .        .  368 

Alexander  the  Great        .....  442 


PYRRHUS^ 


Translated  by  William  Croune,  M.  D., 
Fellow  of  the  College  of  Physicians. 

Of  the  Thesprotians  and  Molossians  after  the  great 
inundation,  the  first  king,  according  to  some  his- 
torians, was  Phaethon,  one  of  those  who  came  into 
Epirus  with  Pelasgus.  Others  tell  us  that  Deucalion 
and  Pyrrha,  having  set  up  the  worship  of  Jupiter 
at  Dodona,  settled  there  among  the  Molossians.  In 
after  time,  Neoptolemus,  Achilles's  son,  planting  a 
colony,  possessed  these  parts  himself,  and  left  a  suc- 
cession of  kings,  who,  after  him,  were  named  Pyrrhi- 
dse;  as  he  in  his  youth  was  called  Pyrrhus,  and  of 
his  legitimate  children,  one  born  of  Lanassa,  daugh- 
ter of  Cleodeeus,  Hyllus's  son,  had  also  that  name. 
From  him,  Achilles  came  to  have  divine  honors  in 
Epirus,  under  the  name  of  Aspetus,  in  the  language 
of  the  country.  After  these  first  kings,  those  of  the 
following  intervening  times  becoming  barbarous,  and 
insignificant  both  in  their  power  and  their  lives,  Tharr- 
hypas  is  said  to  have  been  the  first,  who  by  introduc- 
ing Greek  manners  and  learning,  and  humane  laws 
into  his  cities,  left  any  fame  of  himself.  Alcetas 
was  the  son  of  Tharrhypas,  Arybas  of  Alcetas,  and  of 
Arybas  and  Troas  his  queen,  ^acides:  he  married 
Phthia,  the  daughter  of  Menon,  the  Thessalian,  a 
man  of  note  at  the  time  of  the  Lamiac  war,  and  of 

^  He  was  the  greatest  warrior  and  one  of  the  best  princes  of 
his  time.  He  was  born  318  B.  C,  killed  at  Argos,  Greece,  about 
272  B.  C— Dr.  William  Smith. 

CD 


2  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


highest  command  in  the  confederate  army  next  to 
Leosthenes.  To  ^acides  were  born  of  Phthia,  Dei- 
damia  and  Troas  daughters,  and  Pyrrhus  a  son. 

The  Molossians,  afterwards  falhng  into  factions, 
and  expelhng  ^acides,  brought  in  the  sons  of  Ne- 
optolemus,  and  such  friends  of  ^acides  as  they  could 
take  were  all  cut  oit;  Pyrrhus,  yet  an  infant,  and 
searched  for  by  the  enemy,  had  been  stolen  away  and 
carried  off  by  Androclides  and  Angelus;  who,  how- 
ever, being  obliged  to  take  with  them  a  few  serv- 
ants, and  women  to  nurse  the  child,  were  much  im- 
peded and  retarded  in  their  flight,  and  when  they 
were  now  overtaken,  they  delivered  the  infant  to 
Androcleon,  Hippias,  and  Neander,  faithful  and  able 
young  fellows,  giving  them  in  charge  to  make  for 
Megara,  a  town  of  Macedon,  with  all  their  might, 
while  they  themselvejs,  partly  by  entreaty,  and  partly 
by  force,  stopped  the  course  of  the  pursuers  till  late 
in  the  evening.  At  last,  having  hardly  forced  them 
back,  they  joined  those  who  had  the  care  of  Pyrrhus; 
but  the  sun  being  already  set,  at  the  point  of  attain- 
ing their  object  they  suddenly  found  themselves  cut 
off  from  it.  For  on  reaching  the  river  that  runs  by 
the  city  they  found  it  looking  formidable  and  rough, 
and  endeavoring  to  pass  over,  they  discovered  it  was 
not  fordable;  late  rains  having  heightened  the  water, 
and  made  the  current  violent.  The  darkness  of  the 
night  added  to  the  horror  of  all,  so  that  they  durst 
not  venture  of  themselves  to  carry  over  the  child  and 
the  women  that  attended  it;  but,  perceiving  some  of 
the  country  people  on  the  other  side,  they  desired 
them  to  assist  their  passage,  and  showed  them  Pyr- 
rhus, calling  out  aloud,  and  importuning  them.  They, 
however,  could  not  hear  for  the  noise  and  roaring 
of  the  water.  Thus  time  was  spent  while  those  called 


PYRRHUS 


3 


out,  and  the  others  did  not  understand  what  was 
said,  till  one  recollecting  himself,  stripped  off  a  piece 
of  bark  from  an  oak,  and  wrote  on  it  with  a  tongue 
of  a  buckle,  stating  the  necessities  and  the  fortunes 
of  the  child,  and  then  rolling  it  about  a  stone,  which 
was  made  use  of  to  give  force  to  the  motion,  threw 
it  over  to  the  other  side,  or,  as  some  say,  fastened 
it  to  the  end  of  a  javelin,  and  darted  it  over.  When 
the  men  on  the  other  shore  read  what  was  on  the  bark, 
and  saw  how  time  pressed,  without  delay  they  cut 
down  some  trees,  and  lashing  them  together,  came 
over  to  them.  And  it  so  fell  out,  that  he  who  first 
got  ashore,  and  took  Pyrrhus  in  his  arms,  was  named 
Achilles,  the  rest  being  helped  over  by  others  as  they 
came  to  hand. 

Thus  being  safe,  and  out  of  the  reach  of  pursuit, 
they  addressed  themselves  to  Glaucias,  then  king  of 
the  lUyrians,  and  finding  him  sitting  at  home  with 
his  wife,  they  laid  down  the  child  before  them.  The 
king  began  to  weigh  the  matter,  fearing  Cassander, 
who  was  a  mortal  enemy  of  ^acides,  and,  being  in 
deep  consideration,  said  nothing  for  a  long  time; 
while  Pyrrhus,  crawling  about  on  the  ground,  gradu- 
ally got  near  and  laid  hold  with  his  hand  upon  the 
king's  robe,  and  so  helping  himself  upon  his  feet 
against  the  knees  of  Glaucias,  first  moved  laughter, 
and  then  pity,  as  a  little  humble,  crying  petitioner. 
Some  say  he  did  not  throw  himself  before  Glaucias, 
but  catching  hold  of  an  altar  of  the  gods,  and  spread- 
ing his  hands  about  it,  raised  himself  up  by  that ;  and 
that  Glaucias  took  the  act  as  an  omen.  At  present, 
therefore,  he  gave  Pyrrhus  into  the  charge  of  his 
wife,  commanding  he  should  be  brought  up  with  his 
own  children;  and  a  little  after,  the  enemies  sending 
to  demand  him,  and  Cassander  himself  offering  two 


4  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


hundred  talents,  he  would  not  deliver  him  up;  but 
when  he  was  twelve  years  old,  bringing  him  with  an 
army  into  Epirus,  made  him  king.  Pyrrhus  in  the 
air  of  his  face  had  something  more  of  the  terrors, 
than  of  the  augustness  of  kingly  power,  he  had  not 
a  regular  set  of  upper  teeth,  but  in  the  place  of  them 
one  continued  bone,  with  small  lines  marked  on  it, 
resembling  the  divisions  of  a  row  of  teeth.  It  was  a 
general  belief  he  could  cure  the  spleen,  by  sacrificing 
a  white  cock,  and  gently  pressing  with  his  right  foot 
on  the  spleen  of  the  persons  as  they  lay  down  on  their 
backs,  nor  was  any  one  so  poor  or  inconsiderable  as 
not  to  be  welcome  if  he  desired  it,  to  the  benefit  of 
his  touch.  He  accepted  the  cock  for  the  sacrifice  as 
a  reward,  and  was  always  much  pleased  with  the  pres- 
ent. The  large  toe  of  that  foot  was  said  to  have  a 
divine  virtue;  for  after  his  death,  the  rest  of  the  body 
being  consumed,  this  was  found  unhurt  and  untouched 
by  the  fire.   But  of  these  things  hereafter. 

Being  now  about  seventeen  years  old,  and  the 
government  in  appearance  well  settled,  he  took  a 
journey  out  of  the  kingdom  to  attend  the  marriage  of 
one  of  Glaucias's  sons,  with  whom  he  was  brought 
up;  upon  which  opportunity  the  Molossians  again 
rebelling,  turned  out  all  of  his  party,  plundered  his 
property,  and  gave  themselves  up  to  Neoptolemus. 
Pyrrhus,  having  thus  lost  the  kingdom,  and  being  in 
want  of  all  things,  applied  to  Demetrius  the  son  of 
Antigonus,  the  husband  of  his  sister  Deidamia,  who, 
while  she  was  but  a  child,  had  been  in  name  the  wife 
of  Alexander,^  son  of  Roxana,  but  their  affairs  after- 

^  The  affairs  of  Alexander,  called  JEgus,  son  by  Roxana,  and 
lawful  heir  of  Alexander  the  Great,  proved  unfortunate,  as  did 
those  of  all  the  blood  royal  of  the  old  Macedonian  family,  in  the 
time  of  Cassander.    Alexander  and  Roxana  were  both  put  to 


PYRRHUS 


5 


wards  proving  unfortunate,  when  she  came  to  age, 
Demetrius  married  her.  At  the  great  battle  of  Ipsus, 
where  so  many  kings  were  engaged,  Pyrrhus,  taking 
part  with  Demetrius,  though  yet  but  a  youth,  routed 
those  that  encountered  him,  and  highly  signalized 
himself  among  all  the  soldiery ;  and  afterwards,  when 
Demetrius's  fortunes  were  low,  he  did  not  forsake 
him  then,  but  secured  for  him  the  cities  of  Greece  with 
which  he  was  intrusted;  and  upon  articles  of  agree- 
ment being  made  between  Demetrius  and  Ptolemy, 
he  went  over  as  an  hostage  for  him  into  Egypt,  where 
both  in  hunting  and  other  exercises,  he  gave  Ptolemy 
an  ample  proof  of  his  courage  and  strength.  Here 
observing  Berenice  in  greatest  power,  and  of  all 
Ptolemy's  wives  highest  in  esteem  for  virtue  and  un- 
derstanding, he  made  his  court  principally  to  her.  He 
had  a  particular  art  of  gaining  over  the  great  to  his 
own  interest,  as  on  the  other  hand  he  readily  over- 
looked such  as  were  below  him;  and  being  also  well- 
behaved  and  temperate  in  his  life,  among  all  the  young 
princes  then  at  court,  he  was  thought  most  fit  to  have 
Antigone  for  his  wife,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Ber- 
enice by  Philip,  before  she  married  Ptolemy. 

After  this  match,  advancing  in  honor,  and  Anti- 
gone being  a  very  good  wife  to  him,  having  procured 
a  sum  of  money,  and  raised  an  army,  he  so  ordered 
matters  as  to  be  sent  into  his  kingdom  of  Epirus, 
and  arrived  there  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  many, 
from  their  hate  to  Neoptolemus,  who  was  governing 
in  a  violent  and  arbitrary  way.  But  fearing  lest 
Neoptolemus  should  enter  into  alliance  with  some 

death  by  his  orders.  Olympias,  with  whom  they  had  acted,  was 
cousin  to  Pyrrhus's  father,  ^acides.  For  the  great  battle  of 
Ipsus  where  all  the  kings,  or  as  one  reading  has  it^  all  the  kings 
of  the  earth  were  engaged,  see  the  life  of  Demetrius  in  Volume  V, 


6  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


neighboring  princes,  he  came  to  terms  and  friendship 
with  him,  agreeing  that  they  should  share  the  govern- 
ment between  them.  There  were  people,  however, 
who,  as  time  went,  on  secretly  exasperated  them,  and 
fomented  jealousies  between  them.  The  cause  chiefly 
moving  Pyrrhus  is  said  to  have  had  this  beginning. 
It  was  customary  for  the  kings  to  offer  sacrifice  to 
Mars,  at  Passaro,  a  place  in  the  Molossian  country, 
and  that  done  to  enter  into  a  solemn  covenant  with 
the  Epirots;  they  to  govern  according  to  law,  these 
to  preserve  the  government  as  by  law  established. 
This  was  performed  in  the  presence  of  both  kings, 
who  were  there  with  their  immediate  friends,  giving 
and  receiving  many  presents;  here  Gelo,  one  of  the 
friends  of  Neoptolemus,  taking  Pyrrhus  by  the  hand, 
presented  him  with  two  pair  of  draught  oxen.  Myr- 
tilus,  his  cup-bearer,  being  then  by,  begged  these  of 
Pyrrhus,  who  not  giving  them  to  him,  but  to  another, 
Myrtilus  extremely  resented  it,  which  Gelo  took  no- 
tice of,  and,  inviting  him  to  a  banquet,  (amidst  drink- 
ing and  other  excesses,  as  some  relate,  Myrtilus  being 
then  in  the  flower  of  his  youth,)  he  entered  into  dis- 
course, persuading  him  to  adhere  to  Neoptolemus, 
and  destroy  Pyrrhus  by  poison.  Myrtilus  received 
the  design,  appearing  to  approve  and  consent  to  it, 
but  privately  discovered  it  to  Pyrrhus,  by  whose 
command  he  recommended  Alexicrates,  his  chief  cup- 
bearer, to  Gelo,  as  a  fit  instrument  for  their  design, 
Pyrrhus  being  very  desirous  to  have  proof  of  the  plot 
by  several  evidences.  So  Gelo  being  deceived,  Ne- 
optolemus, who  was  no  less  deceived,  imagining  the 
design  went  prosperously  on,  could  not  forbear,  but 
in  his  joy  spoke  of  it  among  his  friends,  and  once 
at  an  entertainment  at  his  sister  Cadmea's,  talked 
openly  of  it,  thinking  none  heard  but  themselves. 


PYRRHUS 


7 


Nor  was  any  one  there  but  Phsenarete  the  wife  of 
Samon,  who  had  the  care  of  Neoptolemus's  flocks  and 
herds.  She,  turning  her  face  towards  the  wall  upon 
a  couch,  seemed  fast  asleep,  and  having  heard  all 
that  passed,  unsuspected,  next  day  came  to  Anti- 
gone, Pyrrhus's  wife,  and  told  her  what  she  had  heard 
Neoptolemus  say  to  his  sister.  On  understanding 
which  Pyrrhus  for  the  present  said  little,  but  on  a 
sacrifice  day,  making  an  invitation  for  Neoptolemus, 
killed  him;  being  satisfied  before  that  the  great  men 
of  the  Epirots  were  his  friends,  and  that  they  were 
eager  for  him  to  rid  himself  of  Neoptolemus,  and 
not  to  content  himself  with  a  mere  petty  share  of  the 
government,  but  to  follow  his  own  natural  vocation  to 
great  designs,  and  now  when  a  just  ground  of  suspi- 
cion appeared,  to  anticipate  Neoptolemus  by  taking 
him  off  first. 

In  memory  of  Berenice  and  Ptolemy,  he  named 
his  son  by  Antigone,  Ptolemy,  and  having  built  a 
city  in  the  peninsula  of  Epirus,^  called  it  Berenicis. 
From  this  time  he  began  to  revolve  many  and  vast 
projects  in  his  thoughts;  but  his  first  special  hope  and 
design  lay  near  home,  and  he  found  means  to  engage 
himself  in  the  Macedonian  affairs  under  the  following 
pretext.  Of  Cassander's  sons,  Antipater,  the  eldest, 
killed  Thessalonica  his  mother,  and  expelled  his 
brother  Alexander,  who  sent  to  Demetrius  entreating 
his  assistance,  and  also  called  in  Pyrrhus;  but  De- 

^  The  only  peninsula  or  chersonese  of  Epirus  that  appears  to 
be  mentioned,  is  that  on  which  Buthrotum  stands.  Niebuhr  sug- 
gests the  peninsula  in  the  lake  of  Janina.  Tymphoea  and  Para- 
uoea  are  corrections  of  Niebuhr's  for  Nymphasa  and  Paralia.  They 
are  districts  commanding  the  passage  from  Macedonia  to  the 
Greek  city,  Ambracia,  which  Strabo  tells  us  became  Pyrrhus's 
capital. 


8      ^         PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


metrius  being  retarded  by  multitude  of  business,  Pyr- 
rhus,  coming  first,  demanded  in  reward  of  his  serv- 
ice the  districts  called  Tympheea  and  Parausea  in 
Macedon  itself,  and,  of  their  new  conquests,  Ambra- 
cia,  Acarnania,  and  Amphilochia.  The  young  prince 
giving  way,  he  took  possession  of  these  countries,  and 
secured  them  with  good  garrisons,  and  proceeded  to 
reduce  for  Alexander  himself  other  parts  of  the  king- 
dom which  he  gained  from  Antipater.  Lysimachus, 
designing  to  send  aid  to  Antipater,  was  involved  in 
much  other  business,  but  knowing  Pyrrhus  would  not 
disoblige  Ptolemy,  or  deny  him  any  thing,  sent  pre- 
tended letters  to  him  as  from  Ptolemy,  desiring  him 
to  give  up  his  expedition,  upon  the  payment  of  three 
hundred  talents  to  him  by  Antipater.  Pyrrhus,  open- 
ing the  letter,  quickly  discovered  the  fraud  of  Ly- 
simachus; for  it  had  not  the  accustomed  style  of  sal- 
utation, "The  father  to  the  son,  health,"  but  "King 
Ptolemy  to  Pyrrhus,  the  king,  health;"  and  reproach- 
ing Lysimachus,  he  notwithstanding  made  a  peace, 
and  they  all  met  to  confirm  it  by  a  solemn  oath  upon 
sacrifice.  A  goat,  a  bull,  and  a  ram  being  brought 
out,  the  ram  on  a  sudden  fell  dead.  The  others 
laughed,  but  Theodotus  the  prophet  forbade  Pyrrhus 
to  swear,  declaring  that  Heaven  by  that  portended 
the  death  of  one  of  the  three  kings,  upon  which  he 
refused  to  ratify  the  peace. 

The  affairs  of  Alexander  being  now  in  some  kind 
of  settlement,  Demetrius  arrived,  contrary,  as  soon 
appeared,  to  the  desire  and  indeed  not  without  the 
alarm  of  Alexander.  After  they  had  been  a  few  days 
together,  their  mutual  jealousy  led  them  to  conspire 
against  each  other;  and  Demetrius  taking  advantage 
of  the  first  occasion,  was  beforehand  with  the  young 
king,  and  slew  him,  and  proclaimed  himself  king  of 


PYRRHUS 


9 


Macedon.  There  had  been  formerly  no  very  good 
understanding  between  him  and  Pyrrhus;  for  be- 
sides the  inroads  he  made  into  Thessaly,  the  innate 
disease  of  princes,  ambition  of  greater  empire,  had 
rendered  them  formidable  and  suspected  neighbors 
to  each  other,  especially  since  Deidamia's  death;  and 
both  having  seized  Macedon,  they  came  into  conflict 
for  the  same  object,  and  the  difference  between  them 
had  the  stronger  motives.  Demetrius  having  first 
attacked  the  ^tolians  and  subdued  them,  left  Pan- 
tauchus  there  with  a  considerable  army,  and  marched 
direct  against  Pyrrhus,  and  Pyrrhus,  as  he  thought, 
against  him;  but  by  mistake  of  the  ways  they  passed 
by  one  another,  and  Demetrius  falling  into  Epirus 
wasted  the  country,  and  Pyrrhus,  meeting  with  Pan- 
tauchus,  prepared  for  an  engagement.  The  soldiers 
fell  to,  and  there  was  a  sharp  and  terrible  conflict, 
especially  where  the  generals  were.  Pantauchus,  in 
courage,  dexterity,  and  strength  of  body,  being  con- 
fessedly the  best  of  all  Demetrius's  captains,  and  hav- 
ing both  resolution  and  high  spirit,  challenged  Pyr- 
rhus to  fight  hand  to  hand ;  on  the  other  side  Pyrrhus, 
professing  not  to  yield  to  any  king  in  valor  and  glory, 
and  esteeming  the  fame  of  Achilles  more  truly  to  be- 
long to  him  for  his  courage  than  for  his  blood,  ad- 
vanced against  Pantauchus  through  the  front  of  the 
army.  First  they  used  their  lances,  then  came  to  a 
close  fight,  and  managed  their  swords  both  with  art 
and  force;  Pyrrhus  receiving  one  wound,  but  return- 
ing two  for  it,  one  in  the  thigh,  the  other  near  the 
neck,  repulsed  and  overthrew  Pantauchus,  but  did  not 
kill  him  outright,  as  he  was  rescued  by  his  friends. 
But  the  Epirots  exulting  in  the  victory  of  their  king, 
and  admiring  his  courage,  forced  through  and  cut  in 
pieces  the  phalanx  of  the  Macedonians,  and  pursuing 


10  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


those  that  fled,  killed  many,  and  took  five  thousand 
prisoners. 

This  fight  did  not  so  much  exasperate  the  Mace- 
donians with  anger  for  their  loss,  or  with  hatred  to 
Pyrrhus,  as  it  caused  esteem,  and  admiration  of  his 
valor,  and  great  discourse  of  him  among  those  that 
saw  what  he  did,  and  were  engaged  against  him  in  the 
action.  They  thought  his  countenance,  his  swiftness, 
and  his  motions  expressed  those  of  the  great  Alex- 
ander, and  that  they  beheld  here  an  image  and  resem- 
blance of  his  rapidity  and  strength  in  fight;  other 
kings  merely  by  their  purple  and  their  guards,  by  the 
formal  bending  of  their  necks,  and  lofty  tone  of 
speech,  Pyrrhus  only  by  arms,  and  in  action,  repre- 
sented Alexander.  Of  his  knowledge  of  military  tac- 
tics and  the  art  of  a  general,  and  his  great  ability  that 
way,  we  have  the  best  information  from  the  commen- 
taries he  left  behind  him.  Antigonus,  also,  we  are 
told,  being  asked  who  was  the  greatest  soldier,  said, 
"Pyrrhus,  if  he  lives  to  be  old,"  referring  only  to  those 
of  his  own  time ;  but  Hannibal  of  all  great  command- 
ers esteemed  Pyrrhus  for  skill  and  conduct  the  first, 
Scipio  the  second,  and  himself  the  third,  as  is  related 
in  the  life  of  Scipio.  In  a  word,  he  seemed  ever  to 
make  this  all  his  thought  and  philosophy,  as  the  most 
kingly  part  of  learning ;  other  curiosities  he  held  in  no 
account.  He  is  reported,  when  asked  at  a  feast 
whether  he  thought  Python  or  Caphisias  the  best  mu- 
sician, to  have  said,  Polysperchon  was  the  best  soldier, 
as  though  it  became  a  king  to  examine  and  understand 
only  such  things.  Towards  his  familiars  he  was  mild, 
and  not  easily  incensed;  zealous,  and  even  vehement 
in  returning  kindnesses.  Thus  when  Aeropus  was 
dead,  he  could  not  bear  it  with  moderation,  saying,  he 
indeed  had  suffered  what  was  common  to  human 
nature,  but  condemning  and  blaming  himself,  that  by 


PYRRHUS 


11 


puttings  off  and  delays  he  had  not  returned  his  kind- 
ness in  time.  For  our  debts  may  be  satisfied  to  the 
creditor's  heirs,  but  not  to  have  made  the  acknowl-, 
edgment  of  received  favors,  while  they  to  whom  it  is 
due  can  be  sensible  of  it,  afflicts  a  good  and  a  worthy 
nature.  Some  thinking  it  fit  that  Pyrrhus  should 
banish  a  certain  ill-tongued  fellow  in  Ambracia,  who 
had  spoken  very  indecently  of  him,  "Let  him  rather," 
said  he,  "speak  against  us  here  to  a  few,  than  ram- 
bling about  to  a  great  many."  And  others  who  in 
their  wine  had  made  reflections  upon  him,  being  aft- 
erward questioned  for  it,  and  asked  by  him  whether 
they  had  said  such  words,  on  one  of  the  young  fel- 
lows answering,  "Yes,  all  that,  king;  and  should  have 
said  more  if  we  had  had  more  wine;"  he  laughed  and 
discharged  them.  After  Antigone's  death,  he  mar- 
ried several  wives  to  enlarge  his  interest  and  power. 
He  had  the  daughter  of  Autoleon,  king  of  the  Paeo- 
nians,  Bircenna,  Bardyllis  the  Illyrian's  daughter, 
Lanassa,  daughter  of  Agathocles  the  Syracusan,  who 
brought  with  her  in  dower  the  city  of  Corcyra  which 
had  been  taken  by  Agathocles.  By  Antigone  he  had 
Ptolemy,  Alexander  by  Lanassa,  and  Helenus,  his 
youngest  son,  by  Bircenna;  he  brought  them  up  all 
in  arms,  hot  and  eager  youths,  and  by  him  sharp- 
ened and  whetted  to  war  from  their  very  infancy.  It 
is  said,  when  one  of  them,  while  yet  a  child,  asked  him 
to  which  he  would  leave  the  kingdom,  he  replied,  to 
him  that  had  the  sharpest  sword,  which  indeed  was 
much  like  that  tragical  curse  of  Oedipus  to  his  sons : — 

Not  by  the  lot  decide, 
But  with  the  sword  the  heritage  divide.* 

*  Not  hy  the  lot  decide.  But  with  the  sword  the  heritage  divide, 
is  from  the  Phcenissae  of  Euripides,  (66). 


12  PLUTARCH^S  LIVES 


So  unsocial  and  wild-beast-like  is  the  nature  of  am- 
bition and  cupidity. 

After  this  battle  Pyrrhus,  returning  gloriousl}'^ 
home,  enjoyed  his  fame  and  reputation,  and  being 
called  "Eagle"  by  the  Epirots,  "By  you,"  said  he, 
"I  am  an  eagle;  for  how  should  I  not  be  such,  while 
I  have  your  arms  as  wings  to  sustain  me?"  A  little 
after,  having  intelligence  that  Demetrius  was  danger- 
ously sick,  he  entered  on  a  sudden  into  Macedonia, 
intending  only  an  incursion,  and  to  harass  the  coun- 
trj^;  but  was  very  near  seizing  upon  all,  and  taking 
the  kingdom  without  a  blow.  He  marched  as  far  as 
Edessa  unresisted,  great  numbers  deserting,  and 
coming  in  to  him.  This  danger  excited  Demetrius 
beyond  his  strength,  and  his  friends  and  commanders 
in  a  short  time  got  a  considerable  army  together,  and 
with  all  their  forces  briskly  attacked  Pyrrhus,  who, 
coming  only  to  pillage,  would  not  stand  a  fight,  but 
retreating  lost  part  of  his  armj^  as  he  went  off,  by 
the  close  pursuit  of  the  Macedonians.  Demetrius, 
however,  although  he  had  easily  and  quickly  forced 
Pyrrhus  out  of  the  country,  yet  did  not  slight  him, 
but  having  resolved  upon  great  designs,  and  to  re- 
cover his  father's  kingdom  with  an  army  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  men,  and  a  fleet  of  five  hundred  ships, 
would  neither  embroil  himself  with  Pyrrhus,  nor 
leave  the  Macedonians  so  active  and  troublesome  a 
neighbor;  and  since  he  had  no  leisure  to  continue  the 
war  with  him,  he  was  willing  to  treat  and  conclude  a 
peace,  and  to  turn  his  forces  upon  the  other  kings. 
Articles  being  agreed  upon,  the  designs  of  Demetrius 
quickly  discovered  themselves  by  the  greatness  of  his 
preparation.  And  the  other  kings  being  alarmed, 
sent  to  Pyrrhus  ambassadors  and  letters,  expressing 
their  wonder  that  he  should  choose  to  let  his  own  op  - 
portunity pass  by,  and  wait  till  Demetrius  could 


PYRRHUS 


13 


use  his ;  and  whereas  he  was  now  able  to  chase  him  out 
of  Macedon,  involved  in  designs  and  disturbed,  he 
should  expect  tiU  Demetrius  at  leisure,  and  grown 
great,  should  bring  the  war  home  to  his  own  door,  and 
make  him  fight  for  his  temples  and  sepulchres  in 
Molossia;  especially  having  so  lately,  by  his  means, 
lost  Corcyra  and  his  wife  together.  For  Lanassa 
had  taken  offence  at  Pyrrhus  for  too  great  an  inclina- 
tion to  those  wives  of  his  that  were  barbarians,  and 
so  withdrew  to  Corcyra,  and  desiring  to  marry  some 
king,  invited  Demetrius,  knowing  of  all  the  kings  he 
was  most  ready  to  entertain  offers  of  marriage;  so 
he  sailed  thither,  married  Lanassa,  and  placed  a  gar- 
rison in  the  city.  The  kings  having  written  thus  to 
Pyrrhus,  themselves  likewise  contrived  to  find  Deme- 
trius work,  while  he  was  delaying  and  making  his 
preparations.  Ptolemy,  setting  out  with  a  great  fleet, 
drew  off  many  of  the  Greek  cities.  Lysimachus  out 
of  Thrace  wasted  the  upper  Macedon;  and  Pyrrhus, 
also,  taking  arms  at  the  same  time,  marched  to  Beroea, 
expecting,  as  it  fell  out,  that  Demetrius,  collecting  his 
forces  against  Lysimachus,  would  leave  the  lower 
country  undefended.  That  very  night  he  seemed  in 
his  sleep  to  be  called  by  Alexander  the  Great,  and 
approaching  saw  him  sick  abed,  but  was  received  with 
very  kind  words  and  much  respect,  and  promised 
zealous  assistance.  He  making  bold  to  reply:  "How, 
Sir,  can  you,  being  sick,  assist  me?"  "With  my  name," 
said  he,  and  mounting  a  Nisaean  horse,  seemed  to  lead 
the  way.  At  the  sight  of  this  vision  he  was  much 
assured,  and  with  swift  marches  overrunning  all  the 
interjacent  places,  takes  Beroea,  and  making  his  head- 
quarters there,  reduced  the  rest  of  the  country  by  his 
commanders.  When  Demetrius  received  intelligence 
of  this,  and  perceived  likewise  the  Macedonians  ready 
to  mutlav  in  the  army,  he  was  afraid  to  advance  fur- 


14  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ther,  lest  coming  near  Lysimachus,  a  Macedonian 
king,  and  of  great  fame,  they  should  revolt  to  him. 
So  returning,  he  marched  directly  against  Pyrrhus, 
as  a  stranger,  and  hated  by  the  Macedonians.  But 
while  he  lay  encamped  there  near  him,  many  who 
came  out  of  Beroea  infinitely  praised  Pyrrhus  as  in- 
vincible in  arms,  a  glorious  warrior,  who  treated  those 
he  had  taken  kindly  and  humanely.  Several  of  these 
Pyrrhus  himself  sent  privately,  pretending  to  be  Ma- 
cedonians, and  saying,  now  was  the  time  to  be  deliv- 
ered from  the  severe  government  of  Demetrius,  by 
coming  over  to  Pyrrhus,  a  gracious  prince,  and  a  lover 
of  soldiers.  By  this  artifice  a  great  part  of  the  army 
was  in  a  state  of  excitement,  and  the  soldiers  began 
to  look  every  way  about,  inquiring  for  Pyrrhus.  It 
happened  he  was  without  his  helmet,  till  understand- 
ing they  did  not  know  him,  he  put  it  on  again,  and 
so  was  quickly  recognized  by  his  lofty  crest,  and 
the  goat's  horns  he  wore  upon  it.  Then  the  Macedo- 
nians, running  to  him,  desired  to  be  told  his  password, 
and  some  put  oaken  boughs  upon  their  heads,  because 
they  saw  them  worn  by  the  soldiers  about  him.  Some 
persons  even  took  the  confidence  to  say  to  Demetrius 
himself,  that  he  would  be  well  advised  to  withdraw, 
and  lay  down  the  government.  And  he,  indeed,  see- 
ing the  mutinous  movements  of  the  army  to  be  only 
too  consistent  with  what  they  said,  privately  got 
away,  disguised  in  a  broad  hat,  and  a  common  sol- 
dier's coat.  So  Pyrrhus  became  master  of  the  army 
without  fighting,  and  was  declared  king  of  the  Mace- 
donians. 

But  Lysimachus  now  arriving,  and  claiming  the 
defeat  of  Demetrius  as  the  joint  exploit  of  them  both, 
and  that  therefore  the  kingdom  should  be  shared  be- 
tween them,  Pyrrhus,  not  as  yet  quite  assured  of  the 
(^Macedonians,  and  in  doubt  of  their  faith,  consented 


PYRRHUS 


15 


to  the  proposition  of  Lysimachus,  and  divided  the 
country  and  cities  between  them  accordingly.  This 
was  for  the  present  useful,  and  prevented  a  war;  but 
shortly  after  they  found  the  partition  not  so  much  a 
peaceful  settlement,  as  an  occasion  of  further  com- 
plaint and  difference.  For  men  whose  ambition 
neither  seas  nor  mountains,  nor  unpeopled  deserts 
can  limit,  nor  the  bounds  dividing  Europe  from  Asia 
confine  their  vast  desires,  it  would  be  hard  to  expect 
to  forbear  from  injuring  one  another  when  they 
touch,  and  are  close  together.  These  are  ever  natur- 
ally at  war,  envying  and  seeking  advantages  of  one 
another,  and  merely  make  use  of  those  two  words, 
peace  and  war,  like  current  coin,  to  serve  their  occa- 
sions, not  as  justice  but  as  expediency  suggests,  and 
are  really  better  men  when  they  openly  enter  on  a 
war,  than  when  they  give  to  the  mere  forbearance 
from  doing  wrong,  for  want  of  opportunity,  the 
sacred  names  of  justice  and  friendship.  Pyrrhus  was 
an  instance  of  this;  for  setting  himself  against  the 
rise  of  Demetrius  again,  and  endeavoring  to  hinder 
the  recovery  of  his  power,  as  it  were  from  a  kind  of 
sickness,  he  assisted  the  Greeks,  and  came  to  Athens, 
where,  having  ascended  the  Acropolis,  he  offered 
sacrifice  to  the  goddess,  and  the  same  day  came  down 
again,  and  told  the  Athenians  he  was  much  gratified 
by  the  good-will  and  the  confidence  they  had  shown 
to  him;  but  if  they  were  wise,  he  advised  them  never 
to  let  any  king  come  thither  again,  or  open  their  city 
gates  to  him.  He  concluded  also  a  peace  with  De- 
metrius, but  shortly  after  he  was  gone  into  Asia,  at  the 
persuasion  of  Lysimachus,  he  tampered  with  the 
Thessalians  to  revolt,  and  besieged  his  cities  in 
Greece;  finding  he  could  better  preserve  the  attach- 
ment of  the  Macedonians  in  war  than  in  peace,  and 
being  of  his  own  inclination  not  much  given  to  rest. 


16  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


At  last,  after  Demetrius  had  been  over  thrown  in 
Syria,  Lysimachus,  who  had  secured  his  affairs,  and 
had  nothing  to  do,  immediately  turned  his  whole 
forces  upon  Pyrrhus,  who  was  in  quarters  at  Edessa^ 
and  falling  upon  and  seizing  his  convoy  of  provisions, 
brought  first  a  great  scarcity  into  the  army;  then 
partly  by  letters,  partly  by  spreading  rumors  abroad, 
he  corrupted  the  principal  officers  of  the  Macedo- 
nians, reproaching  them  that  they  had  made  one  their 
master  who  was  both  a  stranger  and  descended  from 
those  who  had  ever  been  servants  to  the  Macedonians, 
and  that  they  had  thrust  the  old  friends  and  familiars 
of  Alexander  out  of  the  country.  The  Macedonian 
soldiers  being  much  prevailed  upon,  Pyrrhus  with- 
drew himself  with  his  Epirots  and  auxiliary  forces, 
relinquishing  Macedon  just  after  the  same  manner 
he  took  it.  So  little  reason  have  kings  to  condemn 
popular  governments  for  changing  sides  as  suits  their 
interests,  as  in  this  they  do  but  imitate  them  who  are 
the  great  instructors  of  unfaithfulness  and  treachery; 
holding  him  the  wisest  that  makes  the  least  account 
of  being  an  honest  man. 

Pyrrhus  having  thus  retired  into  Epirus,  and  left 
Macedon,  fortune  gave  him  a  fair  occasion  of  enjoy- 
ing himself  in  quiet,  and  peaceably  governing  his  own 
subjects;  but  he  who  thought  it  a  nauseous  course  of 
life  not  to  be  doing  mischief  to  others,  or  receiving 
some  from  them,  like  Achilles,  could  not  endure 
repose, 

 But  sat  and  languished  far. 

Desiring  battle  and  the  shout  of  war,^ 

and  gratified  his  inclination  by  the  following  pretext 
for  new  troubles.  The  Komans  were  at  war  with  the 
Tarentines,  who,  not  being  able  to  go  on  with  the  war, 

^  Iliad,  I.  m,  492. 


PYRRHUS 


17 


nor  yet,  through  the  foolhardiness,  and  the  vicious- 
ness  of  their  popular  speakers,  to  come  to  terms  and 
give  it  up,  proposed  now  to  make  Pyrrhus  their  gen- 
eral, and  engage  him  in  it,  as  of  all  the  neighboring 
kings  the  most  at  leisure,  and  the  most  skilful  as  a 
commander.  The  more  grave  and  discreet  citizens 
opposing  these  counsels,  were  partly  overborne  by 
the  noise  and  violence  of  the  multitude;  while  others, 
seeing  this,  absented  themselves  from  the  assemblies; 
only  one  Meton,  a  very  sober  man,  on  the  day  this 
public  decree  was  to  be  ratified,  when  the  people  were 
now  seating  themselves,  came  dancing  into  the  assem- 
bly like  one  quite  drunk,  with  a  withered  garland 
and  a  small  lamp  in  his  hand,  and  a  woman  playing 
on  a  flute  before  him.  And  as  in  great  multitudes 
met  at  such  popular  assemblies,  no  decorum  can  be 
well  observed,  some  clapped  him,  others  laughed, 
none  forbade  him,  but  called  to  the  woman  to  play, 
and  to  him  to  sing  to  the  company,  and  when  they 
thought  he  was  going  to  do  so,  "  'T  is  only  right  of 
you,  O  men  of  Tarentum,"  he  said,  "not  to  hinder 
any  from  making  themselves  merry,  that  have  a  mind 
to  it,  while  it  is  yet  in  their  power;  and  if  you  are 
wise,  you  will  take  out  your  pleasure  of  your  free- 
dom while  you  can,  for  you  must  change  your  course 
of  life,  and  follow  other  diet  when  Pyrrhus  comes 
to  town."  These  words  made  a  great  impression 
upon  many  of  the  Tarentines,  and  a  confused  mur- 
mur went  about,  that  he  had  spoken  much  to  the  pur- 
pose; but  some  who  feared  they  should  be  sacrificed 
if  a  peace  were  made  with  the  Romans,  reviled  the 
whole  assembly  for  so  tamely  suffering  themselves  to 
be  abused  by  a  drunken  sot,  and  crowding  together 
upon  Meton,  thrust  him  out.  So  the  public  order 
was  passed,  and  ambassadors  sent  into  Epirus,  not 
only  in  their  own  names,  but  in  those  of  all  the  Italian 


18  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Greeks,  carrying  presents  to  Pyrrhus,  and  letting  him 
know  they  wanted  a  general  of  reputation  and  expe- 
rience; and  that  they  could  furnish  him  with  large 
forces  of  Lucanians,  Messapians,  Samnites,  and  Tar- 
entines,  amounting  to  twenty  thousand  horse,  and 
three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  foot.  This  did  not 
only  quicken  Pyrrhus,  but  raised  an  eager  desire  for 
the  expedition  in  the  Epirots. 

There  was  one  Cineas,  a  Thessalian,  considered  to 
be  a  man  of  very  good  sense,  a  disciple  of  the  great 
orator  Demosthenes,  who  of  all  that  were  famous  at 
that  time  for  speaking  well,  most  seemed,  as  in  a  pic- 
ture, to  revive  in  the  minds  of  the  audience  the  mem- 
ory of  his  force  and  vigor  of  eloquence;  and  being 
always  about  Pyrrhus,  and  sent  about  in  his  service 
to  several  cities,  verified  the  saying  of  Euripides,  that 

— ■ —  the  force  of  words 
Can  do  whate'er  is  done  by  conquering  swords." 

And  Pyrrhus  was  used  to  say,  that  Cineas  had  taken 
more  towns  with  his  words,  than  he  with  his  arms,  and 
always  did  him  the  honor  to  employ  him  in  his  most 
important  occasions.  This  person,  seeing  Pyrrhus 
eagerly  preparing  for  Italy,  led  him  one  day  w^hen  he 
was  at  leisure  into  the  following  reasonings:  "The 
Romans,  sir,  are  reported  to  be  great  warriors  and 
conquerors  of  many  war-like  nations;  if  God  permit 
us  to  overcome  them,  how  should  we  use  our  victory?" 
"You  ask,"  said  Pyrrhus,  "a  thing  evident  of  itself. 
The  Romans  once  conquered,  there  is  neither  Greek 
nor  barbarian  city  that  will  resist  us,  but  we  shall 
presently  be  masters  of  all  Italy,  the  extent  and 
resources  and  strength  of  which  any  one  should  rather 
profess  to  be  ignorant  of,  than  yourself."  Cineas, 

^Euripides,  Phoenissae,  516^  517. 


PYRRHUS 


19 


after  a  little  pause,  "And  having  subdued  Italy, 
what  shall  we  do  next?"  Pyrrhus  not  yet  discover- 
ing his  intention,  "Sicily,"  he  replied,  "next  holds  out 
her  arms  to  receive  us,  a  wealthy  and  populous  island, 
and  easy  to  be  gained;  for  since  Agathocles  left  it, 
only  faction  and  anarchy,  and  the  licentious  violence 
of  the  demagogues  prevail."  "You  speak,"  said 
Cineas,  "what  is  perfectly  probable,  but  will  the  pos- 
session of  Sicily  put  an  end  to  the  war?"  "God 
grants  us,"  answered  Pyrrhus,  "victory  and  success 
in  that,  and  we' will  use  these  as  forerunners  of  greater 
things;  who  could  forbear  from  Libya  and  Carthage 
then  within  reach,  which  Agathocles,  even  when 
forced  to  fly  from  Syracuse,  and  passing  the  sea  only 
with  a  few  ships,  had  all  but  surprised?  These  con- 
quests once  perfected,  will  any  assert  that  of  the 
enemies  who  now  pretend  to  despise  us,  any  one  will 
dare  to  make  further  resistance?"  "None,"  replied 
Cineas,  "for  then  it  is  manifest  we  may  with  such 
mighty  forces  regain  Macedon,  and  make  an  absolute 
conquest  of  Greece;  and  when  all  these  are  in  our 
power,  what  shall  we  do  then?"  Said  Pyrrhus,  smil- 
ing, "we  will  live  at  our  ease,  my  dear  friend,  and 
drink  all  day,  and  divert  ourselves  with  pleasant  con- 
versation." When  Cineas  had  led  Pyrrhus  with  his 
argument  to  this  point:  "And  what  hinders  us  now, 
sir,  if  we  have  a  mind  to  be  merry,  and  entertain  one 
another,  since  we  have  at  hand  without  trouble  all 
those  necessary  things,  to  which  through  much  blood 
and  great  labor,  and  infinite  hazards  and  mischief 
done  to  ourselves  and  to  others,  we  design  at  last  to 
arrive?"  Such  reasonings  rather  troubled  Pyrrhus 
with  the  thought  of  the  happiness  he  was  quitting 
than  any  way  altered  his  purpose,  being  unable  to 
abandon  the  hopes  of  what  he  so  much  desired. 

And  first,  he  sent  away  Cineas  to  the  Tarentines 


20  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  three  thousand  men;  presently  after,  many  ves- 
sels for  transport  of  horse,  and  galleys,  and  flat-bot- 
tomed boats  of  all  sorts  arriving  from  Tarentum,  he 
shipped  upon  them  twenty  elephants,  three  thousand 
horse,  twenty  thousand  foot,  two  thousand  archers, 
and  five  hundred  slingers.  All  being  thus  in  readi- 
ness, he  set  sail,  and  being  half  way  over,  was  driven 
by  the  wind,  blowing,  contrary  to  the  season  of  the 
year,  violently  from  the  north,  and  carried  from  his 
course,  but  by  the  great  skill  and  resolution  of  his 
pilots  and  seamen,  he  made  the  land  with  infinite 
labor,  and  beyond  expectation.  The  rest  of  the  fleet 
could  not  get  up,  and  some  of  the  dispersed  ships, 
losing  the  coast  of  Italy,  were  driven  into  the  Libyan 
and  Sicilian  Sea;  others  not  able  to  double  the  Cape 
of  Japygium,  were  overtaken  by  the  night ;  and  with 
a  boisterous  and  heavy  sea,  throwing  them  upon  a 
dangerous  and  rocky  shore,  they  were  all  very  much 
disabled  except  the  royal  galley.  She,  while  the  sea 
bore  upon  her  sides,  resisted  with  her  bulk  and 
strength,  and  avoided  the  force  of  it,  till  the  wind 
coming  about,  blew  directly  in  their  teeth  from  the 
shore,  and  the  vessel  keeping  up  with  her  head  against 
it,  was  in  danger  of  going  to  pieces ;  yet  on  the  other 
hand,  to  suffer  themselves  to  be  driven  off  to  sea 
again,  which  was  thus  raging  and  tempestuous,  with 
the  wind  shifting  about  every  way,  seemed  to  them 
the  most  dreadful  of  all  their  present  evils.  Pyrrhus, 
rising  up,  threw  himself  overboard.  His  friends  and 
guards  strove  eagerly  who  should  be  most  ready  to 
help  him,  but  night  and  the  sea  with  its  noise  and 
violent  surge,  made  it  extremely  difficult  to  do  this; 
so  that  hardly,  when  with  the  morning  the  wind  be- 
gan to  subside,  he  got  ashore,  breathless,  and  weak- 
ened in  body,  but  with  high  courage  and  strength  of 
mind  resisting  his  hard  fortune.    The  Messapians, 


I  PYRRHUS  21 

upon  whose  shore  they  were  thrown  by  the  tempest, 
came  up  eagerly  to  help  them  in  the  best  manner  they 
could;  and  some  of  the  straggling  vessels  that  had 
escaped  the  storm  arrived;  in  which  were  a  very  few 
horse,  and  not  quite  two  thousand  foot,  and  two 
elephants. 

With  these  Pyrrhus  marched  straight  to  Taren- 
tum,  where  Cineas,  being  informed  of  his  arrival,  led 
out  the  troops  to  meet  him.  Entering  the  town,  he 
did  nothing  unpleasing  to  the  Tarentines,  nor  put 
any  force  upon  them,  till  his  ships  were  all  in  harbor, 
and  the  greatest  part  of  the  army  got  together;  but 
then  perceiving  that  the  people,  unless  some  strong 
compulsion  was  used  to  them,  were  not  capable  either 
of  saving  others  or  being  saved  themselves,  and  were 
rather  intending,  while  he  engaged  for  them  in  the 
field,  to  remain  at  home  bathing  and  feasting  them- 
selves, he  first  shut  up  the  places  of  public  exercise, 
and  the  walks  where,  in  their  idle  way,  they  fought 
their  country's  battles  and  conducted  her  campaigns 
in  their  talk;  he  prohibited  likewise  all  festivals,  rev- 
els, and  drinking-places,  as  unseasonable,  and  sum- 
moning them  to  arms,  showed  himself  rigorous  and 
inflexible  in  carrying  out  the  conscription  for  serv- 
ice in  the  war.  So  that  many,  not  understanding 
what  it  was  to  be  commanded,  left  the  town,  calling 
it  mere  slavery  not  to  do  as  they  pleased.  He  now 
received  intelligence  that  Lsevinus,  the  Roman  con- 
sul, was  upon  his  march  with  a  great  army,  and  plun- 
dering Lucania  as  he  went.  The  confederate  forces 
were  not  come  up  to  him,  yet  he  thought  it  impossible 
to  suffer  so  near  an  approach  of  an  enemy,  and  drew 
out  with  his  army,  but  first  sent  an  herald  to  the  Ro- 
mans to  know  if  before  the  war  they  would  decide 
the  differences  between  them  and  the  Italian  Greeks 
by  his  arbitrament  and  mediation.   But  Lsevinus  re- 


22  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


turning  answer,  that  the  Romans  neither  accepted 
him  as  arbitrator,  nor  feared  him  as  an  enemy,  Pyr- 
rhus  advanced,  and  encamped  in  the  plain  between 
the  cities  of  Pandosia  and  Heraclea,  and  having  no- 
tice the  Romans  were  near,  and  lay  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river  Siris,  he  rode  up  to  take  a  view  of  them, 
and  seeing  their  order,  the  appointment  of  the 
watches,  their  method  and  the  general  form  of  their 
encampment,  he  was  amazed,  and  addressing  one  of 
his  friends  next  to  him:  "This  order,"  said  he,  "Me- 
gacles,  of  the  barbarians,  is  not  at  all  barbarian  in 
character;  we  shall  see  presently  what  they  can  do;" 
and,  growing  a  little  more  thoughtful  of  the  event, 
resolved  to  expect  the  arriving  of  the  confederate 
troops.  And  to  hinder  the  Romans,  if  in  the  mean 
time  they  should  endeavor  to  pass  the  river,  he 
planted  men  all  along  the  bank  to  oppose  them.  But 
they,  hastening  to-  anticipate  the  coming  up  of  the 
same  forces  which  he  had  determined  to  wait  for, 
attempted  the  passage  with  their  infantry,  where  it 
was  fordable,  and  with  the  horse  in  several  places,  so 
that  the  Greeks,  fearing  to  be  surrounded,  were 
obliged  to  retreat,  and  Pyrrhus,  perceiving  this  and 
being  much  surprised,  bade  his  foot  officers  draw 
their  men  up  in  line  of  battle,  and  continue  in  arms, 
while  he  himself,  with  three  thousand  horse,  advanced, 
hoping  to  attack  the  Romans  as  they  were  coming 
over,  scattered  and  disordered.  But  when  he  saw  a 
vast  number  of  shields  appearing  above  the  water, 
and  the  horse  following  them  in  good  order,  gathering 
his  men  in  a  closer  body,  himself  at  the  head  of  them, 
he  began  the  charge,  conspicuous  by  his  rich  and 
beautiful  armor,  and  letting  it  be  seen  that  his  repu- 
tation had  not  outgone  what  he  was  able  effectually 
to  perform.  While  exposing  his  hands  and  body  in 
the  fight,  and  bravely  repelling  all  that  engaged  him, 


PYRRHUS 


23 


he  still  guided  the  battle  with  a  steady  and  undis- 
turbed reason,  and  such  presence  of  mind,  as  if  he 
had  been  out  of  the  action  and  watching  it  from  a 
distance,  passing  still  from  point  to  point,  and  assist- 
ing those  whom  he  thought  most  pressed  by  the  ene- 
my. Here  Leonnatus  the  Macedonian,  observing 
one  of  the  Italians  very  intent  upon  Pyrrhus,  riding 
up  towards  him,  and  changing  places  as  he  did,  and 
moving  as  he  tnoved:  "Do  you  see,  sir,"  said  he, 
"that  barbarian  on  the  black  horse  with  white  feet? 
he  seems  to  me  one  that  designs  some  great  and  dan- 
gerous thing,  for  he  looks  constantly  at  you,  and 
fixes  his  whole  attention,  full  of  vehement  purpose, 
on  you  alone,  taking  no  notice  of  others.  Be  on  your 
guard,  sir,  against  him."  "Leonnatus,"  said  Pyr- 
rhus, "it  is  impossible  for  any  man  to  avoid  his  fate; 
but  neither  he  nor  any  other  Italian  shall  have  much 
satisfaction  in  engaging  with  me."  While  they  were 
in  this  discourse,  the  Italian,  lowering  his  spear  and 
quickening  his  horse,  rode  furiously  at  Pyrrhus,  and 
run  his  horse  through  with  his  lance;  at  the  same  in- 
stant Leonnatus  ran  his  through.  Both  horses  fall- 
ing, Pyrrhus's  friends  surrounded  him  and  brought 
him  off  safe,  and  killed  the  Italian,  bravely  defend- 
ing himself.  He  was  by  birth  a  Frentanian,  captain 
of  a  troop,  and  named  Oplacus. 

This  made  Pyrrhus  use  greater  caution,  and  now 
seeing  his  horse  give  ground,  he  brought  up  the  in- 
fantry against  the  enemy,  and  changing  his  scarf  and 
his  arms  with  Megacles,  one  of  his  friends,  and  ob- 
scuring himself,  as  it  were,  in  his,  charged  upon  the 
Romans,  who  received  and  engaged  him,  and  a  great 
while  the  success  of  the  battle  remained  undeter- 
mined; and  it  is  said  there  were  seven  turns  of  for- 
tune both  of  pursuing  and  being  pursued.  And  the 
change  of  his  arms  was  very  opportune  for  the  safety 


24  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


of  his  person,  but  had  like  to  have  overthrown  his 
cause  and  lost  him  the  victory;  for  several  falling 
upon  JNIegacles,  the  first  that  gave  him  his  mortal 
wound  was  one  Dexous/  who,  snatching  away  his 
helmet  and  his  robe,  rode  at  once  to  Lsevinus,  holding 
them  up,  and  saying  aloud  he  had  killed  Pyrrhus. 
These  spoils  being  carried  about  and  shown  among 
the  ranks,  the  Romans  were  transported  with  joy,  and 
shouted  aloud;  while  equal  discouragement  and  ter- 
ror prevailed  among  the  Greeks,  until  Pyrrhus  un- 
derstanding what  had  happened,  rode  about  the 
army  with  his  face  bare,  stretching  out  his  hand  to  his 
soldiers,  and  telling  them  aloud  it  was  he.  At  last, 
the  elephants  more  particularly  began  to  distress  the 
Romans,  whose  horses,  before  they  came  near,  not 
enduring  them  went  back  with  their  riders ;  and  upon 
this,  he  commanded  the  Thessalian  cavalry  to  charge 
them  in  their  disorder,  and  routed  them  with  great 
loss.  Dionysius  affirms  near  fifteen  thousand  of  the 
Romans  fell;  Hieronymus,  no  more  than  seven  thou- 
sand. On  Pyrrhus's  side,  the  same  Dionysius  makes 
thirteen  thousand  slain,  the  other  under  four  thou- 
sand; but  they  were  the  flower  of  his  men,  and 
amongst  them  his  particular  friends  as  well  as  officers 
whom  he  most  trusted  and  made  use  of.  However, 
he  possessed  himself  of  the  Romans'  camp  which  they 
deserted,  and  gained  over  several  confederate  cities, 
and  wasted  the  country  round  about,  and  advanced 
so  far  that  he  was  within  about  thirty-seven  miles  of 
Rome  itself.  After  the  fight  many  of  the  Lucanians 
and  Samnites  came  in  and  joined  liim,  whom  he  chid 

Thus  written  in  the  manuscripts.  Dexius,  or  Dexter,  is  one 
form  that  has,  since  Amyot's  translation,  been  received;  and  Decius 
is  a  recent  conj  ecture.  For  Laevinus  also,  which  is  the  correct  name 
in  the  manuscripts  we  have  with  scarcely  any  exception  Albinus, 
which  Niebuhr  inclines  to  think  was  Plutarch's  own  writing. 


5  PYRRHUS  25 

for  their  delay,  but  yet  he  was  evidently  well  pleased 
and  raised  in  his  thoughts,  that  he  had  defeated  so 
great  an  army  of  the  Romans  with  the  assistance  of 
the  Tarentines  alone. 

The  Romans  did  not  remove  L^evinus  from  the 
consulship ;  though  it  is  told  that  Caius  Fabricius  said, 
that  the  Epirots  had  not  beaten  the  Romans,  but  only 
Pyrrhus,  Lsevinus ;  insinuating  that  their  loss  was  not 
through  want  of  valor  but  of  conduct;  but  filled  up 
their  legions,  and  enlisted  fresh  men  with  all  speed, 
talking  high  and  boldly  of  war,  which  struck  Pyrrhus 
with  amazement.  He  thought  it  advisable  by  send- 
ing first  to  make  an  experiment  whether  they  had  any 
inclination  to  treat,  thinking  that  to  take  the  city  and 
make  an  absolute  conquest  was  no  work  for  such  an 
army  as  his  was  at  that  time,  but  to  settle  a  friend- 
ship, and  bring  them  to  terms,  would  be  highly  hon- 
orable after  his  victory.  Cineas  was  despatched  away, 
and  applied  himself  to  several  of  the  great  ones,  with 
presents  for  themselves  and  their  ladies  from  the 
king;  but  not  a  person  would  receive  any,  and  an- 
swered, as  well  men  as  women,  that  if  an  agreement 
were  publicly  concluded,  they  also  should  be  ready, 
for  their  parts,  to  express  their  regard  to  the  king. 
And  Cineas,  discoursing  with  the  senate  in  the  most 
persuasive  and  obliging  manner  in  the  world,  yet  was 
not  heard  with  kindness  or  inclination,  although  Pyr- 
rhus offered  also  to  return  all  the  prisoners  he  had 
taken  in  the  fight  without  ransom,  and  promised  his 
assistance  for  the  entire  conquest  of  all  Italy,  asking 
only  their  friendship  for  himself,  and  security  for  the 
Tarentines,  and  nothing  further.  Nevertheless,  most 
were  well-inclined  to  a  peace,  having  already  received 
one  great  defeat,  and  fearing  another  from  an  addi- 
tional force  of  the  native  Italians,  now  joining  with 
Pyrrhus.   At  this  point  Appius  Claudius,  a  man  of 


26  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


great  distinction,  but  who,  because  of  his  great  age 
and  loss  of  sight,  had  dechned  the  fatigue  of  public 
business,  after  these  propositions  had  been  made  by 
the  king,  hearing  a  report  that  the  senate  was  ready 
to  vote  the  conditions  of  peace,  could  not  forbear,  but 
commanding  his  servants  to  take  him  up,  was  car- 
ried in  his  chair  through  the  forum  to  the  senate 
house.  When  he  was  set  down  at  the  door,  his  sons 
and  sons-in-law  took  him  up  in  their  arms,  and,  walk- 
ing close  round  about  him,  brought  him  into  the  sen- 
ate. Out  of  reverence  for  so  worthy  a  man,  the  whole 
assembly  was  respectfully  silent. 

And  a  little  after  raising  up  himself:  "I  bore," 
said  he,  "until  this  time,  the  misfortune  of  my  eyes 
with  some  impatience,  but  now  while  I  hear  of  these 
dish(5norable  motions  and  resolves  of  yours,  destruc- 
tive to  the  glory  of  Rome,  it  is  my  affliction,  that  be- 
ing already  blind,  I  am  not  deaf,  too.  Where  is  now 
that  discourse  of  yours  that  became  famous  in  all  the 
world,  that  if  he,  the  great  Alexander,  had  come  into 
Italy,  and  dared  to  attack  us  when  we  were  young 
men,  and  our  fathers,  who  were  then  in  their  prime, 
he  had  not  now  been  celebrated  as  invincible,  but 
either  flying  hence,  or  falling  here,  had  left  Rome 
more  glorious?  You  demonstrate  now  that  all  that 
was  but  foolish  arrogance  and  vanity  by  fearing 
Molossians  and  Chaonians,  ever  the  Macedonian's 
prey,  and  by  trembling  at  Pyrrhus  who  was  himself 
but  an  humble  servant  to  one  of  Alexander's  life- 
guard, and  comes  here,  not  so  much  to  assist  the 
Greeks  that  inhabit  among  us,  as  to  escape  from  his 
enemies  at  home,  a  wanderer  about  Italy,  and  yet 
dares  to  promise  you  the  conquest  of  it  all  by  that 
army  which  has  not  been  able  to  preserve  for  him 
a  little  part  of  Macedon.  Do  not  persuade  your- 
selves that  making  him  your  friend  is  the  way  to 


PYRRHUS 


27 


send  him  back,  it  is  the  way  rather  to  bring  over  other 
invaders  from  thence,  contemning  you  as  easy  to  be 
reduced,  if  Pyrrhus  goes  off  without  punishment  for 
his  outrages  on  you,  but,  on  the  contrary,  with  the 
reward  of  having  enabled  the  Tarentines  and  Sam- 
nites  to  laugh  at  the  Romans."  When  Appius  had 
done,  eagerness  for  the  war  seized  on  every  man,  and 
Cinease  was  dismissed  with  this  answer,  that  when 
Pyrrhus  had  withdrawn  his  forces  out  of  Italy,  then, 

i  if  he  pleased,  they  would  treat  with  him  about  friend- 
ship and  alliance,  but  while  he  stayed  there  in  arms, 

1  they  were  resolved  to  prosecute  the  war  against  him 
with  all  their  force,  though  he  should  have  defeated 
a  thousand  Laevinuses.  It  is  said  that  Cinease,  while  he 

ii  was  managing  this  affair,  made  it  his  business  care- 
fully to  inspect  the  manners  of  the  Romans,  and  to 
understand  their  methods  of  government,  and  having 
conversed  with  their  noblest  citizens,  he  afterwards 
told  Pyrrhus,  among  other  things,  that  the  senate 
seemed  to  him  an  assembly  of  kings,  and  as  for  the 

i  people,  he  feared  lest  it  might  prove  that  they  were 
fighting  with  a  Lernsean  hydra,  for  the  consul  had 

;  already  raised  twice  as  large  an  army  as  the  former, 
and  there  were  many  times  over  the  same  number  of 
Romans  able  to  bear  arms. 

Then  Caius  Fabricius  came  in  embassy  from  the 
Romans  to  treat  about  the  prisoners  that  were  taken, 
one  whom  Cineas  had  reported  to  be  a  man  of  high- 
est consideration  among  them  as  an  honest  man  and 
a  good  soldier,  but  extremely  poor.  Pyrrhus  received 
him  with  much  kindness,  and  privately  would  have 
persuaded  him  to  accept  of  his  gold,  not  for  any  evil 
purpose,  but  calling  it  a  mark  of  respect  and  hospit- 
able kindness.  Upon  Fabricius's  refusal,  he  pressed 
him  no  further,  but  the  next  day,  having  a  mind  to 
discompose  him,  as  he  had  never  seen  an  elephant  be- 


28  PLUTARCHS  LIVES 


fore,  he  commanded  one  of  the  largest,  completely 
armed,  to  be  placed  behind  the  hangings,  as  they  were 
talking  together.  Which  being  done,  upon  a  sign 
given  the  hanging  was  drawn  aside,  and  the  elephant, 
raising  his  trunk  over  the  head  of  Fabricius,  made 
an  horrid  and  ugly  noise.  He,  gently  turning  about 
and  smiling,  said  to  Pyrrhus,  "neither  your  money 
yesterday  nor  this  beast  to-day  make  any  impression 
upon  me."  At  supper,  amongst  all  sorts  of  things 
that  were  discoursed  of,  but  more  particularly  Greece 
and  the  philosophers  there,  Cineas,  by  accident,  had 
occasion  to  speak  of  Epicurus,  and  explained  the 
opinions  his  followers  hold  about  the  gods  and  the 
commonwealth,  and  the  object  of  life,  placing  the 
chief  happiness  of  man  in  pleasure,  and  declining  pub- 
lic affairs  as  an  injury  and  disturbance  of  a  happy  life, 
removing  the  gods  afar  off  both  from  kindness  or 
anger,  or  any  concern  for  us  at  all,  to  a  life  wholly 
without  business  and  flowing  in  pleasures.  Before  he 
had  done  speaking,  "O  Hercules!"  Fabricius  cried 
out  to  Pyrrhus,  "may  Pyrrhus  and  the  Samnites  en- 
tertain themselves  with  this  sort  of  opinions  as  long 
as  they  are  in  war  with  us."  Pyrrhus,  admiring  the 
wisdom  and  gravity  of  the  man,  was  the  more  trans- 
ported with  desire  of  making  friendship  instead  of 
war  with  the  city,  and  entreated  him,  personally,  after 
the  peace  should  be  concluded,  to  accept  of  living  with 
him  as  the  chief  of  his  ministers  and  generals.  Fa- 
bricius answered  quietly,  "Sir,  this  will  not  be  for 
your  advantage,  for  they  who  now  honor  and  admire 
you,  when  they  have  had  experience  of  me,  will  rather 
choose  to  be  governed  by  me,  than  by  you."  Such 
was  Fabricius.  And  Pyrrhus  received  his  answer 
without  any  resentment  or  tyrannic  passion;  nay, 
among  his  friends  he  highly  commended  the  great 
mind  of  Fabricius,  and  intrusted  the  prisoners  to  him 


PYRRHUS 


29 


alone,  on  condition  that  if  the  senate  should  not  vote 
a  peace,  after  they  had  conversed  with  their  friends 
and  celebrated  the  festival  of  Saturn,  they  should  be 
remanded.  And,  accordingly,  they  were  sent  back 
after  the  holidays;  it  being  decreed  pain  of  death  for 
any  that  stayed  behind. 

After  this,  Fabricius  taking  the  consulate,  a  per- 
son came  with  a  letter  to  the  camp  written  by  the 
king's  principal  physician,  offering  to  take  off  Pyr- 
rhus  by  poison,  and  so  end  the  war  without  further 
hazard  to  the  Romans,  if  he  might  have  a  reward  pro- 
portionable to  his  service.  Fabricius,  hating  the  vil- 
lany  of  the  man,  and  disposing  the  other  consul  to  the 
same  opinion,  sent  despatches  immediately  to  Pyrrhus 
to  caution  him  against  the  treason.  His  letter  was  to 
this  effect:  *'Caius  Fabricius  and  Quintus  ^milius, 
consuls  of  the  Romans,  to  Pyrrhus  the  king,  health. 
You  seem  to  have  made  an  ill  judgment  both  of  your 
friends  and  enemies;  you  will  understand  by  reading 
this  letter  sent  to  us,  that  you  are  at  war  with  honest 
men,  and  trust  villains  and  knaves.  Nor  do  we  dis- 
close this  to  you  out  of  any  favor  to  you,  but  lest  your 
ruin  might  bring  a  reproach  upon  us,  as  if  we  had 
ended  the  war  by  treachery,  as  not  able  to  do  it  by 
force."  When  Pyrrhus  had  read  the  letter,  and  made 
inquiry  into  the  treason,  he  punished  the  physician, 
and  as  an  acknowledgment  to  the  Romans  sent  to 
Rome  the  prisoners  without  ransom,  and  again  em- 
ployed Cineas  to  negotiate  a  peace  for  him.  But 
they,  regarding  it  as  at  once  too  great  a  kindness  from 
an  enemy,  and  too  great  a  reward  of  not  doing  an  ill 
thing  to  accept  their  prisoners  so,  released  in  return 
an  equal  number  of  the  Tarentines  and  Samnites,  but 
would  admit  of  no  debate  of  alliance  or  peace  until  he 
had  removed  his  arms  and  forces  out  of  Italy,  and 
sailed  back  to  Epirus  with  the  same  ships  that  brought 


30  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


him  over.  Afterwards,  his  affairs  demanding  a  sec- 
ond fight,  when  he  had  refreshed  his  men,  he  de- 
camped, and  met  the  Romans  about  the  city  Asculum, 
where,  however,  he  was  much  incommoded  by  a  woody 
country  unfit  for  his  horse,  and  a  swift  river,  so  that 
the  elephants,  for  want  of  sure  treading,  could  not 
get  up  with  the  infantry.  After  many  wounded  and 
many  killed,  night  put  an  end  to  the  engagement. 
Next  day,  designing  to  make  the  fight  on  even 
ground,  and  have  the  elephants  among  the  thickest 
of  the  enemy,  he  caused  a  detachment  to  possess 
themselves  of  those  incommodious  grounds,  and,  mix- 
ing slingers  and  archers  among  the  elephants,  with 
full  strength  and  courage,  he  advanced  in  a  close  and 
well-ordered  body.  The  Romans,  not  having  those 
advantages  of  retreating  and  falling  on  as  they 
pleased,  which  they  had  before,  were  obliged  to  fight 
man  to  man  upon  plain  ground,  and,  being  anxious 
to  drive  back  the  infantry  before  the  elephants  could 
get  up,  they  fought  fiercely  with  their  swords  among 
the  Macedonian  spears,  not  sparing  themselves,  think- 
ing only  to  wound  and  kill,  without  regard  of  what 
they  suffered.  After  a  long  and  obstinate  fight,  the 
first  giving  ground  is  reported  to  have  been  where 
Pyrrhus  himself  engaged  with  extraordinary  cour- 
age; but  they  were  most  carried  away  by  the  over- 
whelming force  of  the  elephants,  not  being  able  to 
make  use  of  their  valor,  but  overthrown  as  it  were 
by  the  irruption  of  a  sea  or  an  earthquake,  before 
which  it  seemed  better  to  give  way  than  to  die  without 
doing  any  thing,  and  not  gain  the  least  advantage  by 
suffering  the  utmost  extremity,  the  retreat  to  their 
camp  not  being  far.  Hieronymus  says,  there  fell  six 
thousand  of  the  Romans,  and  of  Pyrrhus's  men,  the 
king's  own  commentaries  reported  three  thousand  five 
hundred  and  fifty  lost  in  this  action.  Dionysius,  how- 


PYRRHUS 


31 


ever,  neither  gives  any  account  of  two  engagements 
at  Asculum,  nor  allows  the  Romans  to  have  been  cer- 
tainly beaten,  stating  that  once  only,  after  they  had 
fought  till  sunset,  both  armies  were  unwillingly  sepa- 
rated by  the  night,  Pyrrhus  being  wounded  by  a  jave- 
lin in  the  arm,  and  his  baggage  plundered  by  the  Sam- 
nites,  that  in  all  there  died  of  Pyrrhus's  men  and  the 
Romans  above  fifteen  thousand.  The  armies  sepa- 
rated ;  and,  it  is  said,  Pyrrhus  replied  to  one  that  gave 
him  joy  of  his  victory,  that  one  other  such  would  ut- 
terly undo  him.  For  he  had  lost  a  great  part  of  the 
forces  he  brought  with  him,  and  almost  all  his  par- 
ticular friends  and  principal  commanders;  there  were 
no  others  there  to  make  recruits,  and  he  found  the 
confederates  in  Italy  backward.  On  the  other  hand, 
as  from  a  fountain  continually  flowing  out  of  the 
city,  the  Roman  camp  was  quickly  and  plentifully 
filled  up  with  fresh  men,  not  at  all  abating  in  courage 
for  the  losses  they  sustained,  but  even  from  their  very 
anger  gaining  new  force  and  resolution  to  go  on 
with  the  war. 

Among  these  difficulties  he  fell  again  into  new 
hopes  and  projects  distracting  his  purposes.  For  at 
the  same  time  some  persons  arrived  from  Sicily,  of- 
fering into  his  hands  the  cities  of  Agrigentum, 
Syracuse,  and  Leontini,  and  begging  his  assistance 
to  drive  out  the  Carthaginians,  and  rid  the  island  of 
tyrants;  and  others  brought  him  news  out  of  Greece 
that  Ptolemy,  called  Ceraunus,  was  slain  in  a  fight, 
and  his  army  cut  in  pieces  by  the  Gauls,  and  that  now, 
above  all  others,  was  his  time  to  offer  himself  to  the 
Macedonians,  in  great  need  of  a  king.  Complaining 
much  of  fortune  for  bringing  him  so  many  occasions 
of  great  things  all  together  at  a  time,  and  thinking 
that  to  have  both  offered  to  him,  was  to  lose  one  of 


32  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


them,  he  was  doubtful,  balancing  in  his  thoughts. 
But  the  affairs  of  Sicily  seeming  to  hold  out  the 
greater  prospects,  Africa  lying  so  near,  he  turned 
himself  to  them,  and  presently  despatched  away 
Cineas,  as  he  used  to  do,  to  make  terms  beforehand 
with  the  cities.  Then  he  placed  a  garrison  in  Taren- 
tum,  much  to  the  Tarentines'  discontent,  who  required 
him  either  to  perform  what  he  came  for,  and  continue 
with  them  in  a  war  against  the  Romans,  or  leave  the 
city  as  he  found  it.  He  returned  no  pleasing  answer, 
but  commanded  them  to  be  quiet  and  attend  his  time, 
and  so  sailed  away.  Being  arrived  in  Sicily,  what  he 
had  designed  in  his  hopes  was  confirmed  effectually, 
and  the  cities  frankly  surrendered  to  him;  and  wher- 
ever his  arms  and  force  were  necessary,  nothing  at 
first  made  any  considerable  resistance.  For  advanc- 
ing with  thirty  thousand  foot,  and  twenty-five  hun- 
dred horse,  and  two  hundred  ships,  he  totally  routed 
the  Phoenicians,  and  overran  their  whole  province, 
and  Eryx  being  the  strongest  town  they  held,  and 
having  a  great  garrison  in  it,  he  resolved  to  take  it 
by  storm.  The  army  being  in  readiness  to  give  the 
assault,  he  put  on  his  arms,  and  coming  to  the  head 
of  his  men,  made  a  vow  of  plays  and  sacrifices  in  honor 
to  Hercules,  if  he  signalized  himself  in  that  day's  ac- 
tion before  the  Greeks  that  dwelt  in  Sicily,  as  became 
his  great  descent  and  his  fortunes.  The  sign  being 
given  by  sound  of  trumpet,  he  first  scattered  the  bar- 
barians with  his  shot,  and  then  brought  his  ladders  to 
the  wall,  and  was  the  first  that  mounted  upon  it  him- 
self, and,  the  enemy  appearing  in  great  numbers,  he 
beat  them  back;  some  he  threw  down  from  the  walls 
on  each  side,  others  he  laid  dead  in  a  heap  round  about 
him  with  his  sword,  nor  did  he  receive  the  least  wound, 
but  by  his  very  aspect  inspired  terror  in  the  enemy ; 


PYRRHUS 


33 


and  gave  a  clear  demonstration  that  Horner^  was  in 
the  right,  and  pronounced  according  to  the  truth  of 
fact,  that  fortitude  alone,  of  all  the  virtues,  is  wont 
to  display  itself  in  divine  transports  and  frenzies.  The 
city  being  taken,  he  offered  to  Hercules  most  mag- 
nificently, and  exhibited  all  varieties  of  shows  and 
plays. 

A  sort  of  barbarous  people  about  Messena,  called 
Mamertines,  gave  much  trouble  to  the  Greeks,  and 
put  several  of  them  under  contribution.  These  be- 
ing numerous  and  valiant  (from  whence  they  had 
their  name,  equivalent  in  the  Latin  tongue  to  war- 
like^), he  first  intercepted  the  collectors  of  the  con- 
tribution money,  and  cut  them  off,  then  beat  them  in 
open  fight,  and  destroyed  many  of  their  places  of 
strength.  The  Carthaginians  being  now  inclined  to 
composition,  and  offering  him  a  round  sum  of  money, 
and  to  furnish  him  with  shipping,  if  a  peace  were  con- 
cluded, he  told  them  plainly,  aspiring  still  to  greater 

^  Page  30. — Homer  uses  such  words  as  madness  or  frenzy,  for 
example,  of  Hector,  rvlio  rages  beyond  all  further  withstanding, 
and  bold  in  Zeus,  is  possessed  rvith  a  terrible  frenzy.  Fortitude, 
through  the  Latin,  has  become  the  cardinal  name  of  the  virtue, 
which  in  the  Greek  has  not  chiefly  to  do  with  the  endurance  of 
pain,  but  is  exercised  in  the  encounter  of  all  danger,  and  is  more 
properly  bravery,  courage,  or  intrepidity,  etymologically  manli- 
ness. It  is  in  the  Greek  ethics  the  virtue  or  excellence  of  the 
active  part,  as  temperance  is  of  the  passive,  and  wisdom  in  its 
two  divisions,  practical  and  scientific,  of  the  intellectual  part,  of 
the  human  soul.  This  classification  of  the  elements  of  our  nature 
into  the  active  impulses,  the  sensibilities  or  appetites,  and  the 
reason  or  mind,  occurs  everywhere  in  Greek.  It  is  the  basis,  for 
example,  of  the  whole  system  of  Plato's  republic  with  its  triple 
division,  corresponding  to  this,  of  soldiers,  artisans,  and  governors. 

®  Mamers  being  another  and  older  form  for  Mars.  The  Mam- 
ertines were  the  descendants  of  Campanian  or  Oscan  mercenaries, 
speaking  a  language  almost  identical  with  Latin. 


34.  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


things,  there  was  but  one  way  for  a  friendship  and 
right  understanding  between  them,  if  they,  wholly 
abandoning  Sicily,  would  consent  to  make  the  Afri- 
can sea  the  limit  between  them  and  the  Greeks.  And 
being  elevated  with  his  good  fortune,  and  the  strength 
of  his  forces,  and  pursuing  those  hopes  in  prospect  of 
which  he  first  sailed  thither,  his  immediate  aim  was 
at  Africa;  and  as  he  had  abundance  of  shipping,  but 
very  ill  equipped,  he  collected  seamen,  not  by  fair  and 
gentle  dealing  with  the  cities,  but  by  force  in  a 
haughty  and  insolent  way,  and  menacing  them  with 
punishments.  And  as  at  first  he  had  not  acted  thus, 
but  had  been  unusually  indulgent  and  kind,  ready  to 
believe,  and  uneasy  to  none ;  now  of  a  popular  leader 
becoming  a  tyrant  by  these  severe  proceedings,  he  got 
the  name  of  an  ungrateful  and  a  faithless  man.  How- 
ever, they  gave  way  to  these  things  as  necessary,  al- 
though they  took  them  very  ill  from  him;  and  espe- 
cially when  he  began  to  show  suspicion  of  Thoenon 
and  Sosistratus,  men  of  the  first  position  in  Syracuse, 
who  invited  him  over  into  Sicily,  and  when  he  was 
come,  put  the  cities  into  his  power,  and  were  most  in- 
strumental in  all  he  had  done  there  since  his  arrival, 
whom  he  now  would  neither  suffer  to  be  about  his 
person,  nor  leave  at  home;  and  when  Sosistratus  out 
of  fear  withdrew  himself,  and  then  he  charged 
Thoenon,  as  in  a  conspiracy  with  the  other,  and  put 
him  to  death,  with  this  all  his  prospects  changed,  not 
by  little  and  little,  nor  in  a  single  place  only,  but  a 
mortal  hatred  being  raised  in  the  cities  against  him, 
some  fell  off  to  the  Carthaginians,  others  called  in  the 
Mamertines.  And  seeing  revolts  in  all  places,  and 
desires  of  alterations,  and  a  potent  faction  against 
him,  at  the  same  time  he  received  letters  from  the 
Samnites  and  Tarentines,  who  were  beaten  quite  out 
of  the  field,  and  scarce  able  to  secure  their  towns 


PYRRHUS 


35 


against  the  war,  earnestly  begging  his  help.  This 
served  as  a  color  to  make  his  relinquishing  Sicily  no 
flight,  nor  a  despair  of  good  success ;  but  in  truth  not 
being  able  to  manage  Sicily,  which  was  as  a  ship  la- 
boring in  a  storm,  and  willing  to  be  out  of  her,  he  sud- 
denly threw  himself  over  into  Italy.  It  is  reported 
that  at  his  going  off  he  looked  back  upon  the  island, 
and  said  to  those  about  him,  "How  brave  a  field  of 
war  do  we  leave,  my  friends,  for  the  Romans  and 
Carthaginians  to  fight  in,"  which,  as  he  then  conjec- 
tured, fell  out  indeed  not  long  after. 

When  he  was  sailing  off,  the  barbarians  having 
conspired  together,  he  was  forced  to  a  fight  with  the 
Carthaginians  in  the  very  road,  and  lost  many  of  his 
ships;  with  the  rest  he  fled  into  Italy.  There,  about 
one  thousand  Mamertines,  who  had  crossed  the  sea  a 
little  before,  though  afraid  to  engage  him  in  open 
field,  setting  upon  him  where  the  passages  were  diffi- 
cult, put  the  whole  army  in  confusion.  Two  elephants 
fell  and  a  great  part  of  his  rear  was  cut  off.  He, 
therefore,  coming  up  in  person,  repulsed  the  enemy, 
but  ran  into  great  danger  among  men  long  trained 
and  bold  in  war.  His  being  wounded  in  the  head  with 
a  sword,  and  retiring  a  little  out  of  the  fight,  much 
increased  their  confidence,  and  one  of  them  advanc- 
ing a  good  way  before  the  rest,  large  of  body  and  in 
bright  armor,  with  an  haughty  voice  challenged  him 
to  come  forth  if  he  were  alive.  Pyrrhus,  in  great  an- 
ger, broke  away  violently  from  his  guards,  and,  in  his 
fury,  besmeared  with  blood,  terrible  to  look  upon, 
made  his  way  through  his  own  men,  and  struck  the 
barbarian  on  the  head  with  his  sword  such  a  blow,  as 
with  the  strength  of  his  arm,  and  the  excellent  temper 
of  the  weapon,  passed  downward  so  far  that  his  body 
being  cut  asunder  fell  in  two  pieces.  This  stopped 
the  course  of  the  barbarians,  amazed  and  confounded 


36  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


at  Pyrrhus,  as  one  more  than  man ;  so  that  continuing 
his  march  all  the  rest  of  the  way  undisturbed,  he  ar- 
rived at  Tarentum  with  twenty  thousand  foot  and 
three  thousand  horse,  where,  reinforcing  himself  with 
the  choicest  troops  of  the  Tarentines,  he  advanced 
immediately  against  the  Romans,  who  then  lay  en- 
camped in  the  territories  of  the  Samnites,  whose  af- 
fairs were  extremely  shattered,  and  their  counsels 
broken,  having  been  in  many  fights  beaten  by  the 
Romans.  There  was  also  a  discontent  amongst  them 
at  Pyrrhus  for  his  expedition  into  Sicily,  so  that  not 
many  came  in  to  join  him. 

He  divided  his  army  into  two  parts,  and  de- 
spatched the  first  into  Lucania  to  oppose  one  of  the 
consuls  there,  so  that  he  should  not  come  in  to  assist 
the  other;  the  rest  he  led  against  Manius  Curius,  who 
had  posted  himself  very  advantageously  near  Bene- 
ventum,  and  expected  the  other  consul's  forces,  and 
partly  because  the  priests  had  dissuaded  him  by  un- 
favorable omens,  was  resolved  to  remain  inactive. 
Pyrrhus,  hastening  to  attack  these  before  the  other 
could  arrive,  with  his  best  men,  and  the  most  service- 
able elephants,  marched  in  the  night  toward  their 
camp.  But  being  forced  to  go  round  about,  and 
through  a  very  woody  country,  their  lights  failed 
them,  and  the  soldiers  lost  their  way.  A  council  of 
war  being  called,  while  they  were  in  debate,  the  night 
was  spent,  and,  at  the  break  of  day,  his  approach,  as 
he  came  down  the  hills,  was  discovered  by  the  enemy, 
and  put  the  whole  camp  into  disorder  and  tumult. 
But  the  sacrifices  being  auspicious,  and  the  time  ab- 
solutely obliging  them  to  fight,  Manius  drew  his 
troops  out  of  the  trenches,  and  attacked  the  van- 
guard, and,  having  routed  them  all,  put  the  whole 
army  into  consternation,  so  that  many  were  cut  off, 
and  some  of  the  elephants  taken.    This  success  drew 


PYRRHUS 


37 


on  Manius  into  the  level  plain,  and  here,  in  open  bat- 
tle, he  defeated  part  of  the  enemy;  but,  in  other  quar- 
ters, finding  himself  overpowered  by  the  elephants 
and  forced  back  to  his  trenches,  he  commanded  out 
those  who  were  left  to  guard  them,  a  numerous  body, 
standing  thick  at  the  ramparts,  ail  in  arms  and  fresh. 
These  coming  down  from  their  strong  position,  and 
charging  the  elephants,  forced  them  to  retire;  and 
they  in  the  flight  turning  back  upon  their  own  men^ 
caused  great  disorder  and  confusion,  and  gave  into 
the  hands  of  the  Romans  the  victory,  and  the  future 
supremacy.  Having  obtained  from  these  efforts  and 
these  contests  the  feeling,  as  well  as  the  fame  of  in- 
vincible strength,  they  at  once  reduced  Italy  under 
their  power,  and  not  long  after  Sicily  too. 

Thus  fell  Pyrrhus  from  his  Italian  and  Sicilian 
hopes,  after  he  had  consumed  six  years  in  these  wars, 
and  though  unsuccessful  in  his  affairs,  yet  preserved 
his  courage  unconquerable  among  all  these  misfor- 
tunes, and  was  held,  for  military  experience,  and  per- 
sonal valor  and  enterprise  much  the  bravest  of  all  the 
princes  of  his  time,  only  what  he  got  by  great  actions 
he  lost  again  by  vain  hopes,  and  by  new  desires  of 
what  he  had  not,  kept  nothing  of  what  he  had.  So 
that  Antigonus  used  to  compare  him  to  a  player  with 
dice,  who  had  excellent  throws,  but  knew  not  how  to 
use  them.  He  returned  into  Epirus  with  eight  thous- 
and foot  and  five  hundred  horse,  and  for  want  of 
money  to  pay  them,  was  fain  to  look  out  for  a  new 
war  to  maintain  the  army.  Some  of  the  Gauls  join- 
ing him,  he  invaded  Macedonia,  where  Antigonus, 
son  of  Demetrius,  governed,  designing  merely  to 
plunder  and  waste  the  country.  But  after  he  had 
made  himself  master  of  several  towns,  and  two  thous  - 
and  men  came  over  to  him,  he  began  to  hope  for  some- 
thing greater,  and  adventured  upon  Antigonus  him- 


38  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


self,  and  meeting  him  at  a  narrow  passage,  put  the 
whole  army  in  disorder.  The  Gauls,  who  brought  up 
Antigonus's  rear,  were  very  numerous  and  stood  firm, 
but  after  a  sharp  encounter,  the  greatest  part  of  them 
were  cut  off,  and  they  who  had  the  charge  of  the  ele- 
phants being  surrounded  every  way,  delivered  up 
both  themselves  and  the  beasts.  Pyrrhus,  taking  this 
advantage,  and  advising  more  with  his  good  fortune 
than  his  reason,  boldly  set  upon  the  main  body  of  the 
Macedonian  foot,  already  surprised  with  fear,  and 
troubled  at  the  former  loss.  They  declined  any  action 
or  engagement  with  him ;  and  he,  holding  out  his  hand 
and  calling  aloud  both  to  the  superior  and  under  offi- 
cers by  name,  brought  over  the  foot  from  Antigonus, 
who,  flying  away  secretly,  was  only  able  to  retain 
some  of  the  seaport  towns.  Pyrrhus,  among  all  these 
kindnesses  of  fortune,  thinking  what  he  had  effected 
against  the  Gauls  the  most  advantageous  for  his 
glory,  hung  up  their  richest  and  goodliest  spoils  in 
the  temple  of  Minerva  Itonis,  with  this  inscription : — 

Pyrrhus,  descendant  of  Molossian  kings. 

These  shields  to  thee,  Itonian  goddess,  brings. 

Won  from  the  valiant  Gauls  when  in  the  fight 

Antigonus  and  all  his  host  took  flight; 

*T  is  not  to-day  nor  yesterday  alone 

That  for  brave  deeds  the  ^acidae  are  known. 

After  this  victory  in  the  field,  he  proceeded  to  secure 
the  cities,  and  having  possessed  himself  of  Aegas,  be- 
side other  hardships  put  upon  the  people  there,  he  left 
in  the  town  a  garrison  of  Gauls,  some  of  those  in  his 
own  army,  who,  being  insatiably  desirous  of  wealth, 
instantly  dug  up  the  tombs  of  the  kings  that  lay  bur- 
ied there,  and  took  away  the  riches,  and  insolently 
scattered  about  their  bones.  Pyrrhus,  in  appearance, 
made  no  great  matter  of  it,  either  deferring  it  on 
account  of  the  pressure  of  other  business,  or  wholly 


PYRRHUS 


39 


passing  it  by,  out  of  a  fear  of  punishing  those  barba- 
rians; but  this  made  him  very  ill  spoken  of  among 
the  Macedonians,  and  his  affairs  being  yet  unsettled 
and  brought  to  no  firm  consistence,  he  began  to  enter- 
tain new  hopes  and  projects,  and  in  raillery  called 
Antigonus  a  shameless  man,  for  still  wearing  his  pur- 
ple and  not  changing  it  for  an  ordinary  dress;  but 
upon  Cleonymus,  the  Spartan,  arriving  and  inviting 
him  to  Lacedsemon,  he  frankly  embraced  the  over- 
ture. Cleonymus  was  of  royal  descent,  but  seeming 
too  arbitrary  and  absolute,  had  no  great  respect  nor 
credit  at  home;  and  Areus  was  king  there.  This  was 
the  occasion  of  an  old  and  public  grudge  between  him 
and  the  citizens;  but,  beside  that,  Cleonymus,  in  his 
old  age,  had  married  a  young  lady  of  great  beauty 
and  royal  blood,  Chilonis,  daughter  of  Leotychides, 
who,  falling  desperately  in  love  with  Acrotatus, 
Areus's  son,  a  youth  in  the  flower  of  manhood,  ren- 
dered this  match  both  uneasy  and  dishonorable  to 
Cleonymus,  as  there  was  none  of  the  Spartans  who 
did  not  very  well  know  how  much  his  wife  slighted 
him;  so  these  domestic  troubles  added  to  his  public 
discontent.  He  brought  Pyrrhus  to  Sparta  with  an 
army  of  twenty-five  thousand  foot,  two  thousand 
horse,  and  twenty-four  elephants.  So  great  a  prepa- 
ration made  it  evident  to  the  whole  world,  that  he 
came  not  so  much  to  gain  Sparta  for  Cleonymus,  as 
to  take  all  Peloponnesus  for  himself,  although  he  ex- 
pressly denied  this  to  the  Lacedeemonian  ambassa- 
dors that  came  to  him  at  Megalopolis,  affirming  he 
came  to  deliver  the  cities  from  the  slavery  of  An- 
tigonus, and  declaring  he  would  send  his  younger 
sons  to  Sparta,  if  he  might,  to  be  brought  up  in  Spar- 
tan habits,  that  so  they  might  be  better  bred  than  all 
other  kings.  With  these  pretensions  amusing  those 
who  came  to  meet  him  in  his  march,  as  soon  as  ever 


40  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


he  entered  Laconia,  he  began  to  plunder  and  waste 
the  country,  and  on  the  ambassadors  complaining 
that  he  began  the  war  upon  them  before  it  was  pro- 
claimed: "We  know,"  said  he,  "very  well,  that 
neither  do  you  Spartans,  when  you  design  any  thing, 
talk  of  it  beforehand."  One  Mandroclidas,  then 
present,  told  him,  in  the  broad  Spartan  dialect:  "If 
you  are  a  god,  you  will  do  us  no  harm,  we  are  wrong- 
ing no  man;  but  if  you  are  a  man,  there  may  be  an- 
other stronger  than  you." 

He  now  marched  away  directly  for  Lacedsemon, 
and  being  advised  by  Cleonymus  to  give  the  assault 
as  soon  as  he  arrived,  fearing,  as  it  is  said,  lest  the  sol- 
diers, entering  by  night,  should  plunder  the  city,  he 
answered,  they  might  do  it  as  well  next  morning,  be- 
cause there  were  but  few  soldiers  in  town,  and  those 
unprovided  against  his  sudden  approach,  as  Areus 
was  not  there  in  person,  but  gone  to  aid  the  Gorty- 
nians  in  Crete.  And  it  was  this  alone  that  saved  the 
town,  because  he  despised  it  as  not  tenable,  and  so 
imagining  no  defence  would  be  made,  he  sat  down 
before  it  that  night.  Cleonymus's  friends,  and  the 
Helots,  his  domestic  servants,  had  made  great  prepa- 
ration at  his  house,  as  expecting  Pyrrhus  -there  at 
supper.  In  the  night  the  Lacedaemonians  held  a  con- 
sultation to  ship  over  all  the  women  into  Crete,  but 
they  unanimously  refused,  and  Archidamia  came  into 
the  senate  with  a  sword  in  her  hand,  in  the  name  of 
them  all,  asking  if  the  men  expected  the  women  to 
survive  the  ruins  of  Sparta.  It  was  next  resolved  to 
draw  a  trench  in  a  line  directly  over  against  the 
enemy's  camp,  and,  here  and  there  in  it,  to  sink  wag- 
ons in  the  ground,  as  deep  as  the  naves  of  the  wheels, 
that,  so  being  firmly  fixed,  they  might  obstruct  the 
passage  of  the  elephants.  When  they  had  just  be- 
gun the  work,  both  maids  and  women  came  to  them. 


|§  PYRRHUS  41 

the  married  women  with  their  robes  tied  like  girdles 
round  their  under  frocks,  and  the  unmarried  girls  in 
their  single  frocks  only/^  to  assist  the  elder  men  at 
the  work.  As  for  the  youth  that  were  next  day  to 
engage,  they  left  them  to  their  rest,  and  undertaking 
their  proportion,  they  themselves  finished  a  third  part 
of  the  trench,  which  was  in  breadth  six  cubits,  four  in 
depth,  and  eight  hundred  feet  long,^^  as  Phylarchus 
says;  Hieronymus  makes  it  somewhat  less.  The 
enemy  beginning  to  move  by  break  of  day,  they 
brought  their  arms  to  the  young  men,  and  giving  them 
also  in  charge  the  trench,  exhorted  them  to  defend 
and  keep  it  bravely,  as  it  would  be  happy  for  them 
to  conquer  in  the  view  of  their  whole  country,  and 
glorious  to  die  in  the  arms  of  their  mothers  and  wives, 
falling  as  became  Spartans.  As  for  Chilonis,  she  re- 
tired with  a  halter  about  her  neck,  resolving  to  die  so 
rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  Cleonymus,  if  the 
city  were  taken. 

Pyrrhus  himself,  in  person,  advanced  with  his 
foot  to  force  through  the  shields  of  the  Spartans 
ranged  against  him,  and  to  get  over  the  trench,  which 
was  scarce  passable,  because  the  looseness  of  the  fresh 
earth  afforded  no  firm  footing  for  the  soldiers.  Ptol- 
emy, his  son,  with  two  thousand  Gauls,  and  some 
choice  men  of  the  Chaonians,  went  around  the  trench, 
and  endeavored  to  get  over  where  the  wagons  were. 
But  they,  being  so  deep  in  the  ground,  and  placed 
close  together,  not  only  made  his  passage,  but  also  the 
defence  of  the  Lacedaemonians  very  troublesome.  Yet 

The  married  women  wearing  two  pieces  of  dress^  the  unmar- 
ried, one  only;  see  the  description  in  the  life  of  Lycurgus,  vol.  i. 
p.  163. 

Cubits  of  eighteen  inches;  and  Greek  feet,  101  to  100  Eng- 
lish. 


42  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


now  the  Gauls  had  got  the  wheels  out  of  the  ground, 
and  were  drawing  off  the  wagons  toward  the  river, 
when  young  Acrotatus,  seeing  the  danger,  passing 
through  the  town  with  three  hundred  men,  surround- 
ed Ptolemy  undiscerned,  taking  the  advantage  of 
some  slopes  of  the  ground,  until  he  fell  upon  his  rear, 
and  forced  him  to  wheel  about.  And  thrusting  one 
another  into  the  ditch,  and  falling  among  the  wagons, 
at  last  with  much  loss,  not  without  difficulty,  they 
withdrew.  The  elderly  men  and  all  the  women  saw 
this  brave  action  of  Acrotatus,  and  when  he  returned 
back  into  the  town  to  his  first  post,  all  covered  with 
blood,  and  fierce  and  elate  with  victory,  he  seemed  to 
the  Spartan  women  to  have  become  taller  and  more 
beautiful  than  before,  and  they  envied  Chilonis  so 
worthy  a  lover.  And  some  of  the  old  men  followed 
him,  crying  aloud,  "Go  on,  Acrotatus,  be  happy  with 
Chilonis,  and  beget  brave  sons  for  Sparta."  Where 
Pyrrhus  himself  fought  was  the  hottest  of  the  action, 
and  many  of  the  Spartans  did  gallantly,  but  in  par- 
ticular one  Phyllius  signalized  himself,  made  the  best 
resistance,  and  killed  most  assailants;  and  when  he 
found  himself  ready  to  sink  with  the  many  wounds 
he  had  received,  retiring  a  little  out  of  his  place  be- 
hind another,  he  fell  down  among  his  fellow-soldiers, 
that  the  enemy  might  not  carry  off  his  body.  The 
fight  ended  with  the  day,  and  Pyrrhus,  in  his  sleep, 
dreamed  that  he  threw  thunderbolts  upon  Lacedse- 
mon,  and  set  it  all  on  fire,  and  rejoiced  at  the  sight; 
and  waking,  in  this  transport  of  joy,  he  commanded 
his  officers  to  get  all  things  ready  for  a  second  assault, 
and  relating  his  dream  among  his  friends,  supposing 
it  to  mean  that  he  should  take  the  town  by  storm,  the 
rest  assented  to  it  with  admiration,  but  Lysimachus 
was  not  pleased  with  the  dream,  and  told  him  he 
feared,  lest  as  places  struck  with  lightning  are  held 


PYRRHUS 


43 


sacred,  and  not  to  be  trodden  upon,  so  the  gods  might 
by  this  let  him  know  the  city  should  not  be  taken. 
Pyrrhus  replied,  that  all  these  things  were  but  idle 
talk,  full  of  uncertainty,  and  only  fit  to  amuse  the 
vulgar;  their  thought,  with  their  swords  in  their 
hands,  should  always  be 

The  one  good  omen  is  king  Pyrrhus*  cause,^^ 

and  so  got  up,  and  drew  out  his  army  to  the  walls  by 
break  of  day.  The  Lacedaemonians,  in  resolution  and 
courage,  made  a  defence  even  beyond  their  power; 
the  women  were  all  by,  helping  them  to  arms,  and 
bringing  bread  and  drink  to  those  that  desired  it,  and 
taking  care  of  the  wounded.  The  Macedonians  at- 
tempted to  fill  up  the  trench,  bringing  huge  quantities 
of  materials  and  throwing  them  upon  the  arms  and 
dead  bodies,  that  lay  there  and  were  covered  over. 
While  the  Lacedaemonians  opposed  this  with  all  their 
force,  Pyrrhus,  in  person,  appeared  on  their  side  of 
the  trench  and  the  wagons,  pressing  on  horseback 
toward  the  city,  at  which  the  men  who  had  that  post 
calling  out,  and  the  women  shrieking  and  running 
about,  while  Pyrrhus  violently  pushed  on,  and  beat 
down  all  that  disputed  his  way,  his  horse  received  a 
shot  in  the  belly  from  a  Cretan  arrow,  and,  in  his  con- 
vulsions as  he  died,  threw  off  Pyrrhus  on  slippery 
and  steep  ground.   And  all  about  him  being  in  con- 

^2  Parodying,  by  the  change  of  a  word,  the  famous  line  of  the 
Iliad,  xii.  243,  "You  bid  me,"  says  Hector  to  Polydamas,  **be 
guided  by  the  flight  of  birds.  I  heed  them  not,  whether  they  pass 
to  the  right  hand  towards  the  morning  and  the  sun,  or  to  the  left 
hand  to  the  vapor  and  the  darkness.  The  one  only  best  omen  is 
to  be  defending  one's  country. 

"The  one  good  omen  is  one's  country's  cause," 


44  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


fusion  at  this,  the  Spartans  came  boldly  up,  and  mak- 
ing good  use  of  their  missiles,  forced  them  off  again. 
After  this  Pyrrhus,  in  other  quarters  also,  put  an  end 
to  the  combat,  imagining  the  Lacedsemonians  would 
be  inclined  to  yield,  as  almost  all  of  them  were  wound- 
ed, and  very  great  numbers  killed  outright;  but  the 
good  fortune  of  the  city  either  satisfied  with  the  ex- 
periment upon  the  bravery  of  the  citizens,  or  willing 
to  prove  how  much  even  in  the  last  extremities  such 
interposition  may  effect,  brought  when  the  Lacedae- 
monians had  now  but  very  slender  hopes  left,  Aminias, 
the  Phocian,  one  of  Antigonus's  commanders,  from 
Corinth  to  their  assistance,  with  a  force  of  mercen- 
aries ;  and  they  were  no  sooner  received  into  the  town, 
but  Areus,  their  king,  arrived  there  himself,  too,  from 
Crete,  with  two  thousand  men  more.  The  women 
upon  this  went  all  home  to  their  houses,  finding  it  no 
longer  necessary  for  them  to  meddle  with  the  busi- 
ness of  the  war;  and  they  also  were  sent  back,  who, 
though  not  of  military  age,  were  by  necessity  forced 
to  take  arms,  while  the  rest  prepared  to  fight  Pyrrhus. 

He,  upon  the  coming  of  these  additional  forces, 
was  indeed  possessed  with  a  more  eager  desire  and 
ambition  than  before,  to  make  himself  master  of  the 
town;  but  his  designs  not  succeeding,  and  receiving 
fresh  losses  every  day,  he  gave  over  the  siege,  and  fell 
to  plundering  the  country,  determining  to  winter 
thereabout.  But  fate  is  unavoidable,  and  a  great  feud 
happening  at  Argos  between  Aristeas  and  Aristip- 
pus,  two  principal  citizens,  after  Aristippus  had  re- 
solved to  make  use  of  the  friendship  of  Antigonus, 
Aristeas,  to  anticipate  him,  invited  Pyrrhus  thither. 
And  he  always  revolving  hopes  upon  hopes,  and  treat- 
ing all  his  successes  as  occasions  of  more,  and  his  re- 
verses as  defects  to  be  amended  by  new  enterprises, 
allowed  neither  losses  nor  victories  to  limit  him  in  his 


PYRRHUS 


45 


receiving  or  giving  trouble,  ancj  so  presently  went  for 
Argos.  Areus,  by  frequent  ambushes,  and  seizing 
positions  where  the  ways  were  most  unpracticable, 
harassed  the  Gauls  and  Molossians  that  brought  up 
the  rear.  It  had  been  told  Pyrrhus  by  one  of  the 
priests  that  found  the  liver  of  the  sacrificed  beast  im- 
perfect, that  some  of  his  near  relations  would  be  lost; 
in  this  tumult  and  disorder  of  his  rear,  forgetting  the 
prediction,  he  commanded  out  his  son  Ptolemy  with 
some  of  his  guards  to  their  assistance,  while  he  him- 
self led  on  the  main  body  rapidly  out  of  the  pass. 
And  the  fight  being  very  warm  where  Ptolemy  was, 
(for  the  most  select  men  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  com- 
manded by  Evalcus,  were  there  engaged,)  one  Orys- 
sus  of  Aptera  in  Crete,  a  stout  man  and  swift  of  foot, 
running  on  one  side  of  the  young  prince,  as  he  was 
fighting  bravely,  gave  him  a  mortal  wound  and  slew 
him.  On  his  fall  those  about  him  turned  their  backs, 
and  the  Lacedaemonian  horse,  pursuing  and  cutting 
off  many,  got  into  the  open  plain,  and  found  them- 
selves engaged  with  the  enemy  before  they  were 
aware,  without  their  infantry;  Pyrrhus,  who  had  re- 
ceived the  ill  news  of  his  son,  and  was  in  great  afflic- 
tion, drew  out  his  Molossian  horse  against  them,  and 
charging  at  the  head  of  his  men,  satiated  himself  with 
the  blood  and  slaughter  of  the  Lacedemonians,  as  in- 
deed he  always  showed  himself  a  terrible  and  invinci- 
ble hero  in  actual  fight,  but  now  he  exceeded  all  he 
had  ever  done  before  in  courage  and  force.  On  his 
riding  his  horse  up  to  Evalcus,  he,  by  declining  a  lit- 
tle to  one  side,  had  almost  cut  off  Pyrrhus's  hand  in 
which  he  held  the  reins,  but  lighting  on  the  reins,  only 
cut  them;  at  the  same  instant  Pyrrhus,  running  him 
through  with  his  spear,  fell  from  his  horse,  and  there 
on  foot  as  he  was,  proceeded  to  slaughter  all  those 
choice  men  that  fought  about  the  body  of  Evalcus;  a 


46 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


severe  additional  loss  to  Sparta,  incurred  after  the 
war  itself  was  now  at  an  end,  by  the  mere  animosity 
of  the  commanders.  Pyrrhus  having  thus  offered,  as 
it  were,  a  sacrifice  to  the  ghost  of  his  son,  and  fought 
a  glorious  battle  in  honor  of  his  obsequies,  and  having 
vented  much  of  his  pain  in  action  against  the  enemy, 
marched  away  to  Argos.  And  having  intelligence 
that  Antigonus  was  already  in  possession  of  the  high 
grounds,  he  encamped  about  Nauplia,  and  the  next 
day  despatched  a  herald  to  Antigonus,  calling  him  a 
villain,  and  challenging  him  to  descend  into  the  plain 
field  and  fight  with  him  for  the  kingdom.  He  an- 
swered, that  his  conduct  should  be  measured  by  times 
as  well  as  by  arms,  and  that  if  Pyrrhus  had  no  leisure 
to  live,  there  were  ways  enough  open  to  death.  To 
both  the  kings,  also,  came  ambassadors  from  Argos, 
desiring  each  party  to  retreat,  and  to  allow  the  city 
to  remain  in  friendship  with  both,  without  falling  into 
the  hands  of  either.  Antigonus  was  persuaded,  and 
sent  his  son  as  a  hostage  to  the  Argives ;  but  Pyrrhus, 
although  he  consented  to  retire,  yet,  as  he  sent  no 
hostage,  was  suspected.  A  remarkable  portent  hap- 
pened at  this  time  to  Pyrrhus;  the  heads  of  the  sac- 
rificed oxen,  lying  apart  from  the  bodies,  were  seen 
to  thrust  out  their  tongues  and  lick  up  their  own  gore. 
And  in  the  city  of  Argos,  the  priestess  of  Apollo  Ly- 
cius  rushed  out  of  the  temple,  crying  she  saw  the  city 
full  of  carcasses  and  slaughter,  and  an  eagle  coming 
out  to  fight,  and  presently  vanishing  again. 

In  the  dead  of  the  night,  Pyrrhus,  approaching 
the  walls,  and  finding  the  gate  called  Diamperes  set 
open  for  them  by  Aristeas,  was  undiscovered  long 
enough  to  allow  all  his  Gauls  to  enter  and  take  pos- 
session of  the  market-place.  But  the  gate  being  too 
low  to  let  in  the  elephants,  they  were  obliged  to  take 
down  the  towers  which  they  carried  on  their  backs, 


PYRRHUS 


47 


and  put  them  on  again  in  the  dark  and  in  disorder,  so 
that  time  being  lost,  the  city  took  the  alarm,  and  the 
people  ran,  some  to  Aspis  the  chief  citadel,  and  others 
to  other  places  of  defence,  and  sent  away  to  Anti- 
gonus  to  assist  them.  He,  advancing  within  a  short 
distance,  made  an  halt,  but  sent  in  some  of  his  prin- 
cipal commanders,  and  his  son  with  a  considerable 
force.  Areus  came  thither,  too,  with  one  thousand 
Cretans,  and  some  of  the  most  active  men  among  the 
Spartans,  and  all  falling  on  at  once  upon  the  Gauls, 
put  them  in  great  disorder.  Pyrrhus,  entering  in 
with  noise  and  shouting  near  the  Cylarabis,^^  when 
the  Gauls  returned  the  cry,  noticed  that  it  did  not 
express  courage  and  assurance,  but  was  the  voice  of 
men  distressed,  and  that  had  their  hands  full.  He, 
therefore,  pushed  forward  in  haste  the  van  of  his 
horse  that  marched  but  slowly  and  dangerously,  by 
reason  of  the  drains  and  sinks  of  which  the  city  is  full. 
In  this  night  engagement,  there  was  infinite  uncer- 
tainty as  to  what  was  being  done,  or  what  orders  were 
given;  there  was  much  mistaking  and  straggling  in 
the  narrow  streets ;  all  generalship  was  useless  in  that 
darkness  and  noise  and  pressure;  so  both  sides  con- 
tinued without  doing  any  thing,  expecting  daylight. 
At  the  first  dawn,  Pyrrhus,  seeing  the  great  citadel 

This  was  an  exercise  ground,  a  gymnasium,  near  one  of  the 
city  gates;  the  tomb  of  Licymnius,  mentioned  presently,  was  also 
near  it.  "As  you  follow  a  straight  road  towards  the  gymnasium 
of  Cylarabes,  so  called  from  the  son  of  Sthenelus,  stands  the  tomb 
of  Licymnius,  the  son  of  Electryon.  ...  In  the  gymnasium,  there 
is  a  statue  of  Athena  called  Pania,  and  they  show  a  tomb  of 
Sthenelus,  and  one  of  Cylarabes  himself ;  and  not  far  off,  there  is 
a  monument  in  memory  of  the  Argives,  who  sailed  with  the 
Athenians  on  the  expedition  for  subjugating  Syracuse  and  Sicily." 
Pausanias,  ii.  22.  Cylarabes,  son  of  the  Homeric  hero  Sthenelus, 
ruled  in  Argos,  while  Orestes  did  in  Mycenae. 


48  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Aspis  full  of  enemies,  was  disturbed,  and  remarking, 
among  a  variety  of  figures  dedicated  in  the  market- 
place, a  wolf  and  bull  of  brass,  as  it  were  ready  to 
attack  one  another,  he  was  struck  with  alarm,  recol- 
lecting an  oracle  that  formerly  predicted  fate  had 
determined  his  death  when  he  should  see  a  wolf  fight- 
ing with  a  bull.  The  Argives  say,  these  figures  were 
set  up  in  record  of  a  thing  that  long  ago  had  hap- 
pened there.  For  Danaus,  at  his  first  landing  in  the 
country,  near  the  Pyramia  in  Thyreatis,  as  he  was  on 
his  way  towards  Argos,  espied  a  w^olf  fighting  with  a 
bull,  and  conceiving  the  wolf  to  represent  him,  (for 
this  stranger  fell  upon  a  native,  as  he  designed  to 
do,)  stayed  to  see  the  issue  of  the  fight,  and  the  wolf  ^* 
prevailing,  he  offered  vows  to  Apollo  Lycius,  and 
thus  made  his  attempt  upon  the  town,  and  succeeded ; 
Gelanor,  who  was  then  king,  being  displaced  by  a 
faction.  And  this  was  the  cause  of  dedicating  those 
figures. 

Pyrrhus,  quite  out  of  heart  at  this  sight,  and  see- 
ing none  of  his  designs  succeed,  thought  best  to  re- 
treat, but  fearing  the  narrow  passage  at  the  gate,  sent 
to  his  son  Helenus,  who  was  left  without  the  town 
with  a  great  part  of  his  forces,  commanding  him  to 
break  down  part  of  the  wall,  and  assist  the  retreat  if 
the  enemy  pressed  hard  upon  them.  But  what  with 
haste  and  confusion,  the  person  that  was  sent  de- 
livered nothing  clearly;  so  that  quite  mistaking,  the 
young  prince  with  the  best  of  his  men  and  the  remain- 

^*  LuJcos  or  Lycus,  in  Greek,  is  a  wolf,  and  LuJceios,  or  Lycius^ 
a  common  epithet  of  Apollo,  who  as  the  archer-god  was  conceived 
of  as  the  slayer  of  wolves,  and  who  was  also  the  tutelar  deity  of 
Lycia.  The  word  luhe,  however,  is  found  in  Greek  vocabularies, 
corresponding  to  lux,  light,  and  this,  it  is  very  possible,  was  the 
original  significance  of  luheios,  though  in  after  times  more  obvious 
meanings  were  attached  to  it. 


PYRRHUS 


49 


ing  elephants  marched  straight  through  the  gates  into 
the  town  to  assist  his  father.  Pyrrhus  was  now  mak- 
ing good  his  retreat,  and  while  the  market-place  af- 
forded them  ground  enough  both  to  retreat  and  fight, 
frequently  repulsed  the  enemy  that  bore  upon  him. 
But  when  he  was  forced  out  of  that  broad  place  into 
the  narrow  street  leading  to  the  gate,  and  fell  in  with 
those  who  came  the  other  way  to  his  assistance,  some 
did  not  hear  him  call  out  to  them  to  give  back,  and 
those  who  did,  however  eager  to  obey  him,  were 
pushed  forward  by  others  behind,  who  poured  in  at 
the  gate.  Besides,  the  largest  of  his  elephants  fall- 
ing down  on  his  side  in  the  very  gate,  and  lying 
roaring  on  the  ground,  was  in  the  way  of  those  that 
would  have  got  out.  Another  of  the  elephants  al- 
ready in  the  town,  called  Nicon,  striving  to  take  up 
his  rider,  who,  after  many  wounds  received,  was 
fallen  off  his  back,  bore  forward  upon  those  that  were 
retreating,  and,  thrusting  upon  friends  as  well  as 
enemies,  tumbled  them  all  confusedly  upon  one  an- 
other, till  having  found  the  body,  and  taken  it  up 
with  his  trunk,  he  carried  it  on  his  tusks,  and,  return- 
ing in  a  fury,  trod  down  all  before  him.  Being  thus 
pressed  and  crowded  together,  not  a  man  could  do 
any  thing  for  himself,  but  being  wedged,  as  it  were, 
together  into  one  mass,  the  whole  multitude  rolled 
and  swayed  this  way  and  that  all  together,  and  did 
very  little  execution  either  upon  the  enemy  in  their 
rear,  or  on  any  of  them  who  were  intercepted  in  the 
mass,  but  very  much  harm  to  one  another.  For  he 
who  had  either  drawn  his  sword  or  directed  his  lance, 
could  neither  restore  it  again,  nor  put  his  sword  up; 
with  these  weapons  they  wounded  their  own  men, 
as  they  happened  to  come  in  the  way,  and  they  were 
dying  by  mere  contact  with  each  other. 

Pyrrhus,  seeing  this  storm  and  confusion  of 


50  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


things,  took  off  the  crown  he  wore  upon  his  helmet, 
by  which  he  was  distinguished,  and  gave  it  to  one 
nearest  his  person,  and  trusting  to  the  goodness  of 
his  horse,  rode  in  among  the  thickest  of  the  enemy, 
and  being  wounded  with  a  lance  through  his  breast- 
plate, but  not  dangerousl}^  nor  indeed  very  much,  he 
turned  about  upon  the  man  who  struck  him,  who  was 
an  Argive,  not  of  any  illustrious  birth,  but  the  son 
of  a  poor  old  woman ;  she  was  looking  upon  the  fight 
among  other  women  from  the  top  of  a  house,  and 
perceiving  her  son  engaged  with  Pyrrhus,  and  af- 
frighted at  the  danger  he  was  in,  took  up  a  tile  with 
both  hands,  and  threw  it  at  Pyrrhus.  This  falling  on 
his  head  below  the  helmet,  and  bruising  the  vertebrse 
of  the  lower  part  of  the  neck,  stunned  and  blinded 
him;  his  hands  let  go  the  reins,  and  sinking  down 
from  his  horse,  he  fell  just  by  the  tomb  of  Licymnius. 
The  common  soldiers  knew  not  who  it  was;  but  one 
Zopyrus,  who  served  under  Antigonus,  and  two  or 
three  others  running  thither,  and  knowing  it  was  Pyr- 
rhus, dragged  him  to  a  door  way  hard  by,  just  as  he 
was  recovering  a  little  from  the  blow.  But  when 
Zopyrus  drew  out  an  Illyrian  sword,  ready  to  cut  off 
his  head,  Pyrrhus  gave  him  so  fierce  a  look,  that  con- 
founded with  terror,  and  sometimes  his  hands 
trembling,  and  then  again  endeavoring  to  do  it,  full 
of  fear  and  confusion,  he  could  not  strike  him  right, 
but  cutting  over  his  mouth  and  chin,  it  was  a  long 
time  before  he  got  off  the  head.  By  this  time  what 
had  happened  was  known  to  a  great  many,  and 
Alcyoneus  hastening  to  the  place,  desired  to  look 
upon  the  head,  and  see  whether  he  knew  it,  and  taking 
it  in  his  hand  rode  away  to  his  father,  and  threw  it  at 
his  feet,  while  he  was  sitting  with  some  of  his  par- 
ticular favorites.  Antigonus,  looking  upon  it,  and 
knowing  it,  thrust  his  son  from  him,  and  struck  him 


PYRRHUS 


51 


with  his  staff,  calling  him  wicked  and  barbarous,  and 
covering  his  eyes  with  his  robe,  shed  tears,  thinking 
of  his  own  father  and  grandfather,  instances  in  his 
own  family  of  the  changefulness  of  fortune,  and 
caused  the  head  and  body  of  Pyrrhus  to  be  burned 
with  all  due  solemnity.  After  this,  Alcyoneus,  dis- 
covering Helenus  under  a  mean  disguise  in  a  thread- 
bare coat,  used  him  very  respectfully,  and  brought 
him  to  his  father.  When  Antigonus  saw  him,  "This, 
my  son,"  said  he,  "is  better;  and  yet  even  now  you 
have  not  done  wholly  well  in  allowing  these  clothes  to 
remain,  to  the  disgrace  of  those  who  it  seems  now  are 
the  victors."  And  treating  Helenus  with  great  kind- 
ness, and  as  became  a  prince,  he  restored  him  to  his 
kingdom  of  Epirus,  and  gave  the  same  obliging  re- 
ception to  all  Pyrrhus's  principal  commanders,  his 
camp  and  whole  army  having  fallen  into  his  hands. 


CAIUS  MARIUS^ 


Translated  by  Miles  Stapleton,  Fel- 
low OF  All- Souls  College,  Oxford. 

We  are  altogether  ignorant  of  any  third  name  of 
Caius  Marius ;  as  also  of  Quintus  Sertorius,  that  pos- 
sessed himself  of  Spain;  or  of  Lucius  Mummius  that 
destroyed  Corinth,  though  this  last  was  surnamed 
Achaicus  from  his  conquests,  as  Scipio  was  called 
Africanus,  and  Metellus,  Macedonicus.  Hence 
Posidonius  draws  his  chief  argument  to  confute  those 
that  hold  the  third  to  be  the  Roman  proper  name,  as 
Camillus,  Marcellus,  Cato;  as  in  this  case,  those  that 
had  but  two  names  would  have  no  proper  name  at 
all.  He  did  not,  however,  observe  that  by  his  own 
reasoning  he  must  rob  the  women  absolutely  of  their 
names;  for  none  of  them  have  the  first,  which 
Posidonius  imagines  the  proper  name  with  the  Ro- 
mans. Of  the  other  two,  one  was  common  to  the  whole 
family,  Pompeii,  Manlii,  Cornelii,  (as  with  us 
Greeks,  the  Heraclidse,  and  Pelopidee,)  the  other 
titular,  and  personal,  taken  either  from  their  natures, 
or  actions,  or  bodily  characteristics,  as  Macrinus, 
Torquatus,  Sylla;  such  as  are  Mnemon,  Grypus,  or 
Callinicus  among  the  Greeks.    On  the  subject  of 

*  Born,  of  an  obscure  family,  157  B.  C,  elected  consul  for  the 
fifth  time  101  B.  C,  and  up  to  this  time  his  career  was  a  glorious 
one;  the  remainder  of  his  life  is  full  of  horrors,  and  brings  out 
the  worst  features  of  his  character.  He  showed,  in  later  years, 
his  incapacity  for  politics  and  died  as  Plutarch  relates  in  his  71st 
year,  86  B.  C— Dr.  William  Smith. 

(58) 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


58 


names,  however,  the  irregularity  of  custom,  would 
we  insist  upon  it,  might  furnish  us  with  discourse 
enough. 

There  is  a  likeness  of  Marius  in  stone  at  Ravenna, 
in  Gaul,^  which  I  myself  saw,  quite  corresponding  with 
that  roughness  and  harshness  of  character  that  is  as- 
cribed to  him.  Being  naturally  valiant  and  warlike, 
and  more  acquainted  also  with  the  discipline  of  the 
camp  than  of  the  city,  he  could  not  moderate  his  pas- 
sion when  in  authority.  He  is  said  never  to  have 
either  studied  Greek,  or  to  have  made  use  of  that  lan- 
guage in  any  matter  of  consequence;  thinking  it 
ridiculous  to  bestow  time  in  that  learning,  the  teach- 
ers of  which  were  little  better  than  slaves.  So  after 
his  second  trimph,  when  at  the  dedication  of  a  temple 
he  presented  some  shows  after  the  Greek  fashion, 
coming  into  the  theatre,  he  only  sat  down  and  im- 
mediately departed.  And,  accordingly,  as  Plato 
often  used  to  say  to  Xenocrates  the  philosopher,  who 
was  thought  to  show  more  than  ordinary  harshness 
of  disposition,  "I  pray  you,  good  Xenoncrates,  sacri- 
fice to  the  Graces";  so  if  any  could  have  persuaded 
Marius  to  pay  his  devotions  to  the  Greek  Muses  and 
Graces,  he  had  never  brought  his  incomparable  ac- 
tions, both  in  war  and  peace,  to  so  unworthy  a  con- 
clusion, or  wrecked  himself,  so  to  say,  upon  an  old 
age  of  cruelty  and  vindictiveness,  through  passion, 
ill-timed  ambition,  and  insatiable  cupidity.  But  this 
will  further  appear  by  and  by  from  the  facts. 

He  was  born  of  parents  altogether  obscure  and 
indigent,  who  supported  themselves  by  their  daily 
labor;  his  father  of  the  same  name  with  himself,  his 

^  Cisalpine  Gaul. — The  name  of  Italy,  originally  belonging 
only  to  the  southernmost  districts,  was  but  slowly  extended  north- 
wards. 


54  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


mother  called  Fulcinia.  He  had  spent  a  considerable 
part  of  his  life  before  he  saw  and  tasted  the  pleasures 
of  the  city;  having  passed  previously  in  Cirrhseaton/ 
a  village  of  the  territory  of  Arpinum,  a  life,  com- 
pared with  city  delicacies,  rude  and  unrefined,  yet 
temperate,  and  conformable  to  the  ancient  Roman 
severity.  He  first  served  as  a  soldier  in  the  war 
against  the  Celtiberians,  when  Scipio  Africanus  be- 
sieged Numantia  where  he  signalized  himself  to  his 
general  by  courage  far  above  his  comrades,  and,  par- 
ticularly, by  his  cheerfully  complying  with  Scipio's 
reformation  of  his  army,  before  almost  ruined  by 
pleasures  and  luxury.  It  is  stated,  too,  that  he  en- 
countered and  vanquished  an  enemy  in  single  combat, 
in  his  general's  sight.  In  consequence  of  all  this  he 
had  several  honors  conferred  upon  him;  and  once 
when  at  an  entertainment  a  question  arose  about 
commanders,  and  one  of  the  company  (whether 
really  desirous  to  know,  or  only  in  complaisance) 
asked  Scipio  where  the  Romans,  after  him,  should 
obtain  such  another  general,  Scipio,  gently  clapping 
Marius  on  the  shoulder  as  he  sat  next  him,  replied, 
"Here,  perhaps."  So  promising  was  his  early  youth 
of  his  future  greatness,  and  so  discerning  was  Scipio 
to  detect  the  distant  future  in  the  present  first  be- 
ginnings. It  was  this  speech  of  Scipio,  we  are  told, 
which,  like  a  divine,  admonition,  chiefly  emboldened 
Marius  to  aspire  to  a  political  career.  He  sought, 
and  by  the  assistance  of  Csecilius  Metellus,  of  whose 
family  he  as  well  as  his  father  were  dependents,  ob- 

^  Cirrhoeaton  is  simply  a  corruption  for  Cirrhaeatae,  equivalent 
to  Cereatae  or  Cereate,  a  little  town  in  the  district  of  Arpinum, 
which  in  Pliny's  time  was  a  municipality  whose  people,  the  Cerea- 
tini  Mariani,  still  bore  Marius's  name;  of  which,  if  the  site  be 
correctly  identified  with  the  monastery  of  Casa  Mara  or  Casa- 
mari,  some  traces  may  be  thought  to  remain  even  now. 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


55 


tained  the  office  of  tribune  of  the  people.  In  which 
place,  when  he  brought  forward  a  bill  for  the  regula- 
tion of  voting,*  which  seemed  likely  to  lessen  the 
authority  of  the  great  men  in  the  courts  of  justice, 
the  consul  Cotta  opposed  him,  and  persuaded  the 
senate  to  declare  against  the  law,  and  call  Marius  to 
account  for  it.  He,  however,  when  this  decree  was 
prepared,  coming  into  the  senate,  did  not  behave  like 
a  young  man  newly  and  undeservedly  advanced  to 
authority,  but,  assuming  all  the  courage  that  his 
future  actions  would  have  warranted,  threatened 
Cotta,  unless  he  recalled  the  decree,  to  throw  him 
into  prison.  -  And  on  his  turning  to  Metellus,  and 
asking  his  vote,  and  Metellus  rising  up  to  concur  with 
the  consul,  Marius,  calling  for  the  officer  outside, 
commanded  him  to  take  Metellus  into  custodv.  He 
appealed  to  the  other  tribunes,  but  not  one  of  them 
assisted  him ;  so  that  the  senate,  immediately  comply- 
ing, withdrew  the  decree.  Marius  came  forth  with 
glory  to  the  people  and  confirmed  his  law,  and  was 
liencef  orth  esteemed  a  man  of  undaunted  courage  and 
assurance,  as  well  as  a  vigorous  opposer  of  the  senate 
in  favor  of  the  commons.  But  he  immediately  lost 
their  opinion  of  him  by  a  contrary  action;  for  when  a 
law  for  the  distribution  of  corn  was  proposed,  he 
vigorously  and  successfully  resisted  it,  making  him- 
self equally  honored  by  both  parties,  in  gratifying 
neither,  contrary  to  the  public  interest. 

After  his  tribuneship,  he  was  candidate  for  the 
office  of  chief  sedile;  there  being  two  orders  of  them, 

*  The  bill  for  the  regulation  of  voting  had  no  natural  connec- 
tion with  the  courts  of  justice.  A  very  slight  correction  of  a 
single  word  would  change  courts  of  justice  into  elections;  but  it  is 
of  course  always  possible  for  Plutarch  to  make  a  mistake  about 
Roman  matters,  or  a  slip  of  a  word  in  copying  from  his  authori- 
ties. 


56  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


one  the  curules,  from  the  stool  with  crooked  feet  on 
which  they  sat  when  they  performed  their  duty;  the 
other  and  inferior,  called  gediles  of  the  people.  As 
soon  as  they  have  chosen  the  former,  they  give  their 
voices  again  for  the  latter.  Marius,  finding  he  was 
likely  to  be  put  by  for  the  greater,  immediately 
changed  and  stood  for  the  less;  but  because  he  seemed 
too  forward  and  hot,  he  was  disappointed  of  that  also. 
And  yet  though  he  was  in  one  day  twice  frustrated  of 
his  desired  preferment,  (which  never  happened  to  any 
before,)  yet  he  was  not  at  all  discouraged,  but  a 
little  while  after  sought  for  the  prastorship,  and  was 
nearly  suffering  a  repulse,  and  then,  too,  though  he 
was  returned  last  of  all,  was  nevertheless  accused  of 
bribery. 

Cassius  Sabaco's  servant,  who  was  observed 
within  the  rails  among  those  that  voted,  chiefly  oc- 
casioned the  suspicion,  as  Sabaco  was  an  intimate 
friend  of  Marius;  but  on  being  called  to  appear  be- 
fore the  judges,  he  alleged,  that  being  thirsty  by 
reason  of  the  heat,  he  called  for  cold  water,  and  that 
his  servant  brought  him  a  cup,  and  as  soon  as  he  had 
drunk,  departed;  he  was,  however,  excluded  from  the 
senate  by  the  succeeding  censors,  and  not  undeserv- 
edly either,  as  was  thought,  whether  it  might  be  for 
his  false  evidence,  or  his  want  of  temperance.  Caius 
Herennius  was  also  cited  to  appear  as  evidence,  but 
pleaded  that  it  was  not  customary  for  a  patron,  (the 
Roman  word  for  'protector,)  to  witness  against  his 
clients,  and  that  the  law  excused  them  from  that 
harsh  duty;  and  both  Marius  and  his  parents  had 
always  been  clients  to  the  family  of  the  Herennii. 
And  when  the  judges  would  have  accepted  of  this 
plea,  Marius  himself  opposed  it,  and  told  Herennius, 
that  when  he  was  first  created  magistrate  he  ceased 
to  be  his  client;  which  was  not  altogether  true.  For 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


57 


it  IS  not  every  office  that  frees  clients  and  their  pos- 
terity from  the  observance  due  to  their  patrons,  but 
only  those  to  which  the  law  has  assigned  a  curule 
chair.  Notwithstanding,  though  at  the  beginning  of 
the  suit  it  went  somewhat  hard  with  Marius,  and  he 
found  the  judges  no  way  favorable  to  him;  yet,  at 
last,  their  voices  being  equal,  contrary  to  all  expecta- 
tion, he  was  acquitted. 

In  his  prsetorship  he  did  not  get  much  honor,  yet 
after  it  he  obtained  the  further  Spain;  which  province 
he  is  said  to  have  cleared  of  robbers,  with  which  it 
was  much  infested,  the  old  barbarous  habits  still  pre- 
vailing, and  the  Spaniards,  in  those  days,  still  regard- 
ing robbery  as  a  piece  of  valor.  In  the  city  he  had 
neither  riches  nor  eloquence  to  trust  to,  with  which 
the  leading  men  of  the  time  obtained  power  with  the 
people,  but  his  vehement  disposition,  his  indefatig- 
able labors,  and  his  plain  way  of  living,  of  themselves 
gained  him  esteem  and  influence;  so  that  he  made  an 
honorable  match  with  Julia,  of  the  distinguished 
family  of  the  Caesars,  to  whom  that  Caesar  was 
nephew  who  was  afterwards  so  great  among  the 
Romans,  and,  in  some  degree,  from  his  relationship, 
made  Marius  his  example,  as  in  his  life  we  have  ob- 
served. 

Marius  is  praised  for  both  temperance  and  en- 
durance, of  which  latter  he  gave  a  decided  instance 
in  an  operation  of  surgery.  For  having,  as  it  seems, 
both  his  legs  full  of  great  tumors,^  and  disliking  the 

^  For  the  tumors,  or  swellings,  with  which  Marius  was  troubled 
in  his  legs,  Mr.  Long  in  his  translation  has  varicose  veins,  on  the 
authority  of  Cicero,  who  in  his  Tusculan  Disputations  (//.,  15 
and  22)  uses  the  word  varices.  Cicero  adduces  the  story  in  elu- 
cidation of  the  question  as  to  the  nature  of  pain.  Of  the  fortitude 
of  Marius  there  could  be  no  doubt;  others  had  followed  the 
example  after  him;  but  he  had  been  the  first  who  ever  had  sub- 


58  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


deformity,  he  determined  to  put  himself  into  the 
hands  of  an  operator;  when,  without  being  tied,  he 
stretched  out  one  of  his  legs,  and  silently,  without 
changing  countenance,  endured  most  excessive  tor- 
ments in  the  cutting,  never  either  flinching  or  com- 
plaining; but  when  the  surgeon  went  to  the  other,  he 
declined  to  have  it  done,  saying,  "I  see  the  cure  is 
not  worth  the  pain." 

The  consul  Cascilius  Metellus,  being  declared  gen- 
eral in  the  war  against  Jugurtha  in  Africa,  took  with 
him  Marius  for  lieutenant;  where,  eager  himself  to 
do  great  deeds  and  services  that  would  get  him  dis- 
tinction, he  did  not,  like  others,  consult  Metellus's 
glory  and  the  serving  his  interest,  and  attributing  his 
honor  of  lieutenancy  not  to  Metellus,  but  to  fortune, 
which  had  presented  him  with  a  proper  opportunity 
and  theatre  of  great  actions,  he  exerted  his  utmost 
courage.  That  war,  too,  affording  several  difficulties, 
he  neither  declined  the  greatest,  nor  disdained  under- 
taking the  least  of  them ;  but  surpassing  his  equals  in 
counsel  and  conduct,  and  matching  the  very  common 
soldiers  in  labor  and  abstemiousness,  he  gained  great 
popularity  with  them;  as  indeed  any  voluntary  par- 
taking with  people  in  their  labor  is  felt  as  an  easing 
of  that  labor,  as  it  seems  to  take  away  the  constraint 
and  necessity  of  it.  It  is  the  most  obliging  sight  in 
the  world  to  the  Roman  soldier  to  see  a  commander 
eat  the  same  bread  as  himself,  or  lie  upon  an  ordinary 
bed,  or  assist  the  work  in  the  drawing  a  trench  and 
raising  a  bulwark.   For  they  do  not  so  much  admire 

mitted  to  the  operation  without  being  tied  down.  Yet  that  with 
him  pain  was  not  simply  indifferent,  (neither  an  evil  nor  a  good, 
as  the  Stoics  taught,)  appeared  by  his  declining  to  let  the  surgeon 
have  his  other  leg  to  cut. 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


59 


those  that  confer  honors  and  riches  upon  them,  as 
those  that  partake  of  the  same  labor  and  danger  with 
themselves;  but  love  them  better  that  will  vouchsafe 
to  join  in  their  work,  than  those  that  encourage  their 
idleness. 

Marius  thus  employed,  and  thus  winning  the  af- 
fections of  the  soldiers,  before  long  filled  both  Africa 
and  Rome  with  his  fame,  and  some,  too,  wrote  home 
from  the  army  that  the  war  with  Africa  would  never 
be  brought  to  a  conclusion,  unless  they  chose  Caius 
Marius  consul.  All  which  was  evidently  unpleasing 
to  Metellus;  but  what  more  especially  grieved  him 
was  the  calamity  of  Turpillius.  This  Turpillius  had 
from  his  ancestors,  been  a  friend  of  Metellus,  and 
kept  up  constant  hospitality  with  him;  and  was  now 
serving  in  the  war,  in  command  of  the  smiths  and 
carpenters  of  the  army.^  Having  the  charge  of  a 
garrison  in  Vaga,  a  considerable  city,  and  trusting 
too  much  to  the  inhabitants,  because  he  treated  them 
civilly  and  kindly,  he  unawares  fell  into  the  enemy's 
hands.  They  received  Jugurtha  into  the  city;  yet, 
nevertheless,  at  their  request,  Turpillius  was  dis- 
missed safe  and  without  receiving  any  injury;  where- 
upon he  was  accused  of  betraying  it  to  the  enemy. 
Marius,  being  one  of  the  council  of  war,  was  not  only 
violent  against  him  himself,  but  also  incensed  most 
of  the  others,  so  that  Metellus  was  forced,  much 
against  his  will,  to  put  him  to  death.  Not  long  after 
the  accusation  proved  false,  and  when  others  were 
comforting  Metellus,  who  took  heavily  the  loss  of  his 
friend,  Marius,  rather  insulting  and  arrogating  it  to 
himself,  boasted  in  all  companies  that  he  had  involved 

®  The  Fabri,  or  corps  of  engineers,  who  accompanied  a  Roman 
army. 


60  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Metellus  in  the  guilt  of  putting  his  friend  to  death/ 
Henceforward  they  were  at  open  variance;  and 
it  is  reported  that  Metellus  once,  when  Marius  was 
present,  said,  insultingly,  "You,  sir,  design  to  leave 
us  to  go  home  and  stand  for  the  consulship,  and  will 
not  be  content  to  wait  and  be  consul  with  this  boy  of 
mine?"  Metellus's  son  being  a  mere  boy  at  the  time. 
Yet  for  all  this  Marius  being  very  importunate  to  be 
gone,  after  several  delays,  he  was  dismissed  about 
twelve  days  before  the  election  of  consuls;  and  per- 
formed that  long  journey  from  the  camp  to  the  sea- 
port of  Utica,  in  two  days  and  a  night,  and  there 
doing  sacrifice  before  he  went  on  shipboard,  it  is 
said  the  augur  told  him,  that  heaven  promised  him 
some  incredible  good  fortune,  and  such  as  was  be- 
yond all  expectation.  Marius,  not  a  little  elated 
with  this  good  omen,  began  his  voyage,  and  in  four 
days,  with  a  favorable  wind,  passed  the  sea;  he  was 
welcomed  with  great  joy  by  the  people,  and  being 
brought  into  the  assembly  by  one  of  the  tribunes, 
sued  for  the  consulship,  inveighing  in  all  ways  against 
Metellus,  and  promising  either  to  slay  Jugurtha  or 
take  him  alive. 

He  was  elected  triumphantly,  and  at  once  pro- 
ceeded to  levy  soldiers,  contrary  both  to  law  and  cus- 
tom, enlisting  slaves  and  poor  people;  whereas  former 
commanders  never  accepted  of  such,  but  bestowed 
arms,  like  other  favors,  as  a  matter  of  distinction,  on 
persons  who  had  the  proper  qualification,  a  man's 
property  being  thus  a  sort  of  security  for  his  good 
behavior.    These  were  not  the  only  occasions  of  ill- 

More  literally,  "had  brought  upon  him  an  avenging  deity  or 
genius,"  an  alastor;  had  put  him,  as  it  were,  within  the  range  of 
the  punishment  divinely  attaching  to  particular  acts,  however 
committed. 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


61 


will  against  Marius;  some  haughty  speeches,  uttered 
with  great  arrogance  and  contempt,  gave  great  of- 
fence to  the  nobility;  as,  for  example,  his  saying  that 
he  had  carried  off  the  consulship  as  a  spoil  from  the 
effeminacy  of  the  wealthy  and  high-born  citizens,  and 
telling  the  people  that  he  gloried  in  wounds  he  had 
himself  received  for  them,  as  much  as  others  did  in 
the  monuments  of  dead  men  and  images  of  their  an- 
cestors.^ Often  speaking  of  the  commanders  that 
had  been  unfortunate  in  Africa,  naming  Bestia,  for 
example,  and  Albinus,  men  of  very  good  families, 
but  unfit  for  war,  and  who  had  miscarried  through 
want  of  experience,  he  asked  the  people  about  him, 
if  they  did  not  think  that  the  ancestors  of  these  nobles 
had  much  rather  have  left  a  descendant  like  him,  since 
they  themselves  grew  famous  not  by  nobility,  but  by 
their  valor  and  great  actions?  This  he  did  not  say 
merely  out  of  vanity  and  arrogance,  or  that  he  were 
willing,  without  any  advantage,  to  offend  the  nobil- 
ity; but  the  people  always  delighting  in  affronts  and 
scurrilous  contumelies  against  the  senate,  making 
boldness  of  speech  their  measure  of  greatness  of 
spirit,  continually  encouraged  him  in  it,  and  strength- 
ened his  inclination  not  to  spare  persons  of  repute, 
so  he  might  gratify  the  multitude. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  again  in  Africa,  Metellus, 
no  longer  able  to  control  his  feelings  of  jealousy,  and 
his  indignation  that  now  when  he  had  really  finished 
the  war,  and  nothing  was  left  but  to  secure  the  person 
of  Jugurtha,  Marius,  grown  great  merely  through 
his  ingratitude  to  him,  should  come  to  bereave  him 

^  The  images  of  ancestors  are  emphatically  the  imagines,  the 
busts,  in  wax  or  other  material,  of  those  of  their  ancestry  who 
had  borne  office  and  gained  distinction,  which  it  was  the  pride  of 
a  Roman  family  to  accumulate  in  the  hall  (the  atrium^,  and  to 
display  on  great  occasions. 


62  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


both  of  his  victory  and  triumph,  could  not  bear  to 
have  any  interview  with  him;  but  retired  himself, 
whilst  Rutilius,  his  lieutenant,  surrendered  up  the 
army  to  Marius,  whose  conduct,  however,  in  the  end 
of  the  war,  met  with  some  sort  of  retribution,  as  Sylla 
deprived  him  of  the  glory  of  the  action,  as  he  had 
done  Metellus.  I  shall  state  the  circumstances 
briefly  here,  as  they  are  given  at  large  in  the  life  of 
Sylla.  Bocchus  was  king  of  the  more  distant  bar- 
barians, and  was  father-in-law  to  Jugurtha,  yet  sent 
him  little  or  no  assistance  in  his  war,  professing  fears 
of  his  unfaithfulness,  and  really  jealous  of  his  grow- 
ing power;  but  after  jugurtha  fled,  and  in  his  dis- 
tress came  to  him  as  his  last  hope,  he  received  him 
as  a  suppliant,  rather  because  ashamed  to  do  other- 
wise, than  out  of  real  kindness;  and  when  he  had  him 
in  his  power,  he  openly  entreated  Marius  on  his  be- 
half, and  interceded  for  him  with  bold  words,  giving 
out  that  he  would  by  no  means  deliver  him.  Yet  pri- 
vately designing  to  betray  him,  he  sent  for  Lucius 
Sylla,  quasstor  to  Marius,  and  who  had  on  a  previous 
occasion  befriended  Bocchus  in  the  war.  When  Sylla, 
relying  on  his  word,  came  to  him,  the  African  began 
to  doubt  and  repent  of  his  purpose,  and  for  several 
days  was  unresolved  with  himself,  whether  he  should 
deliver  Jugurtha  or  retain  Sylla;  at  length  he  fixed 
upon  his  former  treachery,  and  put  Jugurtha  alive 
into  Sylla's  possession.  Thus  was  the  first  occasion 
given  of  that  fierce  and  implacable  hostility  which  so 
nearly  ruined  the  whole  Roman  empire.  For  many 
that  envied  Marius,  attributed  the  success  wholly  to 
Sylla;  and  Sylla  himself  got  a  seal  made  on  which 
was  engraved  Bocchus  betraying  Jugurtha  to  him, 
and  constantly  used  it,  irritating  the  hot  and  jealous 
temper  of  Marius,  who  was  naturally  greedy  of  dis- 
tinction, and  quick  to  resent  any  claim  to  share  in 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


63 


his  glory,  and  whose  enemies  took  care  to  promote  the 
quarrel,  ascribing  the  beginning  and  chief  business 
of  the  war  to  Metellus,  and  its  conclusion  to  Sylla; 
that  so  the  people  might  give  over  admiring  and  es- 
teeming Marius  as  the  worthiest  person. 

But  these  envying  and  calumnies  were  soon  dis- 
persed and  cleared  away  from  Marius,  by  the  danger 
that  threatened  Italy  from  the  west;  when  the  city, 
in  great  need  of  a  good  commander,  sought  about 
whom  she  might  set  at  the  helm,  to  meet  the  tempest 
of  so  great  a  war,  no  one  would  have  any  thing  to  say 
to  any  members  of  noble  or  potent  families  who  of- 
fered themselves  for  the  consulship,  and  Marius, 
though  then  absent,  was  elected. 

Jugurtha's  apprehension  was  only  just  known, 
when  the  news  of  the  invasion  of  the  Teutones  and 
Cimbri  began.  The  accounts  at  first  exceeded  all 
credit,  as  to  the  number  and  strength  of  the  approach- 
ing army;  but  in  the  end,  report  proved  much  inferior 
to  the  truth,  as  they  were  three  hundred  thousand  ef- 
fective fighting  men,  besides  a  far  greater  number  of 
women  and  children.  They  professed  to  be  seeking 
new  countries  to  sustain  these  great  multitudes,  and 
cities  where  they  might  settle  and  inhabit,  in  the  same 
way  as  they  had  heard  the  Celti  before  them  had 
driven  out  the  Tyrrhenians,  and  possessed  themselves 
of  the  best  part  of  Italy.  Having  had  no  commerce 
with  the  southern  nations,  and  travelling  over  a  wide 
extent  of  country,  no  man  knew  what  people  they 
were,  or  whence  they  came,  that  thus  like  a  cloud 
burst  over  Gaul  and  Italy;  yet  by  their  gray  eyes 
and  the  largeness  of  their  stature,  they  were  conjec- 
tured to  be  some  of  the  German  races  dwelling  by  the 
northern  sea;  besides  that,  the  Germans  call  plunder- 
ers Cimbri. 

There  are  some  that  say,  that  the  country  of  the 


64  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Celti,  in  its  vast  size  and  extent,  reaches  from  the 
furthest  sea  and  the  arctic  regions  to  the  lake  Mseotis 
eastward,  and  to  that  part  of  Scythia  which  is  near 
Pontus,  and  that  there  the  nations  mingle  together; 
that  they  did  not  swarm  out  of  their  country  all  at 
once,  or  on  a  sudden,  but  advancing  by  force  of  arms, 
in  the  summer  season,  every  year,  in  the  course  of 
time  they  crossed  the  whole  continent.  And  thus, 
though  each  party  had  several  appellations,  yet  the 
whole  army  was  called  by  the  common  name  of  Celto- 
Scythians.  Others  say  that  the  Cimmerii,  anciently 
known  to  the  Greeks,  were  only  a  small  part  of  the 
nation,  who  were  driven  out  upon  some  quarrel 
among  the  Scythians,  and  passed  all  along  from  the 
lake  Meeotis  to  Asia,  under  the  conduct  of  one 
Lygdamis;  and  that  the  greater  and  more  warlike 
part  of  them  still  inhabit  the  remotest  regions  lying 
upon  the  outer  ocean.  These,  they  say,  live  in  a  dark 
and  woody  country  hardly  penetrable  by  the  sun- 
beams, the  trees  are  so  close  and  thick,  extending  into 
the  interior  as  far  as  the  Hercynian  forest;  and  their 
position  on  the  earth  is  under  that  part  of  heaven, 
where  the  pole  is  so  elevated,  that  by  the  declination 
of  the  parallels,  the  zenith  of  the  inhabitants  seems 
to  be  but  little  distant  from  it;  and  that  their  days 
and  nights  being  almost  of  an  equal  length,  they  di- 
vide their  year  into  one  of  each.  This  was  Homer's 
occasion  for  the  story  of  Ulysses  calling  up  the  dead,^ 

®  When  Ulysses  bade  Circe  fulfil  her  promise,  and  send  him  on 
his  way,  she  told  him  he  must  first  visit  the  home  of 'the  dead  and 
consult  Tiresias;  crossing  the  ocean,  he  would  come  to  a  shore 
and  to  the  woods  of  Persephone.  Accordingly,  "through  the 
whole  day  the  sails  of  the  ship,  travelling  through  the  seas,  were 
stretched;  and  the  sun  set  and  all  ways  were  darkening,  and  she 
came  to  the  ends  of  the  deep-flowing  ocean;  there  is  the  people 
and  town  of  the  Cimmerians,  hidden  in  mist  and  cloud;  the  shin- 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


65 


and  from  this  region  the  people,  anciently  called 
Cimmerii,  and  afterwards,  by  an  easy  change,  Cimbri, 
came  into  Italy.  All  this,  however,  is  rather  con- 
jecture than  an  authentic  history. 

Their  numbers,  most  writers  agree,  were  not  less, 
but  rather  greater  than  was  reported.  They  were  of 
invincible  strength  and  fierceness  in  their  wars,  and 
hurried  into  battle  with  the  violence  of  a  devouring 
flame;  none  could  withstand  them;  all  they  assaulted 
became  their  prey.  Several  of  the  greatest  Roman 
commanders  with  their  whole  armies,  that  advanced 
for  the  defence  of  Transalpine  Gaul,  were  inglori- 
ously  overthrown,  and,  indeed,  by  their  faint  resist- 
ance, chiefly  gave  them  the  impulse  of  marching 
towards  Rome.  Having  vanquished  all  they  had  met, 
and  found  abundance  of  plunder,  they  resolved  to 
settle  themselves  nowhere  till  they  should  have  razed 
the  city,  and  wasted  all  Italy.  The  Romans,  being 
from  all  parts  alarmed  with  this  news,  sent  for  Marius 
to  undertake  the  war,  and  nominated  him  the  second 
time  consul,  though  the  law  did  not  permit  any  one 
that  was  absent,  or  that  had  not  waited  a  certain  time 
after  his  first  consulship  to  be  again  created.  But  the 
people  rejected  all  opposers;  for  they  considered  this 
was  not  the  first  time  that  the  law  gave  place  to  the 
common  interest ;  nor  the  present  occasion  less  urgent 
than  that  when,  contrary  to  law,  they  made  Scipio 
consul,  not  in  fear  for  the  destruction  of  their  own 
city,  but  desiring  the  ruin  of  that  of  the  Carthagin- 
ians. 

Thus  it  was  decided;  and  Marius,  bringing  over 

ing  sun  never  looks  on  them  with  his  rays,  either  when  he  climbs 
the  starry  heaven,  or  when  he  turns  again  from  heaven  to  the 
earth ;  darkness  is  spread  over  unhappy  mortals.  There  we  brought 
our  ship  to  shore." 


66 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


his  legions  out  of  Africa  on  the  very  first  day  of 
January,  which  the  Romans  count  the  beginning  of 
the  year,  received  the  consulship,  and  then,  also,  en- 
tered in  triumph,  showing  Jugurtha  a  prisoner  to  the 
people,  a  sight  they  had  despaired  of  ever  beholding, 
nor  could  any,  so  long  as  he  lived,  hope  to  reduce  the 
enemy  in  Africa;  so  fertile  in  expedients  was  he  to 
adapt  himself  to  every  turn  of  fortune,  and  so  bold 
as  well  as  subtle.  When,  however,  he  was  led  in  tri- 
umph, it  is  said  that  he  fell  distracted,  and  when  he 
was  afterwards  thrown  into  prison,  where  some  tore 
off  his  clothes  by  force,  and  others,  whilst  they  strug- 
gled for  his  golden  ear-ring,  with  it  pulled  off  the 
tip  of  his  ear,  and  when  he  was,  after  this,  cast  naked 
into  the  dungeon,  in  his  amazement  and  confusion, 
with  a  ghastly  laugh,  he  cried  out,  Hercules!  how 
cold  your  bath  is  I"  Here  for  six  days  struggling 
with  hunger,  and  to  the  very  last  minute  desirous  of 
life,  he  was  overtaken  by  the  just  reward  of  his  vil- 
lanies.  In  this  triumph  was  brought,  as  is  stated,  of 
gold  three  thousand  and  seven  pounds  weight,  ot 
silver  bullion  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-five,  of  money  in  gold  and  silver  coin  two 
hundred  and  eio^htv-seven  thousand  drachmas.  After 
the  solemnity,  3Iarius  called  together  the  senate  in 
the  capitol,  and  entered,  whether  through  inadvert- 
ency or  unbecoming  exultation  with  his  good  fortune, 
in  his  triumphal  habit:  but  presently  observing  the 
senate  offended  at  it,  went  out,  and  returned  in  his 
ordinary  purple-bordered  robe. 

On  the  expedition  he  carefully  disciplined  and 
trained  his  army  vdiilst  on  their  way,  giving  them 
practice  in  long  marches,  and  running  of  every  sort, 
and  compelling  every  man  to  carry  his  o^yn  baggage 
and  prepare  his  own  victuals:  insomuch  that  thence- 
forward laborious  soldiers,  who  did  their  vrork  si- 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


67 


lently  without  grumbling,  had  the  name  of  "Marius's 
mules."  Some,  however,  think  the  proverb  had  a 
different  occasion;  that  when  Scipio  besieged  Nu- 
mantia,  and  was  careful  to  inspect  not  only  their 
horses  and  arms,  but  their  mules  and  carriages  too, 
and  see  how  well  equipped  and  in  what  readiness 
each  one's  was,  Marius  brought  forth  his  horse  which 
he  had  fed  extremely  well,  and  a  mule  in  better  case, 
stronger  and  gentler  than  those  of  others;  that  the 
general  was  very  well  pleased,  and  often  afterwards 
mentioned  Marius's  beasts;  and  that  hence  the  sol- 
diers, when  speaking  jestingly  in  the  praise  of  a 
drudging,  laborious  fellow,  called  him  Marius's  mule. 

But  to  proceed;  very  great  good  fortune  seemed 
to  attend  Marius,  for  by  the  enemy  in  a  manner 
changing  their  course,  and  falling  first  upon  Spain, 
he  had  time  to  exercise  his  soldiers,  and  confirm  their 
courage,  and,  which  was  most  important,  to  show 
them  what  he  himself  was.  For  that  fierce  manner 
of  his  in  command,  and  inexorableness  in  punishing, 
when  his  men  became  used  not  to  do  amiss  or  dis- 
obey, was  felt  to  be  wholesome  and  advantageous,  as 
well  as  just,  and  his  violent  spirit,  stern  voice,  and 
harsh  aspect,  which  in  a  little  while  grew  familiar  to 
them,  they  esteemed  terrible  not  to  themselves,  but 
only  to  their  enemies.  But  his  uprightness  in  judg- 
ing more  specially  pleased  the  soldiers,  one  remark- 
able instance  of  which  is  as  follows.  One  Caius 
Lusius,  his  own  nephew,  had  a  command  under  him 
in  the  army,  a  man  not  in  other  respects  of  bad  char- 
acter, but  shamefully  licentious  with  young  men.  He 
had  one  young  man  under  his  command  called  Tre- 
bonius,  with  whom  notwithstanding  many  solicita- 
tions he  could  never  prevail.  At  length  one  night, 
he  sent  a  messenger  for  him,  and  Trebonius  came,  as 
it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to  refuse  when  he  was  sent 


68  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


for,  and  being  brought  into  his  tent,  when  Lusius 
began  to  use  violence  with  him,  he  drew  his  sword 
and  ran  him  through.  This  was  done  whilst  Marius 
was  absent.  When  he  returned,  he  appointed  Trebo- 
nius  a  time  for  his  trial,  where,  whilst  many  accused 
him,  and  not  any  one  appeared  in  his  defence,  he 
himself  boldly  related  the  whole  matter,  and  brought 
witness  of  his  previous  conduct  to  Lusius,  who  had 
frequently  offered  him  considerable  presents.  Mairus, 
admiring  his  conduct  and  much  pleased,  commanded 
the  garland,  the  usual  Roman  reward  of  valor,  to  be 
brought,  and  himself  crowned  Trebonius  with  it,  as 
having  performed  an  excellent  action,  at  a  time  that 
very  much  wanted  such  good  examples. 

This  being  told  at  Rome,  proved  no  small  help  to 
Marius  towards  his  third  consulship;  to  which  also 
conduced  the  expectation  of  the  barbarians  at  the  ; 
summer  season,  the  people  being  unwilling  to  trust 
their  fortunes  with  any  other  general  but  him.  How- 
ever, their  arrival  was  not  so  early  as  was  imagined, 
and  the  time  of  Marius's  consulship  was  again  ex- 
pired. The  election  coming  on,  and  his  colleague 
being  dead,  he  left  the  command  of  the  army  to 
Manius  Aquilius,  and  hastened  to  Rome,  where,  sev- 
eral eminent  persons  being  candidates  for  the  consul- 
ship, Lucius  Saturninus,  who  more  than  any  of  the 
other  tribunes  swayed  the  populace,  and  of  whom 
Marius  himself  was  very  observant,  exerted  his  elo- 
quence with  the  people,  advising  them  to  choose 
Marius  consul.  He  playing  the  modest  part,  and 
professing  to  decline  the  office,  Saturninus,  called  him 
traitor  to  his  country,  if,  in  such  apparent  danger,  he  || 
would  avoid  command.  And  though  it  was  not  diffi-  I 
cult  to  discover  that  he  was  merely  helping  Marius 
in  putting  this  pretence  upon  the  people,  yet,  con- 
sidering that  the  present  juncture  much  required  his  | 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


69 


skill,  and  his  good  fortune  too,  they  voted  him  the 
fourth  time  consul,  and  made  Catulus  Lutatius  his 
colleague,  a  man  very  much  esteemed  by  the  nobility, 
and  not  unagreeable  to  the  commons. 

Marius,  having  notice  of  the  enemy's  approach, 
with  all  expedition  passed  the  Alps,  and  pitching  his 
camp  by  the  river  Rhone,  took  care  first  for  plentiful 
supplies  of  victuals;  lest  at  any  time  he  should  be 
forced  to  fight  at  a  disadvantage  for  want  of  neces- 
saries. The  carriage  of  provision  for  the  army  from 
the  sea,  which  was  formerly  long  and  expensive,  he 
made  speedy  and  easy.  For  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone, 
by  the  influx  of  the  sea,  being  barred  and  almost  filled 
up  with  sand  and  mud  mixed  with  clay,  the  passage 
there  became  narrow,  difficult,  and  dangerous  for  the 
ships  that  brought  their  provisions.  Hither,  there- 
fore, bringing  his  army,  then  at  leisure,  he  drew  a 
^reat  trench  and  by  turning  the  course  of  a  great 
part  of  the  river,  brought  it  to  a  convenient  point  on 
the  shore  where  the  water  was  deep  enough  to  re- 
ceive ships  of  considerable  burden,  and  where  there 
was  a  calm  and  easy  opening  to  the  sea.  And  this 
still  retains  the  name  it  took  from  him. 

The  enemy  dividing  themselves  into  two  parts, 
the  Cim.bri  arranged  to  go  against  Catulus  higher  up 
through  the  country  of  the  Norici,  and  to  force  that 
passage;  the  Teutones  and  Ambrones  to  march 
against  Marius  by  the  sea-side  through  Liguria.  The 
Cimbri  were  a  considerable  time  in  doing  their  part. 
But  the  Teutones  and  Ambrones  with  all  expedition 

The  great  trench  or  canal  bore  the  name  of  Fossa  Mariana. 
The  phrase  just  below,  to  march  against  Marius  hy  the  seaside 
through  Liguria,  is  an  incorrect  one^  but  the  incorrectness  seems 
to  be  Plutarch's.  Marius  was  on  the  Rhone,  to  oppose  any  march 
into  Liguria.  What  the  Teutones  and  Ambrones  proposed  to  do 
was  to  beat  him,  and  so  enter  Italy  by  Liguria. 


70  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


passing  over  the  interjacent  country,  soon  came  in 
sight,  in  numbers  beyond  belief,  of  a  terrible  aspect, 
and  uttering  strange  cries  and  shouts.  Taking  up  a 
great  part  of  the  plain  with  their  camp,  they  chal- 
lenged Marius  to  battle;  he  seemed  to  take  no  notice 
of  them,  but  kept  his  soldiers  within  their  fortifica- 
tions, and  sharply  reprehended  those  that  were  too 
forward  and  eager  to  show  their  courage,  and  who, 
out  of  passion,  would  needs  be  fighting,  calling  them 
traitors  to  their  country,  and  telling  them  they  were 
not  now  to  think  of  the  glory  of  triumphs  and  tro- 
phies, but  rather  how  they  might  repel  such  an  im- 
petuous tempest  of  war,  and  save  Italy. 

Thus  he  discoursed  privately  with  his  officers  and 
equals,  but  placed  the  soldiers  by  turns  upon  the  bul- 
warks to  survey  the  enemy,  and  so  made  them  fa- 
miliar with  their  shape  and  voice,  which  were  indeed 
altogether  extravagant  and  barbarous,  and  he  caused 
them  to  observe  their  arms,  and  way  of  using  them^ 
so  that  in  a  little  time  what  at  first  appeared  terrible 
to  their  apprehensions,  by  often  viewing  became 
familiar.  For  he  very  rationally  supposed,  that  the 
strangeness  of  things  often  makes  them  seem  formid- 
able when  they  are  not  so ;  and  that  by  our  better  ac- 
quaintance, even  things  which  are  really  terrible,  lose 
much  of  their,  f rightfulness.  This  daily  converse  not 
only  diminished  some  of  the  soldiers'  fear,  but  their 
indignation  warmed  and  inflamed  their  courage, 
when  they  heard  the  threats  and  insupportable  in- 
solence of  their  enemies ;  who  not  onljr  plundered  and 
depopulated  all  the  country  round,  but  would  even 
contemptuously  and  confidently  attack  the  ramparts. 

Complaints  of  the  soldiers  now  began  to  come  to 
Marius's  ears.  "What  effeminacy  does  Marius  see  in 
us,  that  he  should  thus  like  women  lock  us  up  from 
encountering  our  enemies?  Come  on,  let  us  show  our- 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


71 


selves  men,  and  ask  him  if  he  expects  others  to  fight 
for  Italy;  and  means  merely  to  employ  us  in  servile 
offices,  when  he  would  dig  trenches,  cleanse  places  of 
mud  and  dirt,  and  turn  the  course  of  rivers?  It  was 
to  do  such  works  as  these,  it  seems,  that  he  gave  us  all 
our  long  training;  he  will  return  home,  and  boast  of 
these  great  performances  of  his  consulships  to  the 
people.  Does  the  defeat  of  Carbo  and  Ceepio,  who 
were  vanquished  by  the  enemy,  affright  him?  Surely 
they  were  much  inferior  to  Marius  both  in  glory  and 
valor,  and  commanded  a  much  weaker  army;  at 
the  worst,  it  is  better  to  be  in  action,  though  we  suffer 
for  it  like  them,  than  to  sit  idle  spectators  of  the  de- 
struction of  our  allies  and  companions."  Marius,  not 
a  little  pleased  to  hear  this,  gently  appeased  them, 
pretending  that  he  did  not  distrust  their  valor,  but 
that  he  took  his  measures  as  to  the  time  and  place  of 
victory  from  some  certain  oracles. 

And,  in  fact,  he  used  solemnly  to  carry  about  in 
a  litter,  a  Syrian  woman,  called  Martha,  a  supposed 
prophetess,  and  to  do  sacrifice  by  her  directions.  She 
had  formerly  been  driven  away  by  the  senate,  t3 
whom  she  addressed  herself,  offering  to  inform  them 
about  these  affairs,  and  to  foretell  future  events;  and 
after  this  betook  herself  to  the  women,  and  gave  them 
proofs  of  her  skill,  especially  Marius's  wife,  at  whose 
feet  she  sat  when  she  was  viewing  a  contest  of  gladi- 
ators, and  correctly  foretold  which  of  them  should 
overcome.  She  was  for  this  and  the  like  predictings 
sent  by  her  to  Marius  and  the  army,  where  she  was 
very  much  looked  up  to,  and,  for  the  most  part,  car  • 
ried  about  in  a  litter.  When  she  went  to  sacrifice,  she 
wore  a  purple  robe  lined  and  buckled  up,  and  had  in 
her  hand  a  little  spear  trimmed  with  ribbons  and 
garlands.  This  theatrical  show  made  many  question, 
whether  Marius  really  gave  any  credit  to  her  himself. 


72  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


or  only  played  the  counterfeit,  when  he  showed  her 
publicly,  to  impose  upon  the  soldiers. 

What,  however,  Alexander  the  Myndian  relates 
about  the  vultures,  does  really  deserve  admiration; 
that  always  before  Marius's  victories  there  appeared 
two  of  them,  and  accompanied  the  army,  which  were 
known  by  their  brazen  collars,  (the  soldiers  having 
caught  them  and  put  these  about  their  necks,  and  so 
let  them  go,  from  which  time  they  in  a  manner  knew 
and  saluted  the  soldiers,)"  and  whenever  these  ap- 
peared in  their  marches,  they  used  to  rejoice  at  it,  and 
thought  themselves  sure  of  some  success.  Of  the 
many  other  prodigies  that  then  were  taken  notice  of, 
the  greater  part  were  but  of  the  ordinary  stamp;  it 
was,  however,  reported  that  at  Ameria  and  Tuder, 
two  cities  in  Italy,  there  were  seen  at  nights  in  the 
sky,  flaming  darts  and  shields,  now  waved  about,  and 
then  again  clashing  against  one  another,  all  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  postures  and  motions  soldiers  use 
in  fighting;  that  at  length  one  party  retreating,  and 
the  other  pursuing,  they  all  disappeared  westward. 
Much  about  the  same  time  came  Bataces,  one  of 
Cybele's  priests,  from  Pessinus,^^  and  reported  how 
the  goddess  had  declared  to  him  out  of  her  oracle, 
that  the  Romans  should  obtain  the  victory.  The 
senate  giving  credit  to  him,  and  voting  the  goddess 
a  temple  to  be  built  in  hopes  of  the  victory,  Aulus 
Pompeius,  a  tribune,  prevented  Bataces,  when  he 
would  have  gone  and  told  the  people  this  same  story. 

In  the  sixth  line,  the  soldiers  might  be  omitted  and  them 
substituted.  The  text  is  as  the  translation,  but  it  must  be  cor- 
rected. It  was  certainly  the  soldiers  who  recognized  the  birds, 
not  the  birds  who  saluted  the  soldiers. 

"  In  Galatia  of  Asia  Minor,  the  chief  seat  of  the  worship  of 
the  Great  Mother,  the  goddess  Cybele. 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


73 


calling  him  impostor,  and  ignominously  pulling  him 
off  the  hustings ;  which  action  in  the  end  was  the  main 
thing  that  gained  credit  for  the  man's  story,  for  Aulus 
had  scarce  dissolved  the  assembly,  and  returned  home, 
when  a  violent  fever  seized  him,  and  it  was  matter 
of  universal  remark,  and  in  everybody's  mouth,  that 
he  died  within  a  week  after. 

Now  the  Teutones,  whilst  Marius  lay  quiet,  ven- 
tured to  attack  his  camp;  from  whence,  however, 
being  encountered  with  showers  of  darts,  and  losing 
several  of  their  men,  they  determined  to  march  for- 
ward hoping  to  reach  the  other  side  of  the  Alps  with- 
out opposition,  and,  packing  up  their  baggage,  passed 
securely  by  the  Roman  camp,  where  the  greatness  of 
their  number  was  especially  made  evident  by  the  long 
time  they  took  in  their  march,  for  they  were  said  to 
be  six  days  continually  going  on  in  passing  Marius's 
fortifications;  they  marched  pretty  near,  and  revil- 
ingly  asked  the  Romans  if  they  would  send  any  com- 
mands by  them  to  their  wives,  for  they  would  shortly 
be  with  them.  As  soon  as  they  were  passed  and  had 
gone  on  a  little  distance  ahead,  Marius  began  to  move, 
and  follow  them  at  his  leisure,  always  encamping  at 
some  small  distance  from  them;  choosing  also  strong 
positions,  and  carefully  fortifying  them,  that  he 
might  quarter  with  safety.  Thus  they  marched  till 
they  came  to  the  place  called  Sextilius's  Waters,^^ 
from  whence  it  was  but  a  short  way  before  being 
amidst  the  Alps,  and  here  Marius  put  himself  in 
readiness  for  the  encounter. 

He  chose  a  place  for  his  camp  of  considerable 
strength,  but  where  there  was  a  scarcity  of  water; 
designing,  it  is  said,  by  this  means,  also,  to  put  an 

Aquae  Sextiliae,  more  correctly  Aquae  Sextiae,  the  modern  Aix 
of  Provence,  a  little  north  of  Marseilles. 


74  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


edge  on  his  soldiers'  courage;  and  when  several  were 
not  a  little  distressed,  and  complained  of  thirst,  point- 
ing to  a  river  that  ran  near  the  enemy's  camp: 
"There,"  said  he,  "you  may  have  drink,  if  you  will 
buy  it  with  your  blood."  "Why,  then,"  replied  they, 
"do  you  not  lead  us  to  them,  before  our  blood  is  dried 
up  in  us?"  He  answered,  in  a  softer  tone,  "let  us  first 
fortify  our  camp,"  and  the  soldiers,  though  not  with- 
out repining,  proceeded  to  obey.  Now  a  great  com-  ^ 
pany  of  their  boys  and  camp-followers,  having  neither 
drink  for  themselves  nor  for  their  horses,  went  down 
to  that  river;  some  taking  axes  and  hatchets,  and 
some,  too,  swords  and  darts  with  their  pitchers,  re-  | 
solving  to  have  water  though  they  fought  for  it.  j 
These  were  first  encountered  by  a  small  party  of  the  j 
enemies;  for  most  of  them  had  just  finished  bathing, 
and  were  eating  and  drinking,  and  several  were  still 
bathing,  the  country  thereabouts  abounding  in  hot 
springs;  so  that  the  Romans  partly  fell  upon  them 
whilst  they  were  enjoying  themselves,  and  occupied 
with  the  novel  sights  and  pleasantness  of  the  place, 
Upon  hearing  the  shouts,  greater  numbers  still  join- 
ing in  the  fight,  it  was  not  a  little  difficult  for  Marius 
to  contain  his  soldiers,  who  were  afraid  of  losing  the 
camp-servants;  and  the  more  warlike  part  of  the 
enemies,  who  had  overthrown  Manlius  and  Caepio, 
(they  were  called  Ambrones,  and  were  in  number, 
one  with  another,  above  thirty  thousand,)  taking  the 
alarm,  leaped  up  and  hurried  to  arms. 

These,  though  they  had  just  been  gorging  them- 
selves with  food,  and  were  excited  and  disordered 
with  drink,  nevertheless  did  not  advance  with  an  un- 
ruly step,  or  in  mere  senseless  fury,  nor  were  their 
shouts  mere  inarticulate  cries ;  but  clashing  their  arms 
in  concert,  and  keeping  time  as  they  leapt  and 
bounded  onward,  they  continually  repeated  their  owni  • 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


75 


name,  "Ambrones  either  to  encourage  one  another, 
or  to  strike  the  greater  terror  into  their  enemies.  Of 
all  the  Italians  in  Marius's  army,  the  Ligurians  were 
the  first  that  charged;  and  when  they  caught  the 
word  of  the  enemy's  confused  shout,  they,  too,  re- 
turned the  same,  as  it  was  an  ancient  name  also  in 
their  country,  the  Ligurians  always  using  it  when 
spealdng  of  their  descent.  This  acclamation,  bandied 
from  one  army  to  the  other  before  they  joined,  served 
to  rouse  and  heighten  their  fury,  while  the  men  on 
either  side  strove,  with  all  possible  vehemence,  the  one 
to  overshout  the  other. 

The  river  disordered  the  Ambrones;  before  they 
could  draw  up  all  their  army  on  the  other  side  of  it, 
the  Ligurians  presently  fell  upon  the  van,  and  began 
to  charge  them  hand  to  hand.  The  Romans,  too, 
coming  to  their  assistance,  and  from  the  higher 
ground  pouring  upon  the  enemy,  forcibly  repelled 
them,  and  the  most  of  them  (one  thrusting  another 
into  the  river)  were  there  slain,  and  filled  it  with  their 
blood  and  dead  bodies.  Those  that  got  safe  over, 
not  daring  to  make  head,  were  slain  by  the  Romans, 
as  they  fled  to  their  camp  and  wagons;  where  the 
women  meeting  them  with  swords  and  hatchets,  and 
making  a  hideous  outcry,  set  upon  those  that  fled  as 
well  as  those  that  pursued,  the  one  as  traitors,  the 
other  as  enemies;  and,  mixing  themselves  with  the 
combatants,  with  their  bare  arms  pulling  away  the 
Romans'  shields,  and  laying  hold  on  their  swords, 
endured  the  wounds  and  slashing  of  their  bodies  to 
the  very  last,  with  undaunted  resolution.  Thus  the 
battle  seems  to  have  happened  at  that  river  rather 
by  accident  than  by  the  design  of  the  general. 

After  the  Romans  were  retired  from  the  great 
slaughter  of  the  Ambrones,  night  came  on;  but  the 
army  was  not  indulged,  as  was  the  usual  custom, 


76  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  songs  of  victory,  drinking  in  their  tents,  and 
mutual  entertainments,  and  (what  is  most  welcome 
to  soldiers  after  successful  fighting)  quiet  sleep,  but 
they  passed  that  night,  above  all  others,  in  fears  and 
alarm.  For  their  camp  was  without  either  rampart 
or  palisade,  and  there  remained  thousands  upon  thou- 
sands of  their  enemies  yet  unconquered;  to  whom 
were  joined  as  many  of  the  Ambrones  as  escaped. 
There  were  heard  from  these,  all  through  the  night, 
wild  bewailings,  nothing  like  the  sighs  and  groans 
of  men,  but  a  sort  of  wild-beastlike  howling  and  roar- 
ing, joined  with  threats  and  lamentations  rising  from 
the  vast  multitude,  and  echoed  among  the  neighbor- 
ing hills  and  hollow  banks  of  the  river.  The  whole 
plain  was  filled  with  hideous  noise,  insomuch  that  the 
Romans  were  not  a  little  afraid,  and  Marius  himself 
was  apprehensive  of  a  confused  tumultuous  night  en- 
gagement. But  the  enemy  did  not  stir  either  this 
night  or  the  next  day,  but  were  employed  in  dispos- 
ing and  drawing  themselves  up  to  the  greatest  ad- 
vantage. 

Of  this  occasion  Marius  made  good  use;  for  there 
were  beyond  the  enemies  some  wooded  ascents  and 
deep  valleys  thickly  set  with  trees,  whither  he  sent 
Claudius  Marcellus,  secretly,  with  three  thousand 
regular  soldiers,  giving  him  orders  to  post  them  in 
ambush  there,  and  show  themselves  at  the  rear  of  the 
enemies,  when  the  fight  was  begun.  The  others,  re- 
freshed with  victuals  and  sleep,  as  soon  as  it  was 
day  he  drew  up  before  the  camp,  and  commanded  the 
horse  to  sally  out  into  the  plain,  at  the  sight  of  which 
the  Teutones  could  not  contain  themselves  till  the 

^*  The  others  refreshed  rvith  victuals  and  sleep  is  more  cor- 
rectly translated,  the  others  who  got  their  supper  in  good  time 
and  went  to  bed. 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


77 


Romans  should  come  down  and  fight  them  on  equal 
terms,  but  hastily  arming  themselves,  charged  in  their 
fury  up  the  hill-side.  Marius,  sending  officers  to  all 
parts,  commanded  his  men  to  stand  still  and  keep 
their  ground;  when  they  came  within  reach,  to  throw 
their  javelins,  then  use  their  swords,  and,  joining 
their  shields,  force  them  back;  pointing  out  to  them 
them  that  the  steepness  of  the  ground  would  render 
the  enemy's  blows  inefficient,  nor  could  their  shields 
be  kept  close  together,  the  inequality  of  the  ground 
hindering  the  stability  of  their  footing. 

This  counsel  he  gave  them,  and  was  the  first  that 
followed  it;  for  he  was  inferior  to  none  in  the  use 
of  his  body,  and  far  excelled  all  in  resolution.  The 
Romans  accordingly  stood  for  their  approach,  and, 
checking  them  in  their  advance  upwards,  forced  them 
little  by  little  to  give  way  and  yield  down  the  hill,  and 
here,  on  the  level  ground,  no  sooner  had  the  Am- 
brones  begun  to  restore  their  van  into  a  posture  of 
resistance,  but  they  found  their  rear  disordered.  For 
Marcellus  had  not  let  slip  the  opportunity;  but  as 
soon  as  the  shout  was  raised  amon^  the  Romans  on 
the  hills,  he,  setting  his  men  in  motion,  fell  in  upon 
the  enemy  behind,  at  full  speed,  and  with  loud  cries, 
and  routed  those  nearest  him,  and  they,  breaking  the 
ranks  of  those  that  were  before  them,  filled  the  whole 
army  with  confusion.  They  made  no  Ions'  resistance 
after  they  were  thus  broke  in  upon,  but  having  lost  all 
order,  fled. 

The  Romans,  pursuing  them,  slew  and  took  pris- 
oners above  one  hundred  thousand,  and  possessing 
themselves  of  their  spoil,  tents,  and  carriages,  voted 
all  that  was  not  purloined  to  Marius's  share,  which, 
though  so  magnificent  a  present,  yet  was  generally 
thought  less  than  his  conduct  deserved  in  so  great  a 
danger.   Other  authors  give  a  different  account,  both 


78  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


about  the  division  of  the  plunder  and  the  number  of 
the  slain.  They  say,  however,  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Massilia  made  fences  round  their  vineyards  with  the 
bones,  and  that  the  ground,  enriched  by  the  moisture 
of  the  putrefied  bodies,  (which  soaked  in  with  the 
rain  of  the  following  winter,)  yielded  at  the  season  a 
prodigious  crop,  and  fully  justified  Archilochus,  who 
said,  that  the  fallows  thus  are  fattened.  It  is  an  ob- 
servation, also,  that  extraordinary  rains  pretty  gen- 
erally fail  after  great  battles;  whether  it  be  that  some 
divine  power  thus  washes  and  cleanses  the  polluted 
earth  with  showers  from  above,  or  that  moist  and 
heavy  evaporations,  steaming  forth  from  the  blood 
and  corruption,  thicken  the  air,  which  naturally  is 
subject  to  alteration  from  the  smallest  causes. 

After  the  battle,  Marius  chose  out  from  amongst 
the  barbarians'  spoils  and  arms,  those  that  were  whole 
and  handsome,  and  that  would  make  the  greatest 
show  in  his  triumph ;  the  rest  he  heaped  upon  a  large 
pile,  and  offered  a  very  splendid  sacrifice.  Whilst 
the  army  stood  round  about  with  their  arms  and  gar- 
lands, himself  attired  (as  the  fashion  is  on  such  oc- 
casions) in  the  purple-bordered  robe,^^  taking  a 
lighted  torch,  and  with  both  hands  lifting  it  up 
towards  heaven,  he  was  then  going  to  put  it  to  the 
pile,  when  some  friends  were  espied  with  all  haste 
coming  towards  him  on  horseback.  Upon  which  every 
one  remained  in  silence  and  expectation.  They,  upon 

Plutarch's  words^  attired  in  the  purple-bordered  robe  (which 
might  be  more  closely  rendered,  girding  himself,  and  taking  up, 
or  wearing  the  purple-bordered  robe),  are  meant  to  describe  the 
cinctus  Gabinus  or  Gabine  cincture,  used  by  officiating  persons  on 
great  occasions ;  when  the  purple-bordered  or  purple-striped  robe, 
the  proetexta  or  trabea,  was  gathered  up,  and  tied  like  a  girdle 
round  the  body.  As  in  Virgil:  "Ipse  Quirinali  trabea  cinctuque 
Gabino  Insignis  reserat  stridentia  limina  consul." 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


79 


their  coming  up,  leapt  off  and  saluted  Marius,  bring- 
ing him  the  news  of  his  fifth  consulship,  and  delivered 
him  letters  to  that  effect.  This  gave  the  addition  of 
no  small  joy  to  the  solemnity;  and  while  the  soldiers 
clashed  their  arms  and  shouted,  the  officers  again 
crowned  Marius  with  a  laurel-wreath,  and  he  thus  set 
fire  to  the  pile,  and  finished  his  sacrifice. 

But  whatever  it  be,  which  interferes  to  prevent 
the  enjoyment  of  prosperity  ever  being  pure  and 
sincere,  and  still  diversifies  human  affairs  with  the 
mixture  of  good  and  bad,  whether  fortune  or  divine 
displeasure,  or  the  necessity  of  the  nature  of  things, 
within  a  few  days  Marius  received  an  account  of  his 
colleague,  Catulus,  which  as  a  cloud  in  serenity  and 
calm,  terrified  Rome  with  the  apprehension  of  an- 
other imminent  storm.  Catulus,  who  marched  against 
the  Cimbri,  despairing  of  being  able  to  defend  the 
passes  of  the  Alps,  lest,  bein^  compelled  to  divide  his 
forces  into  several  parties,  he  should  weaken  himself, 
descended  again  into  Italy,  and  posted  his  army  be- 
hind the  river  Adige;  where  he  occupied  the  passages 
with  strong  fortifications  on  both  sides  the  river,  and 
made  a  bridge,  that  so  he  might  cross  to  the  assistance 
of  his  men  on  the  other  side,  if  so  be  the  enemy,  hav- 
ing forced  their  way  through  the  mountain  passes, 
should  storm  the  fortresses.  The  barbarians,  however, 
came  on  with  such  insolence  and  contempt  of  their 
enemies,  that  to  show  their  strength  and  courage, 
rather  than  out  of  any  necessity,  they  went  naked  in 
the  showers  of  snow,  and  through  the  ice  and  deep 
snow  climbed  up  to  the  tops  of  the  hills,  and  from 
thence,  placing  their  broad  shields  under  their  bodies, 
let  themselves  slide  from  the  precipices  along  their 
vast  slippery  descents. 

When  they  had  pitched  their  camp  at  a  little  dis- 
tance from  the  river,  and  surveyed  the  passage,  they 
began  to  pile  it  up,  giant-like,  tearing  down  the  neigh- 


80  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


boring  hills ;  and  brought  trees  pulled  up  by  the  roots, 
and  heaps  of  earth  to  the  river,  damming  up  its 
course;  and  with  great  heavy  materials  which  they 
rolled  down  the  stream  and  dashed  against  the  bridge, 
they  forced  away  the  beams  which  supported  it;  in 
consequence  of  which  the  greatest  part  of  the  Roman 
soldiers,  much  affrighted,  left  the  large  camp  and  fled. 
Here  Catulus  showed  himself  a  generous  and  noble 
general,  in  preferring  the  glory  of  his  people  before 
his  own;  for  when  he  could  not  prevail  with  his  sol- 
diers to  stand  to  their  colors,  but  saw  how  they  all  de- 
serted them,  he  commanded  his  own  standard  to  be 
taken  up,  and  running  to  the  foremost  of  those  that 
fled,  he  led  them  forward,  choosing  rather  that  the 
disgrace  should  fall  upon  himself  than  upon  his  coun- 
try, and  that  they  should  not  seem  to  fly,  but,  fol- 
lowing their  captain,  to  make  a  retreat.  The  barbar- 
ians assaulted  and  took  the  fortress  on  the  other  side 
the  Adige;  where  much  admiring  the  few  Romans 
there  left,  who  had  shown  extreme  courage,  and  had 
fought  worthily  of  their  country,  they  dismissed  them 
upon  terms,  swearing  them  upon  their  brazen  bull, 
which  was  afterwards  taken  in  the  battle,  and  carried, 
they  say,  to  Catulus's  house,  as  the  chief  trophy  of 
victory. 

Thus  falling  in  upon  the  country  destitute  of  de- 
fence, they  wasted  it  on  all  sides.  Marius  was  pres- 
ently sent  for  to  the  city;  where,  when  he  arrived, 
every  one  supposing  he  would  triumph,  the  senate, 
too,  unanimously  voting  it,  he  himself  did  not  think  it 
convenient;  whether  that  he  were  not  willing  to  de- 
prive his  soldiers  and  officers  of  their  share  of  the 
glory,  or  that  to  encourage  the  people  in  this  juncture, 
he  would  leave  the  honor  due  to  his  past  victory  on 
trust,  as  it  were,  in  the  hands  of  the  city  and  its  future 
fortune;  deferring  it  now,  to  receive  it  afterwards 
with  the  greater  splendor.  Having  left  such  orders  as 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


81 


the  occasion  required,  he  hastened  to  Catulus,  whose 
drooping  spirits  he  much  raised,  and  sent  for  his  own 
army  from  Gaul :  and  as  soon  as  it  came,  passing  the 
river  Po,  he  endeavored  to  keep  the  barbarians  out 
of  that  part  of  Italy  which  lies  south  of  it. 

They  professed  they  were  in  expectation  of  the 
Teutones,  and,  saying  they  wondered  they  were  so 
long  in  coming,  deferred  the  battle;  either  that  they 
were  really  ignorant  of  their  defeat,  or  were  willing 
to  seem  so.  For  they  certainly  much  maltreated  those 
that  brought  them  such  news,  and,  sending  to  Marius, 
required  some  part  of  the  country  for  themselves  and 
their  brethren,  and  cities  fit  for  them  to  inhabit.  When 
Marius  inquired  of  the  ambassadors  who  their  breth- 
ren were,  upon  their  saying,  the  Teutones,  all  that 
were  present  began  to  laugh;  and  Marius  scoffingly 
answered  them,  "Do  not  trouble  yourselves  for  your 
brethren,  for  we  have  already  provided  lands  for  them, 
which  they  shall  possess  forever."  The  ambassadors, 
understanding  the  mockery,  broke  into  insults,  and 
threatened  that  the  Cimbri  would  make  him  pay  for 
this,  and  the  Teutones,  too,  when  they  came.  "They 
are  not  far  off,"  replied  Marius,  "and  it  will  be  un- 
kindly done  of  you  to  go  away  before  greeting  your 
brethren."  Saying  so,  he  commanded  the  kings  of 
the  Teutones  to  be  brought  out,  as  they  were,  in 
chains;  for  they  were  taken  by  the  Sequani  among 
the  Alps,  before  they  could  make  their  escape.  This 
was  no  sooner  made  known  to  the  Cimbri,  but  they 
with  all  expedition  came  against  Marius,  who  then 
lay  still  and  guarded  his  camp. 

It  is  said,  that  against  this  battle,  Marius  first 
altered  the  construction  of  the  Roman  javelins.  For 
before,  at  the  place  where  the  wood  was  joined  to  the 
iron,  it  was  made  fast  with  two  iron  pins;  but  now 
Marius  let  one  of  them  alone  as  it  was,  and  pulling 


82  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


out  the  other,  put  a  weak  wooden  peg  in  its  place, 
thus  contriving,  that  when  it  was  driven  into  the 
enemy's  shield,  it  should  not  stand  right  out,  but  the 
wooden  peg  breaking,  the  iron  should  bend,  and  so 
the  javelin  should  hold  fast  by  its  crooked  point,  and 
drag.  Bcjeorix,  king  of  the  Cimbri,  came  with  a  small 
party  of  horse  to  the  Roman  camp,  and  challenged 
Marius  to  appoint  the  time  and  place,  where  they 
might  meet  and  fight  for  the  country.  Marius  an- 
swered, that  the  Romans  never  consulted  their  ene- 
mies when  to  fight;  however,  he  would  gratify  the 
Cimbri  so  far;  and  so  they  fixed  upon  the  third  day 
after,  and  for  the  place,  the  plain  near  Vercellas, 
which  was  convenient  enough  for  the  Roman  horse, 
and  afforded  room  for  the  enemy  to  display  their 
numbers. 

They  observed  the  time  appointed,  and  drew  out 
their  forces  against  each  other.  Catulus  commanded 
twenty  thousand  three  hundred,  and  Marius  thirty- 
two  thousand,  who  were  placed  in  the  two  wings, 
leaving  Catulus  the  centre.  Sylla,  who  was  present 
at  the  fight,  gives  this  account;  saying,  also,  that 
Marius  drew  up  his  army  in  this  order,  because  he 
expected  that  the  armies  would  meet  on  the  wings, 
since  it  generally  happens  that  in  such  extensive  fronts 
the  centre  falls  back,  and  thus  he  would  have  the 
whole  victory  to  himself  and  his  soldiers,  and  Catulus 
would  not  be  even  engaged.  They  tell  us,  also,  that 
Catulus  himself  alleged  this  in  vindication  of  his  honor, 
accusing,  in  various  ways,  the  enviousness  of  Marius. 
The  infantry  of  the  Cimbri  marched  quietly  out  of 
their  fortifications,  having  their  flanks  equal  to  their 
front;  every  side  of  the  army  taking  up  thirty  fur- 
longs. Their  horse,  that  were  in  number  fifteen  thou- 
sand, made  a  very  splendid  appearance.  They  wore 
helmets,  made  to  resemble  the  heads  and  jaws  of  wild 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


83 


beasts,  and  other  strange  shapes,  and  heightening  these 
with  plumes  of  feathers,  they  made  themselves  appear 
taller  than  they  were.  They  had  breastplates  of  iron, 
and  white  glittering  shields;  and  for  their  offensive 
arms,  every  one  had  two  darts,  and  when  they  came 
to  hand  to  hand,  they  used  large  and  heavy  swords. 

The  cavalry  did  not  fall  directly  upon  the  front 
of  the  Romans,  but,  turning  to  the  right,  they  en- 
deavored to  draw  them  on  in  that  direction  by  little 
and  little,  so  as  to  get  them  between  themselves  and 
their  infantry,  who  were  placed  in  the  left  wing. 
The  Roman  commanders  soon  perceived  the  design, 
but  could  not  contain  the  soldiers;  for  one  happening 
to  shout  out  that  the  enemy  fled,  they  all  rushed  to 
pursue  them,  while  the  whole  barbarian  foot  came  on, 
moving  like  a  great  ocean.  Here  Marius,  having 
washed  his  hands,  and  lifting  them  up  towards  heaven, 
vowed  an  hecatomb  to  the  gods;  and  Catulus,  too, 
in  the  same  posture,  solemnly  promised  to  consecrate 
a  temple  to  the  "Fortune  of  that  day."  They  say, 
too,  that  Marius,  having  the  victim  showed  to  him 
as  he  was  sacrificing,  cried  out  with  a  loud  voice,  "the 
victory  is  mine." 

However,  in  the  engagement,  according  to  the  ac- 
counts of  Sylla  and  his  friends,  Marius  met  with  what 
might  be  called  a  mark  of  divine  displeasure.  For  a 
great  dust  being  raised,  which  (as  it  might  very  prob- 
ably happen)  almost  covered  both  the  armies,  he, 
leading  on  his  forces  to  the  pursuit,  missed  the  enemy, 
and  having  passed  by  their  array,  moved,  for  a  good 
space,  up  and  down  the  field;  meanwhile  the  enemy, 
by  chance,  engaged  with  Catulus,  and  the  heat  of  the 
battle  was  chiefly  with  him  and  his  men,  among  whom 
Sylla  says  he  was;  adding,  that  the  Romans  had  great 
advantage  of  the  heat  and  sun  that  shone  in  the  faces 
of  the  Cimbri.    For  they,  well  able  to  endure  cold. 


84  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 

and  having  been  bred  up,  (as  we  observed  before,) 
in  cold  and  shady  countries,  were  overcome  with  the 
excessive  heat;  they  svreated  extremely,  and  were 
much  out  of  breath,  being  forced  to  hold  their  shields 
before  their  faces ;  for  the  battle  was  fought  not  long 
after  the  summer  solstice,  or,  as  the  Romans  reckon, 
upon  the  third  day  before  the  new  moon  of  the  month 
now  called  August,  and  then  Sextihs.  The  dust,  too, 
gave  the  Romans  no  small  addition  to  their  courage, 
inasmuch  as  it  liid  the  enemy.  For  afar  off  they 
could  not  discover  their  number;  but  every  one  ad- 
vancing to  encounter  those  that  were  nearest  to  them, 
they  came  to  fight  hand  to  hand,  before  the  sight  of 
so  vast  a  multitude  had  struck  terror  into  them.  They 
were  so  much  used  to  labor,  and  so  well  exercised, 
that  in  all  the  heat  and  toil  of  the  encounter,  not  one 
of  them  was  observed  either  to  sweat,  or  to  be  out  of 
breath;  so  much  so,  that  Catulus  himself,  they  say, 
recorded  it  in  commendation  of  his  soldiers. 

Here  the  greatest  part  and  most  valiant  of  the 
enemies  were  cut  in  pieces;  for  those  that  fought  in 
the  front,  that  they  might  not  break  their  ranks,  were 
fast  tied  to  one  another,  with  long  chains  put  through 
their  belts.  But  as  the}^  pursued  those  that  fled  to 
their  camp,  they  witnessed  a  most  fearful  tragedy; 
the  women,  standing  in  black  clothes  on  their  wagons, 
slew  all  that  fled,  some  their  husbands,  some  their 
brethren,  others  their  fathers;  and  strangling  their 
little  children  with  their  own  hands,  threw  them  under 
the  wheels,  and  the  feet  of  the  cattle,  and  then  killed 
themselves.  They  tell  of  one  who  hung  herself  from 
the  end  of  the  pole  of  a  wagon,  with  her  children  tied 
dangling  at  her  heels.  The  men,  for  want  of  trees, 
tied  themselves,  some  to  the  horns  of  the  oxen,  others 
by  the  neck  to  their  legs,  that  so  pricking  them  on, 
by  the  starting  and  springing  of  the  beasts^  they  might 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


85 


be  torn  and  trodden  to  pieces.  Yet  for  all  they  thus 
massacred  themselves,  above  sixty  thousand  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  those  that  were  slain  were  said  to 
be  twice  as  many. 

The  ordinary  plunder  was  taken  by  Marius's  sol- 
diers, but  the  other  spoils,  as  ensigns,  trumpets,  and 
the  like,  they  say,  were  brought  to  Catulus's  camp; 
which  he  used  for  the  best  argument  that  the  victory 
was  obtained  by  himself  and  his  army.  Some  dis- 
sensions arising,  as  was  natural,  among  the  soldiers, 
the  deputies  from  Parma  being  then  present,  were 
made  judges  of  the  controversy;  whom  Catulus's  men 
carried  about  among  their  slain  enemies,  and  mani- 
festly showed  them  that  they  were  slain  by  their  jave- 
lins, which  were  known  by  the  inscription,  having 
Catulus's  name  cut  in  the  wood.  Nevertheless,  the 
whole  glory  of  the  action  was  ascribed  to  Marius,  on 
account  of  his  former  victory,  and  under  color  of  his 
present  authority;  the  populace  more  especially  styl- 
ing him  the  third  founder  of  their  city,  as  having 
diverted  a  danger  no  less  threatening  than  was  that 
when  the  Gauls  sacked  Rome ;  and  every  one,  in  their 
feasts  and  rejoicings  at  home  with  their  wives  and 
children,  made  offerings  and  libations  in  honor  of 
''The  Gods  and  Marius and  would  have  had  him 
solely  have  the  honor  of  both  the  triumphs.  However, 
he  did  not  do  so,  but  triumphed  together  with  Catulus, 
being  desirous  to  show  his  moderation  even  in  such 
great  circumstances  of  good  fortune;  besides,  he  was 
not  a  little  afraid  of  the  soldiers  in  Catulus's  army, 
lest,  if  he  should  wholly  bereave  their  general  of  the 
honor,  they  should  endeavor  to  hinder  him  of  his  tri- 
umph. 

Marius  was  now  in  his  fifth  consulship,  and  he 
sued  for  his  sixth  in  such  a  manner  as  never  any  man 
before  him  had  done,  even  for  his  first;  he  courted 


86  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  people's  favor  and  ingratiated  himself  with  the 
multitude  by  every  sort  of  complaisance;  not  only 
derogating  from  the  state  and  dignity  of  his  office,  but 
also  belying  his  own  character,  by  attempting  to  seem 
popular  and  obliging,  for  which  nature  had  never 
designed  him.  His  passion  for  distinction  did,  indeed, 
they  say,  make  him  exceedingly  timorous  in  any  pol- 
itical matters,  or  in  confronting  public  assemblies ;  and 
that  undaunted  presence  of  mind  he  always  showed 
in  battle  against  the  enemy,  forsook  him  when  he  was 
to  address  the  people ;  he  was  easily  upset  by  the  most 
ordinary  commendation  or  dispraise.  It  is  told  of 
him,  that  having  at  one  time  given  the  freedom  of  the 
city  to  one  thousand  men  of  Camerinum  who  had  be- 
haved valiantly  in  this  war,  and  this  seeming  to  be 
illegally  done,  upon  some  one  or  other  calling  him  to 
an  account  for  it,  he  answered,  that  the  law  spoke 
too  softly  to  be  heard  in  such  a  noise  of  war;  yet  he 
himself  appeared  to  be  more  disconcerted  and  over- 
come by  the  clamor  made  in  the  assemblies.  The  need 
they  had  of  him  in  time  of  war  procured  him  power 
and  dignity;  but  in  civil  affairs,  when  he  despaired 
of  getting  the  first  place,  he  was  forced  to  betake  him- 
self to  the  favor  of  the  people,  never  caring  to  be  a 
good  man,  so  that  he  were  but  a  great  one. 

He  thus  became  very  odious  to  all  the  nobility; 
and,  above  all,  he  feared  Metellus,  who  had  been  so 
ungratefully  used  by  him,  and  whose  true  virtue  made 
him  naturally  an  enemy  to  those  that  sought  influence 
with  the  people,  not  by  the  honorable  course,  but  by 
subservience  and  complaisance.  Marius,  therefore, 
endeavored  to  banish  him  from  the  city,  and  for  this 
purpose  he  contracted  a  close  alliance  with  Glaucia 
and  Saturninus,  a  couple  of  daring  fellows,  who  had 
the  great  mass  of  the  indigent  and  seditious  multitude 
at  their  control;  and  by  their  assistance  he  enacted 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


87 


various  laws,  and  bringing  the  soldiers,  also,  to  attend 
the  assembly,  he  was  enabled  to  overpower  Metellus. 
And  as  Rutilius  relates,  (in  all  other  respects  a  fair 
and  faithful  authority,  but,  indeed,  privately  an  ene- 
my to  Marius,)  he  obtained  his  sixth  consulship  by 
distributing  vast  sums  of  money  among  the  tribes,  and 
by  this  bribery  kept  out  Metellus,  and  had  Valerius 
Flaccus  given  him  as  his  instrument,  rather  than  his 
colleague,  in  the  consulship.  The  people  had  never 
before  bestowed  so  many  consulships  on  any  one  man, 
except  on  Valerius  Corvinus  only,  and  he,  too,  they 
say,  was  forty-five  j^ears  between  his  first  and  last; 
but  Marius,  from  his  first  ran  through  five  more, 
with  one  current  of  good  fortune. 

In  the  last,  especially,  he  contracted  a  great  deal 
of  hatred,  by  committing  several  gross  misdemean- 
ors in  compliance  with  the  desires  of  Saturninus; 
among  which  was  the  murder  of  Nonius,  whom 
Saturinus  slew,  because  he  stood  in  competition  with 
him  for  the  tribuneship.  And  when,  afterwards, 
Saturninus,  on  becoming  tribune,  brought  forward 
his  law  for  the  division  of  lands,  with  a  clause  enact- 
ing that  the  senate  should  publicly  swear  to  confirm 
whatever  the  people  should  vote,  and  not  to  oppose 
them  in  any  thing,  Marius,  in  the  senate,  cunningly 
feigned  to  be  against  this  provision,  and  said  that  he 
would  not  take  any  such  oath,  nor  would  any  man, 
he  thought,  who  was  wise;  for  it  there  were  no  ill 
design  in  the  law,  still  it  would  be  an  affront  to  the 
senate,  to  be  compelled  to  give  their  approbation, 
and  not  to  do  it  willingly  and  upon  persuasion.  This 
he  said,  not  that  it  was  agreeable  to  his  own  senti- 
ments, but  that  he  might  entrap  Metellus  beyond 
any  possibility  of  escape.  For  Marius,  in  whose  ideas 
virtue  and  capacity  consisted  largely  in  deceit,  made 
very  little  account  of  what  he  had  openly  professed 


88 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


to  the  senate ;  and  knowing  that  Metellus  was  one  of 
a  fixed  resolution,  and,  as  Pindar  has  it,  esteemed 
"Truth  the  first  principle  of  heroic  virtue,"^^  he 
hoped  to  ensnare  him  into  a  declaration  before  the 
senate,  and  on  his  refusing,  as  he  was  sure  to  do, 
afterwards  to  take  the  oath,  he  expected  to  bring 
him  into  such  odium  with  the  people,  as  should  never 
be  wiped  off.  The  design  succeeded  to  his  wish.  As 
soon  as  Metellus  had  declared  that  he  would  not 
swear  to  it,  the  senate  adjourned.  A  few  days  after, 
on  Saturninus  citing  the  senators  to  make  their  ap- 
pearance, and  take  the  oath  before  the  people,  Ma- 
rius  stepped  forth,  amidst  a  profound  silence,  every- 
one being  intent  to  hear  him,  and  bidding  farewell 
to  those  fine  speeches  he  had  before  made  in  the  sen- 
ate, said,  that  his  back  was  not  so  broad  that  he 
should  think  himself  bound,  once  for  all,  by  any 
opinion  once  given  on  so  important  a  matter;  he 
would  willingly  swear  and  submit  to  the  law,  if  so 
be  it  were  one,  a  proviso  which  he  added  as  a  mere 
cover  for  his  effrontery.  The  people,  in  great  joy 
at  his  taking  the  oath,  loudly  clapped  and  applauded 
him,  while  the  nobility  stood  by  ashamed  and  vexed 
at  his  inconstancy;  but  they  submitted  out  of  fear 
of  the  people,  and  all  in  order  took  the  oath,  till  it 
came  to  Metellus's  turn.  But  he,  though  his  friends 
begged  and  entreated  him  to  take  it,  and  not  to 
plunge  himself  irrecoverably  into  the  penalties  which 
Saturninus  had  provided  for  those  that  should  refuse 

^®  The  passage  in  which  Pindar  calls  Truth  the  first  'principle 
of  heroic  virtue  is  a  fragment  of  a  lost  and  unknown  composition, 
foimd,  however,  at  a  little  greater  length  elsewhere.  "First  begin- 
ning of  great  virtue,  queen  Truth,  shipwreck  not  my  faith  on  any 
rock  of  falsehood;  i.  e.  let  not  my  promise  ever  come  to  be  broken 
by  me;  keep  me  ever  faithful  to  my  engagements.  (BoecJeh^ 
Fragm.  Incerta,  118.) 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


89: 


it,  would  not  flinch  from  his  resolution,  nor  swear; 
but,  according  to  his  fixed  custom,  being  ready  to 
suffer  any  thing  rather  than  do  a  base,  unworthy  ac- 
tion, he  left  the  forum,  telling  those  that  were  with 
him,  that  to  do  a  wrong  thing  is  base,  and  to  do  well 
where  there  is  no  danger,  common;  the  good  man's 
characteristic  is  to  do  so,  where  there  is  danger. 

Hereupon  Saturninus  put  it  to  the  vote,  that  the 
consuls  should  place  Metellus  under  their  interdict, 
and  forbid  him  fire,  water,  and  lodging.  There  were 
enough,  too,  of  the  basest  of  people  ready  to  kill  him. 
Nevertheless,  when  many  of  the  better  sort  were  ex- 
tremely concerned,  and  gathered  about  Metellus,  he 
would  not  suffer  them  to  raise  a  sedition  upon  his 
account,  but  with  this  calm  reflection  left  the  city, 
"Either  when  the  posture  of  affairs  is  mended  and 
the  people  repent,  I  shall  be  recalled,  or  if  things 
remain  in  their  present  condition,  it  will  be  best  to  be 
absent."  But  what  great  favor  and  honor  Metellus 
received  in  his  banishment,  and  in  what  manner  he 
spent  his  time  at  Rhodes,  in  philosophy,  will  be  more 
fitly  our  subject,  when  we  write  his  life. 

Marius,  in  return  for  this  piece  of  service,  was 
forced  to  connive  at  Saturninus,  now  proceeding  to 
the  very  height  of  insolence  and  violence,  and  was, 
without  knowing  it,  the  instrument  of  mischief  be- 
yond endurance,  the  only  course  of  which  was  through 
outrages  and  massacres  to  tyranny  and  the  subver- 
sion of  the  government.  Standing  in  some  awe  of 
the  nobility,  and,  at  the  same  time,  eager  to  court 
the  commonalty,  he  was  guilty  of  a  most  mean  and 
dishonest  action.  When  some  of  the  great  men  came 
to  him  at  night  to  stir  him  up  against  Saturninus, 
at  the  other  door,  unknown  to  them,  he  let  him  in; 
then  making  the  same  pretence  of  some  disorder  of 
body  to  both,  he  ran  from  one  party  to  the  other,  and 


90  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


staying  at  one  time  with  them  and  another  with  him, 
he  instigated  and  exasperated  them  one  against  an- 
other. At  length  when  the  senate  and  equestrian 
order  concerted  measures  together,  and  openly  mani- 
fested their  resentment,  he  did  bring  his  soldiers  into 
the  forum,  and  driving  the  insurgents  into  the  capi- 
tol,  and  then  cutting  off  the  conduits,  forced  them  to 
surrender  by  want  of  water.  They,  in  this  distress, 
addressing  themselves  to  him,  surrendered,  as  it  is 
termed,  on  the  puhlic  faith.  He  did  his  utmost  to 
save  their  lives,  but  so  wholly  in  vain,  that  when  they 
came  down  into  the  forum,  they  vrere  all  basely 
murdered.  Thus  he  had  made  himself  equally  odious 
both  to  the  nobility  and  commons,  and  when  the  time 
was  come  to  create  censors,  though  he  was  the  most 
obvious  man,  yet  he  did  not  petition  for  it;  but  fear- 
ing the  disgrace  of  being  repulsed,  permitted  others, 
his  inferiors,  to  be  elected,  though  he  pleased  himself 
by  giving  out,  that  he  vras  not  vrilling  to  disoblige 
too  many  by  undertaking  a  severe  inspection  into 
their  lives  and  conduct. 

There  was  now  an  edict  preferred  to  recall  Me- 
tellus  from  banishment;  thus  he  vigorously,  but  in 
vain,  opposed,  both  by  word  and  deed,  and  was  at 
length  obliged  to  desist.  The  people  unanimously 
voted  for  it;  and  he,  not  able  io  endure  the  sight  of 
Metellus's  return,  made  a  voyage  to  Cappadocia  and 
Galatia ;  giving  out  that  he  had  to  perform  the  sacri- 
fices, which  he  had  vowed  to  Cybele;  but  actuated 
really  by  other  less  apparent  reasons.  For,  in  fact,  be- 
ing a  man  altogether  ignorant  of  civil  life  and  ordi- 
nary politics,  he  received  all  his  advancement  from 
war ;  and  supposing  his  power  and  glory  would  by  lit- 
tle and  little  decrease  by  his  lying  quietly  out  of  ac- 
tion, he  was  eager  by  every  means  to  excite  some  new 
commotions,  and  hoped  that  by  setting  at  variance 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


91 


some  of  the  kings,  and  by  exasperating  Mithridates, 
•especially,  who  was  then  apparently  making  prepara- 
tions for  war,  he  himself  should  be  chosen  general 
against  him,  and  so  furnish  the  city  with  new  matter 
of  triumph,  and  his  own  house  with  the  plunder  of 
Pontus,  and  the  riches  of  its  king.  Therefore,  though 
Mithridates  entertained  him  with  all  imaginable  at- 
tention and  respect,  yet  he  was  not  at  all  wrought 
upon  or  softened  by  it;  but  said,  "O  king,  either  en- 
deavor to  be  stronger  than  the  Romans,  or  else  quietly 
submit  to  their  commands."  With  which  he  left 
Mithridates  astonished,  as  he  indeed  had  often  heard 
the  fame  of  the  bold  speaking  of  the  Romans,  but 
now  for  the  first  time  experienced  it. 

When  Marius  returned  again  to  Rome,  he  built 
a  house  close  by  the  forum,  either,  as  he  himself  gave 
out,  that  he  was  not  willing  his  clients  should  be  tired 
with  going  far,  or  that  he  imagined  distance  was 
the  reason  why  more  did  not  come.  This,  however, 
was  not  so;  the  real  reason  was,  that  being  inferior 
to  others  in  agreeableness  of  conversation  and  the  arts 
of  political  life,  like  a  mere  tool  and  implement  of 
war,  he  was  thrown  aside  in  time  of  peace.  Amongst 
all  those  whose  brightness  eclipsed  his  glory,  he  was 
most  incensed  against  Sylla,  who  had  owed  his  rise 
to  the  hatred  which  the  nobility  bore  Marius;  and 
had  made  his  disagreement  with  him  the  one  prin- 
ciple of  his  political  life.  When  Bocchus,  king  of 
Numidia,  who  was  styled  the  associate  of  the  Ro- 
mans' dedicated  some  figures  of  Victory  in  the  capi- 
tol,  ;and  with  them  a  representation  in  gold,  of  him- 
self delivering  Jugurtha  to  Sylla,  Marius  upon  this 
was  almost  distracted  with  rage  and  ambition,  as 
though  Sylla  had  arrogated  this  honor  to  himself, 
and  endeavored  forcibly  to  pull  down  these  presents ; 
Sylla,  on  the  other  side,  as  vigorously  resisted  him; 


92  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


but  the  Social  War  then  on  a  sudden  threatening  the 
city,  put  a  stop  to  this  sedition,  when  just  ready  to 
break  out.  For  the  most  warUke  and  best-peopled 
countries  of  all  Italy  formed  a  confederacy  together 
against  Rome,  and  were  within  a  little  of  subverting 
the  empire;  as  they  were  indeed  strong,  not  only  in 
their  weapons  and  the  valor  of  their  soldiers,  but 
stood  nearly  upon  equal  terms  with  the  Romans,  as 
to  the  skill  and  daring  of  their  commanders. 

As  much  glory  and  power  as  this  war,  so  various 
in  its  events  and  so  uncertain  as  to  its  success,  con- 
ferred upon  Sylla,  so  much  it  took  away  from  Ma- 
rius,  who  was  thought  tardy,  unenterprising,  and 
timid,  whether  it  were  that  his  age  was  now  quench- 
ing his  former  heat  and  vigor,  (for  he  was  above 
sixty-five  years  old,)  or  that  having,  as  he  himself 
said,  some  distemper  that  affected  his  muscles,  and 
his  body  being  unfit  for  action,  he  did  service  above 
his  strength.  Yet,  for  all  this,  he  came  off  victor  in 
a  considerable  battle,  wherein  he  slew  six  thousand 
of  the  enemies,  and  never  once  gave  them  any  ad- 
vantage over  him;  and  when  he  was  surrounded  by 
the  works  of  the  enemy,  he  contained  himself,  and 
though  insulted  over,  and  challenged,  did  not  yield 
to  the  provocation.  The  story  is  told  that  when 
Publius  Silo,  a  man  of  the  greatest  repute  and 
authority  among  the  enemies,  said  to  him,  "If  you 
are  indeed  a  great  general,  Marius,  leave  your  camp 
and  fight  a  battle,"  he  replied,  "If  you  are  one,  make 
me  do  so."  And  another  time,  when  the  enemy  gave 
them  a  good  opportunity  of  a  battle,  and  the  Romans 
through  fear  durst  not  charge,  so  that  both  parties 
retreated,  he  called  an  assembly  of  his  soldiers  and 
said,  "It  is  no  small  question  whether  I  should  call 

More  correctly  Pompaedius. 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


93 


the  enemies,  or  you,  the  greater  cowards,  for  neither 
did  they  dare  to  face  your  backs,  nor  you  to  con- 
front theirs."  At  length,  professing  to  be  worn  out 
with  the  infirmity  of  his  body,  he  laid  down  his  com- 
mand. 

Afterwards,  when  the  Italians  were  worsted,  there 
were  several  candidates  suing,  with  the  aid  of  the 
popular  leaders,  for  the  chief  command  in  the  war 
with  Mithridates.  Sulpicius,  tribune  of  the  people, 
a  bold  and  confident  man,  contrary  to  everybody's  ex- 
pectation, brought  forward  Marius,  and  proposed 
him  as  proconsul  and  general  in  that  war.  The  peo- 
ple were  divided;  some  were  on  Marius's  side,  others 
voted  for  Sylla,  and  jeeringly  bade  Marius  go  to  his 
baths  at  Baise,  to  cure  his  body,  worn  out,  as  himself 
confessed,  with  age  and  catarrhs.  Marius  had,  in- 
deed, there,  about  Misenum,  a  villa  more  effeminately 
and  luxuriously  furnished  than  seemed  to  become 
one  that  had  seen  service  in  so  many  and  great  wars 
and  expeditions.  This  same  house  Cornelia  bought 
for  seventy-five  thousand  drachmas,  and  not  long 
after  Lucius  Lucullus,  for  two  million  five  hundred 
thousand;  so  rapid  and  so  great  was  the  growth  of 
Roman  sumptuosity.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all  this,  out  of 
a  mere  boyish  passion  for  distinction,  affecting  to 
shake  off  his  age  and  weakness,  he  went  down  daily 
to  the  Campus  Martins,  and  exercising  himself  with 
the  youth,  showed  himself  still  nimble  in  his  armor, 
and  expert  in  riding;  though  he  was  undoubtedly 
grown  bulky  in  his  old  age,  and  inclining  to  excessive 
fatness  and  corpulency. 

Some  people  were  pleased  with  this,  and  went  con- 
tinually to  see  him  competing  and  displaying  himself 
in  these  exercises;  but  the  better  sort  that  saw  him, 
pitied  the  cupidity  and  ambition  that  made  one  who 


94  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


had  risen  from  utter  poverty  to  extreme  wealth,  and 
out  of  nothing  into  greatness,  unwilling  to  admit  any 
limit  to  his  high  fortune,  or  to  be  content  with  being 
admired,  and  quietly  enjoying  what  he  had  already 
got:  why,  as  if  he  still  were  indigent,  should  he  at 
so  great  an  age  leave  his  glory  and  his  triumphs  to 
go  into  Cappadocia  and  the  Euxine  Sea,  to  fight 
Archelaus  and  Neoptolemus,  Mithridates's  generals? 
Marius's  pretences  for  this  action  of  his  seemed  very 
ridiculous;  for  he  said  he  wanted  to  go  and  teach  his 
son  to  be  a  general. 

The  condition  of  the  city,  which  had  long  been  un- 
sound and  diseased,  became  hopeless  now  that  Marius 
found  so  opportune  an  instrument  for  the  public  de- 
struction as  Sulpicius's  insolence.  This  man  pro- 
fessed, in  all  other  respects,  to  admire  and  imitate 
Saturninus;  only  he  found  fault  with  him  for  back- 
wardness and  want  of  spirit  in  his  designs.  He,  there- 
fore, to  avoid  this  fault,  got  six  hundred  of  the 
equestrian  order  about  him  as  his  guard,  whom  he 
named  anti-senators;  and  with  these  confederates  he 
set  upon  the  consuls,  whilst  they  were  at  the  assembly, 
and  took  the  son  of  one  of  them,  who  fled  from  the 
forum,  and  slew  him.  Sylla,  being  hotly  pursued, 
took  refuge  in  Marius's  house,  which  none  could  sus- 
pect, by  that  means  escaping  those  that  sought  him, 
who  hastily  passed  by  there,  and,  it  is  said,  was  safely 
conveyed  by  Marius  himself  out  at  the  other  door, 
and  came  to  the  camp.  Yet  Sylla,  in  his  memoirs, 
positively  denies  that  he  fled  to  Marius,  saying  he 
was  carried  thither  to  consult  upon  the  matters  to 
which  Sulpicius  would  have  forced  him,  against  his 
will,  to  consent ;  that  he,  surrounding  him  with  drawn 
swords,  hurried  him  to  Marius,  and  constrained  him 
thus,  till  he  went  thence  to  the  forum  and  removed, 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


95 


as  they  required  him  to  do,  the  interdict  on  business.^^ 
Sulpicius,  having  thus  obtained  the  mastery,  de- 
creed the  command  of  the  army  to  Marius,  who  pro- 
ceeded to  make  preparations  for  his  march,  and  sent 
two  tribunes  to  receive  the  charge  of  the  army  from 
Sylia.  Sylla  hereupon  exasperating  his  soldiers,  who 
were  about  thirt3^-five  thousand  full-armed  men,  led 
them  towards  Rome.  First  falling  upon  the  tribunes 
Marius  had  sent,  they  slew  them;  Marius  having  done 
as  much  for  several  of  Sylla's  friends  in  Rome,  and 
now  offering  their  freedom  to  the  slaves  on  condition 
of  their  assistance  in  the  war ;  of  whom,  however,  they 
say,  there  were  but  three  who  accepted  his  proposal. 
For  some  small  time  he  made  head  against  Sylla's 
assault,  but  was  soon  overpowered  and  fled;  those 
that  were  with  him,  as  soon  as  he  had  escaped  out  of 
the  city,  were  dispersed,  and  night  coming  on,  he 
hastened  to  a  country-house  of  his,  called  Solonium. 
Hence  he  sent  his  son  to  some  neighboring  farms  of 
his  father-in-law.  Mucins,  to  provide  necessaries;  he 
went  himself  to  Ostia,  where  his  friend  Numerius  had 
prepared  him  a  ship,  and  hence,  not  staying  for  his 
son,  he  took  with  him  his  son-in-law  Granius,  and 
w^eighed  anchor. 

Young  Marius,  coming  to  Mucius's  farms,  made 
his  preparations;  and  the  day  breaking,  was  almost 
discovered  by  the  enemy.  For  there  came  thither  a 
party  of  horse  that  suspected  some  such  matter;  but 
the  farm  steward,  foreseeing  their  approach,  hid 
Marius  in  a  cart  full  of  beans,  then  yoking  in  his 
team  and  driving  toward  the  city,  met  those  that  were 
in  search  of  him.   Marius,  thus  conveyed  home  to  his 

The  Roman  Justitium,  during  which  no  public  proceedings 
could  be  lawfully  carried  on.  Such  is  the  meaning  of  the  prob- 
able text. 


96 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


wife,  took  with  him  some  necessaries,  and  came  at 
night  to  the  sea-side;  where,  going  on  board  a  ship 
that  was  bound  for  Africa,  he  went  away  thither. 
Marius,  the  father,  when  he  had  put  to  sea,  with  a 
strong  gale  passing  along  the  coast  of  Italy,  was  in 
no  small  apprehension  of  one  Geminius,  a  great  man 
at  Terracina,  and  his  enemy;  and  therefore  bade  the 
seamen  hold  off  from  that  place.  They  were,  indeed, 
willing  to  gratif}^  him,  but  the  wind  now  blowing  in 
from  the  sea,  and  making  the  waves  swell  to  a  great 
height,  they  were  afraid  the  ship  would  not  be  able 
to  weather  out  the  storm,  and  ]NIarius,  too,  being  in- 
disposed and  seasick,  they  made  for  land,  and  not 
without  some  difficulty  reached  the  shore  near  Cir- 
ceium. 

The  storm  now  increasing  and  their  victuals  fail- 
ing, the}^  left  their  ship  and  wandered  up  and  down 
without  any  certain  purpose,  simply  as  in  great  dis- 
tresses people  shun  the  present  as  the  greatest  evil, 
and  rely  upon  the  hopes  of  uncertainties.  For  the 
land  and  sea  were  both  equally  unsafe  for  them;  it 
was  dangerous  to  meet  with  people,  and  it  was  no 
less  so  to  meet  with  none,  on  account  of  their  want 
of  necessaries.  At  length,  though  late,  they  lighted 
upon  a  few  poor  shepherds,  that  had  not  any  thing 
to  relieve  them;  but  knowing  Marius,  advised  him  to 
depart  as  soon  as  might  be,  for  they  had  seen  a  little 
beyond  that  place  a  party  of  horse  that  were  gone  in 
search  of  him.  Finding  himself  in  a  great  straight, 
especially  because  those  that  attended  him  were  not 
able  to  go  further,  being  spent  with  their  long  fast- 
ing, for  the  present  he  turned  aside  out  of  the  road, 
and  hid  himself  in  a  thick  wood,  where  he  passed  the 
night  in  great  wretchedness.  The  next  day,  pinched 
with  hunger,  and  willing  to  make  use  of  the  little 
strength  he  had,  before  it  were  all  exhausted,  he 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


97 


travelled  by  the  sea-side,  encouraging  his  companions 
not  to  fall  away  from  him  before  the  fulfilment  of 
his  final  hopes,  for  which,  in  reliance  on  some  old 
predictions,  he  professed  to  be  sustaining  himself. 
For  when  he  was  yet  but  very  young,  and  lived  in  the 
country,  he  caught  in  the  skirt  of  his  garment  an 
eagle's  nest,  as  it  was  falling,  in  which  were  seven 
young  ones,  which  his  parents  seeing  and  much  ad- 
miring, consulted  the  augurs  about  it,  who  told  them 
that  he  should  become  the  greatest  man  in  the  world, 
and  that  the  fates  had  decreed  he  should  seven  times 
be  possessed  of  the  supreme  power  and  authority. 
Some  are  of  opinion  that  this  really  happened  to  Ma- 
rius,  as  we  have  related  it;  others  say,  that  those  who 
then  and  through  the  rest  of  his  exile  heard  him  tell 
these  stories,  and  believed  him,  have  merely  repeated 
a  story  that  is  altogether  fabulous ;  for  an  eagle  never 
hatches  more  than  two;  and  even  Musseus  was  de- 
ceived, who,  speaking  of  the  eagle,  says  that, — 

*'She  lays  three  eggs,  hatches  two,  and  rears  one.'* 

However  this  be,  it  is  certain  Marius,  in  his  exile  and 
greatest  extremities,  would  often  say,  that  he  should 
attain  a  seventh  consulship. 

When  Marius  and  his  company  were  now  about 
twenty  furlongs  distant  from  Minturnse,  a  city  in 
Italy,  they  espied  a  troop  of  horse  making  up  toward 
them  with  all  speed,  and  by  chance,  also,  at  the  same 
time,  two  ships  under  sail.  Accordingly  they  ran  every 
one  with  what  speed  and  strength  they  could  to  the 
sea,  and  plunging  into  it,  swam  to  the  ships.  Those 
that  were  with  Granius,  reaching  one  of  them,  passed 
over  to  an  island  opposite,  called  ^naria;  Marius 

^®  The  line  about  the  eagle's  young,  ascribed  to  Musasus,  is 
cited  also  by  Aristotle  in  his  History  of  Animals. 


98  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


himself  whose  body  was  heavy  and  unwieldy,  was 
with  great  pains  and  difficulty  kept  above  the  water 
by  two  servants,  and  put  into  the  other  ship.  The 
soldiers  were  by  this  time  come  to  the  sea-side,  and 
from  thence  called  out  to  the  seamen  to  put  to  shore, 
or  else  to  throw  out  Marius,  and  then  they  might  go 
whither  they  would.  Marius  besought  them  with 
tears  to  the  contrary,  and  the  masters  of  the  ship, 
after  frequent  changes,  in  a  short  space  of  time,  of 
their  purpose,  inclining,  first  to  one,  then  to  the  other 
side,  resolved  at  length  to  answer  the  soldiers,  that 
they  would  not  give  up  Marius.  As  soon  as  they  had 
ridden  off  in  a  rage,  the  seamen,  again  changing  their 
resolution,  came  to  land,  and  casting  anchor  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Liris,  where  it  overflows  and  makes 
a  great  marsh,  they  advised  him  to  land,  refresh  him- 
self on  shore,  and  take  some  care  of  his  discomposed 
body,  till  the  wind  came  fairer;  which,  said  they,  will 
happen  at  such  an  hour,  when  the  wind  from  the  sea 
will  calm,  and  that  from  the  marshes  rise,  Marius,  fol- 
lowing their  advice,  did  so,  and  when  the  seamen  had 
set  him  on  shore,  he  laid  him  down  in  an  adjacent 
field,  suspecting  nothing  less  than  what  was  to  befall 
him.  They,  as  soon  as  they  had  got  into  the  ship, 
weighed  anchor  and  departed,  as  thinking  it  neither 
honorable  to  deliver  Marius  into  the  hands  of  those 
that  sought  him,  nor  safe  to  protect  him. 

He  thus,  deserted  by  all,  lay  a  good  while  silently 
on  the  shore ;  at  length  collecting  himself,  he  advanced 
with  pain  and  difficulty,  without  any  path,  till,  wading 
through  deep  bogs  and  ditches  full  of  water  and  mud, 
he  came  upon  the  hut  of  an  old  man  that  worked  in 
the  fens,  and  falling  at  his  feet  besought  him  to  assist 
and  preserve  one  who,  if  he  escaped  the  present 
danger,  would  make  him  returns  beyond  his  expecta- 
tion. The  poor  man,  whether  he  had  formerly  known 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


99 


him,  or  were  then  moved  with  his  superior  aspect,  told 
him  that  if  he  wanted  only  rest,  his  cottage  would  be 
convenient;  but  if  he  were  flying  from  anybody's 
search,  he  would  hide  him  in  a  more  retired  place. 
Marius  desiring  him  to  do  so,  he  carried  him  into  the 
fens  and  bade  him  hide  himself  in  an  hollow  place 
by  the  river  side,  where  he  laid  upon  him  a  great  many 
reeds,  and  other  things  that  were  light,  and  would 
cover,  but  not  oppress  him.  But  within  a  very  short 
time  he  was  disturbed  with  a  noise  and  tumult  from 
the  cottage,  for  Geminius  had  sent  several  from  Ter- 
racina  in  pursuit  of  him;  some  of  whom,  happening 
to  come  that  way,  frightened  and  threatened  the  old 
man  for  having  entertained  and  hid  an  enemy  of  the 
Romans.  Wherefore  Marius,  arising  and  stripping 
himself,  plunged  into  a  puddle  full  of  thick  muddy 
water;  and  even  there  he  could  not  escape  their  search, 
but  was  pulled  out  covered  with  mire,  and  carried 
away  naked  to  Minturnge,  and  delivered  to  the  magis- 
trates. For  there  had  been  orders  sent  through  all 
the  towns,  to  make  public  search  for  Marius,  and 
if  they  found  him  to  kill  him;  however,  the  magis- 
trates thought  convenient  to  consider  a  little  better  of 
it  first,  and  sent  him  prisoner  to  the  house  of  one 
Fannia. 

This  woman  was  supposed  not  very  w^ell  affected 
towards  him  upon  an  old  account.  One  Tinnius  had 
formerly  married  this  Fannia;  from  whom  she  after- 
wards being  divorced,  demanded  her  portion,  which 
was  considerable,  but  her  husband  accused  her  of 
adultery;  so  the  controversy  was  brought  before  Ma- 
rius in  his  sixth  consulship.  When  the  cause  was  ex- 
amined thoroughly,  it  appeared  both  that  Fannia  had 
been  incontinent,  and  that  her  husband  knowing  her 
to  be  so,  had  married  and  lived  a  considerable  time 
with  her.    So  that  Marius  was  severe  enough  with 


100  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


both,  commanding  him  to  restore  her  portion,  and 
laying  a  fine  of  four  copper  coins  upon  her  by  way 
of  disgrace.  But  Fannia  did  not  then  behave  like  a 
woman  that  had  been  injured,  but  as  soon  as  she 
saw  Marius,  remembered  nothing  less  than  old  af- 
fronts ;  took  care  of  him  according  to  her  ability,  and 
comforted  him.  He  made  her  his  returns  and  told  her 
he  did  not  despair,  for  he  had  met  with  a  lucky  omen, 
which  was  thus.  When  he  was  brought  to  Fannia's 
house,  as  soon  as  the  gate  was  open,  an  ass  came  run- 
ning out  to  drink  at  a  spring  hard  by,  and  giving  a 
bold  and  encouraging  look,  first  stood  still  before  him, 
then  brayed  aloud  and  pranced  by  him.  From  which 
Marius  drew  his  conclusion,  and  said,  that  the  fates 
designed  him  safety,  rather  by  sea  than  land,  because 
the  ass  neglected  his  dry  fodder,  and  turned  from  it 
to  the  water.  Having  told  Fannia  this  story,  he  bade 
the  chamber  dgor  to  be  shut  and  went  to  rest. 

Meanwhile  the  magistrates  and  councillors  of  Min- 
turn£E  consulted  together  and  determined  not  to  delay 
any  longer,  but  immediately  to  kill  Marius ;  and  when 
none  of  their  citizens  durst  undertake  the  business,  a 
certain  soldier,  a  Gaulish  or  Cimbrian  horseman, 
(the  story  is  told  both  ways,)  went  in  with  his  sword 
drawn  to  him.  The  room  itself  was  not  very  light, 
that  part  of  it  especially  where  he  then  lay  was  dark, 
from  whence  Marius's  eyes,  they  say,  seemed  to  the 
fellow  to  dart  out  flames  at  him,  and  a  loud  voice  to 
say,  out  of  the  dark,  "Fellow,  darest  thou  kill  Caius 
Marius?"  The  barbarian  hereupon  immediately  fled, 
and  leaving  his  sword  in  the  place  rushed  out  of  doors, 
crying  only  this,  "I  cannot  kill  Caius  Marius."  At 
which  they  were  all  at  first  astonished,  and  presently 
began  to  feel  pity,  and  remorse,  and  anger  at  them- 
selves for  making  so  unjust  and  ungrateful  a  decree 
against  one  who  had  preserved  Italy,  and  whom  it 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


101 


was  bad  enough  not  to  assist.  "Let  him  go,"  said 
they,  "where  he  please  to  banishment,  and  find  his 
fate  somewhere  else;  we  only  entreat  pardon  of  the 
gods  for  thrusting  Marius  distressed  and  deserted  out 
of  our  city." 

Impelled  by  thoughts  of  this  kind,  they  went  in  a 
body  into  the  room,  and  taking  him  amongst  them, 
conducted  him  towards  the  sea-side ;  on  his  way  to 
which,  though  every  one  was  very  officious  to  him,  and! 
all  made  what  haste  they  could,  yet  a  considerable 
time  was  likely  to  be  lost.  For  the  grove  of  Marica, 
(as  she  is  called,)  which  the  people  hold  sacred,  and 
make  it  a  point  of  religion  not  to  let  any  thing  that 
is  once  carried  into  it  be  taken  out,  lay  just  in  their 
road  to  the  sea,  and  if  they  should  go  round  about, 
they  must  needs  come  very  late  thither.  At  length 
one  of  the  old  men  cried  out  and  said,  there  was  no 
place  so  sacred,  but  they  might  pass  through  it  for 
Marius's  preservation;  and  thereupon,  first  of  all,  he 
himself,  taking  up  some  of  the  baggage  that  was  car- 
ried for  his  accommodation  to  the  ship,  passed  through 
the  grove,  all  the  rest  immediately,  with  the  same 
readiness,  accompanying  him.  And  one  Belseus,  (who 
afterwards  had  a  picture  of  these  things  drawn,  and 
put  it  in  a  temple  at  the  place  of  embarkation),  hav- 
ing by  this  time  provided  him  a  ship,  Marius  went  on 
board,  and,  hoisting  sail,  was  by  fortune  thrown  upon 
the  island  iEnaria,  where  meeting  with  Granius,  and 
his  other  friends,  he  sailed  with  them  for  Africa.  But 
their  water  failing  them  in  the  way,  they  were  forced 
to  put  in  near  Eryx,  in  Sicily,  where  was  a  Roman 
qusestor  on  the  watch,  who  all  but  captured  Marius 
himself  on  his  landing,  and  did  kill  sixteen  of  his  re- 
tinue that  went  to  fetch  water.  Marius,  with  all  ex- 
pedition loosing  thence,  crossed  the  sea  to  the  isle  of 
Meninx,  where  he  first  heard  the  news  of  his  son's 


102 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


escape  with  Cethegus,  and  of  his  going  to  implore 
the  assistance  of  Hiempsal,  king  of  Numidia. 

With  this  news,  being  somewhat  comforted,  he  ven- 
tured to  pass  from  that  isle  towards  Carthage.  Sex- 
tilius,  a  Roman,  was  then  governor  in  Africa;  one  that 
had  never  received  either  any  injury  or  any  kindness 
from  Marius;  but  who  from  compassion,  it  was  hoped, 
might  lend  him  some  help.  But  he  was  scarce  got 
ashore  with,  a  small  retinue,  when  an  officer  met  him, 
and  said,  "Sextilius,  the  governor,  forbids  you,  Ma- 
rius, to  set  foot  in  Africa;  if  you  do,  he  says,  he  will 
put  the  decree  of  the  senate  in  execution,  and  treat 
you  as  an  enemy  to  the  Romans."  When  Marius 
heard  this,  he  wanted  words  to  express  his  grief  and 
resentment,  and  for  a  good  while  held  his  peace,  look- 
ing sternly  upon  the  messenger,  who  asked  him  what 
he  should  say,  or  what  answer  he  should  return  to 
the  governor?  ]Marius  answered  him  with  a  deep 
sigh:  "Go  tell  him  that  you  have  seen  Caius  Ma- 
rius sitting  in  exile  among  the  ruins  of  Carthage;" 
appositely  applying  the  example  of  the  fortune  of 
that  city  to  the  change  of  his  own  condition. 

In  the  interim,  Hiempsal,  king  of  Numidia, 
dubious  of  vvliat  he  should  determine  to  do,  treated 
young  jMarius  and  those  that  were  with  him  very 
honorably  ;  but  when  they  had  a  mind  to  depart,  he 
still  had  some  pretence  or  other  to  detain  them,  and 
it  was  manifest  he  made  these  dela^^s  upon  no  good 
design.  However,  there  happened  an  accident  that 
made  well  for  their  preservation.  The  hard  fortune 
which  attended  young  Marius,  who  w^as  of  a  comely 
aspect,  touched  one  of  the  king's  concubines,  and  this 
pity  of  hers,  was  the  beginning  and  occasion  of  love 
for  him.  At  first  he  declined  the  woman's  solicita- 
tions, but  when  he  perceived  that  there  was  no  other 
way  of  escaping,  and  that  her  offers  were  more  seri- 


MARIUS  ON  THE  RUINS  OF  CARTHAGE 


I 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


103 


ous  than  for  the  gratification  of  intemperate  passion, 
he  accepted  her  kindness,  and  she  finding  means  to 
convey  them  away,  he  escaped  with  his  friends  and 
fled  to  his  father.  As  soon  as  they  had  saluted  each 
other,  and  were  going  by  the  sea-side,  they  saw  some 
scorpions  fighting,  which  Marius  took  for  an  ill  omen, 
whereupon  they  immediately  went  on  board  a  little 
fisher-boat,  and  made  toward  Cercina,  an  island  not 
far  distant  from  the  continent.  They  had  scarce  put 
off  from  shore  when  they  espied  some  horse,  sent 
after  them  by  the  king,  with  all  speed  making  toward 
that  very  place  from  which  they  were  just  retired. 
And  Marius  thus  escaped  a  danger,  it  might  be  said, 
as  great  as  any  he  ever  incurred. 

At  Rome  news  came  that  Sylla  was  engaged  with 
Mithridates's  generals  in  Boeotia;  the  consuls,  from 
factious  opposition,  were  fallen  to  downright  fighting, 
wherein  Octavius  prevailing,  drove  Cinna  out  of  the 
city  for  attempting  despotic  government,  and  made 
Cornelius  Merula  consul  in  his  stead;  while  Cinna, 
raising  forces  in  other  parts  of  Italy,  carried  the  war 
against  them.  As  soon  as  Marius  heard  of  this,  he 
resolved,  with  all  expedition,  to  put  to  sea  again,  and 
taking  with  him  from  Africa  some  Mauritanian  horse, 
and  a  few  of  the  refugees  out  of  Italy,  all  together  not 
above  one  thousand,  he,  with  this  handful,  began  his 
voyage.  Arriving  at  Telamon,  in  Etruria,  and  coming 
ashore,  he  proclaimed  freedom  for  the  slaves;  and 
many  of  the  countrymen,  also,  and  shepherds  there- 
abouts, who  were  already  freemen,  at  the  hearing  his 
name  flocked  to  him  to  the  sea-side.  He  persuaded  the 
youngest  and  strongest  to  join  him,  and  in  a  small 
time  got  together  a  competent  force  with  which  he 
filled  forty  ships.  Knowing  Octavius  to  be  a  good 
man  and  willing  to  execute  his  office  with  the  greatest 
justice  imaginable,  and  Cinna  to  be  suspected  by 


104  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Sylla,  and  in  actual  warfare  against  the  established 
government,  he  determined  to  join  himself  and  his 
forces  with  the  latter.  He,  therefore,  sent  a  message 
to  him,  to  let  him  know  that  he  was  ready  to  obey  him 
as  consul. 

When  Cinna  had  joyfully  received  his  offer,  nam- 
ing him  proconsul,  and  sending  him  the  fasces  and 
other  ensigns  of  authority,  he  said,  that  grandeur  did 
not  become  his  present  fortune;  but  wearing  an  ordi- 
nary habit,  and  still  letting  his  hair  grow  as  it  had 
done,  from  that  very  day  he  first  went  into  banish- 
ment, and  being  now  above  threescore  and  ten  years 
old,  he  came  slowly  on  foot,  designing  to  move  peo- 
ple's compassion;  which  did  not  prevent,  however, 
his  natural  fierceness  of  expression  from  still  pre- 
dominating, and  his  humiliation  still  let  it  appear  that 
he  was  not  so  much  dejected  as  exasperated,  by  the 
change  of  his  condition.  Having  saluted  Cinna  and 
the  soldiers,  he  immediately  prepared  for  action,  and 
soon  made  a  considerable  alteration  in  the  posture  of 
affairs.  He  first  cut  off  the  provision  ships,  and 
plundering  all  the  merchants,  made  himself  master  of 
the  supplies  of  corn;  then  bringing  his  navy  to  the 
seaport  towns,  he  took  them,  and  at  last,  becoming 
master  of  Ostia  by  treachery,  he  pillaged  that  town, 
and  slew  a  multitude  of  the  inhabitants,  and,  blocking 
up  the  river,  took  from  the  enemy  all  hopes  of  supply 
by  the  sea;  then  marched  with  his  army  toward  the 
city,  and  posted  himself  upon  the  hill  called  Janir 
culum. 

The  public  interest  did  not  receive  so  great  dam- 
age from  Octavius's  unskilfulness  in  his  management 
of  affairs,  as  from  his  omitting  needful  measures, 
through  too  strict  observance  of  the  law.  As  when 
several  advised  him  to  make  the  slaves  free,  he  said 
that  the  would  not  give  slaves  the  privilege  of  the 


CAIUS  MARIUS^ 


country  from  which  he  then,  in  defence  of  the  laws, 
was  driving  away  Marius.  When  Metellus,  son  to 
that  Metellus  who  was  general  in  the  war  in  Africa, 
and  afterwards  banished  through  Marius's  means, 
came  to  Rome,  being  thought  a  much  better  com- 
mander than  Octavius,  the  soldiers,  deserting  the  con- 
sul, came  to  him  and  desired  him  to  take  the  command 
of  them  and  preserve  the  city;  that  they,  when  they 
had  got  an  experienced  valiant  commander,  should 
fight  courageously,  and  come  off  conquerors.  But 
when  Metellus,  offended  at  it,  commanded  them 
angrily  to  return  to  the  consul,  they  revolted  to  the 
enemy.  Metellus,  too,  seeing  the  city  in  a  desperate 
condition,  left  it;  but  a  company  of  Chaldaeans, 
sacrificers,  and  interpreters  of  the  Sibyl's  books,  per- 
suaded Octavius  that  things  would  turn  out  happily, 
and  kept  him  at  Rome.  He  was,  indeed,  of  all  the 
Romans  the  most  upright  and  just,  and  maintained 
the  honor  of  the  consulate,  without  cringing  or  com- 
pliance, as  strictly  in  accordance  with  ancient  laws  and 
usages,  as  though  they  had  been  immutable  mathe- 
matical truths;  and  yet  fell,  I  know  not  how,  into 
some  weaknesses,  giving  more  observance  to  fortune- 
tellers and  diviners,  than  to  men  skilled  in  civil  and 
military  affairs.  He  therefore,  before  Marius  entered 
the  city,  was  pulled  down  from  the  rostra,  and  mur- 
dered by  those  that  were  sent  before  by  Marius;  and 
it  is  reported  there  was  a  Chaldasan  writing  found  in 
his  gown,  when  he  was  slain.  And  it  seemed  a  thing 
very  unaccountable,  that  of  two  famous  generals,  Ma- 
rius should  be  often  successful  by  the  observing  divi- 
nations, and  Octavius  ruined  by  the  same  means. 

When  affairs  were  in  this  posture,  the  senate  as- 
sembled, and  sent  a  deputation  to  Cinna  and  Marius, 
desiring  them  to  come  into  the  city  peaceably  and 
spare  the  citizens.    Cinna,  as  consul,  received  the 


106  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


embassy,  sitting  in  the  curule  chair,  and  returned  a 
kind  answer  to  the  messengers ;  Marius  stood  by  him 
and  said  nothing,  but  gave  sufficient  testimony  by  the 
gloominess  of  his  countenance,  and  the  sternness  of 
his  looks,  that  he  would  in  a  short  time  fill  the  city 
with  blood.  As  soon  as  the  council  arose,  they  went 
toward  the  city,  where  Cinna  entered  with  his  guards, 
but  Marius  stayed  at  the  gates,  and,  dissembling  his 
rage,  professed  that  he  was  then  an  exile  and  ban- 
ished his  country  by  course  of  law;  that  if  his  pres- 
ence were  necessary,  they  must,  by  a  new  decree, 
repeal  the  former  act  by  which  he  was  banished;  as 
though  he  were,  indeed,  a  religious  observer  of  the 
laws,  and  as  if  he  were  returning  to  a  city  free  from 
fear  or  oppression.  Hereupon  the  people  were  as- 
sembled, but  before  three  or  four  tribes  had  given 
their  votes,  throwing  up  his  pretences  and  his  legal 
scruples  about  his  banishment,  he  came  into  the  city 
with  a  select  guard  of  the  slaves  who  had  joined  him, 
whom  he  called  Bardysei.  These  proceeded  to  murder 
a  number  of  citizens,  as  he  gave  command,  partly 
by  word  of  mouth,  partly  by  the  signal  of  his  nod. 
At  length  Ancharius,  a  senator,  and  one  that  had  been 
praetor,  coming  to  Marius,  and  not  being  resaluted  by 
him,  they  with  their  drawn  swords  slew  him  before 
Marius's  face;  and  henceforth  this  was  their  token, 
immediately  to  kill  all  those  who  met  Marius  and 
saluting  him  were  taken  no  notice  of,  nor  answered 
with  the  like  courtesy;  so  that  his  very  friends  were 
not  without  dreadful  apprehensions  and  horror, 
whensoever  they  came  to  speak  with  him. 

When  they  had  now  butchered  a  great  number, 
Cinna  grew  more  remiss  and  cloyed  with  murders; 
but  Marius's  rage  continued  still  fresh  and  unsatisfied, 
and  he  daily  sought  for  all  that  were  any  way  sus- 
pected by  him.   Now  was  every  road  and  every  town 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


107 


filled  with  those  that  pursued  and  hunted  them  that 
fled  and  hid  themselves;  and  it  was  remarkable  that 
there  was  no  more  confidence  to  be  placed,  as  things 
stood,  either^  in  hospitality  or  friendship;  for  there 
were  found  but  a  very  few  that  did  not  betray  those 
that  fled  to  them  for  shelter.  And  thus  the  servants 
of  Cornutus  deserve  the  greater  praise  and  admira- 
tion, who,  having  concealed  their  master  in  the  house, 
took  the  body  of  one  of  the  slain,  cut  off  the  head, 
put  a  gold  ring  on  the  finger,  and  showed  it  to  Ma- 
rius's  guards,  and  buried  it  with  the  same  solemnity 
as  if  it  had  been  their  own  master.  This  trick  was 
perceived  by  nobody,  and  so  Cornutus  escaped,  and 
was  conveyed  by  his  domestics  into  Gaul. 

Marcus  Antonius,  the  orator,  though  he,  too,  found 
a  true  friend,  had  ill-fortune.  The  man  was  but  poor 
and  a  plebeian,  and  as  he  was  entertaining  a  man  of 
the  greatest  rank  in  Rome,  trying  to  provide  for  him 
with  the  best  he  could,  he  sent  his  servant  to  get  some 
wine  of  a  neighboring  vintner.  The  servant  care- 
fully tasting  it  and  bidding  him  to  draw  better,  the 
fellow  asked  him  what  was  the  matter,  that  he  did  not 
buy  new  and  ordinary  wine  as  he  used  to  do,  but 
richer  and  of  a  greater  price;  he,  without  any  design, 
told  him  as  his  old  friend  and  acquaintance,  that  his 
master  entertained  Marcus  Antonius,  who  was  con- 
cealed with  him.  The  villanous  vintner,  as  soon  as  the 
servant  was  gone,  went  himself  to  ]^arius,  then  at 
supper,  and  being  brought  into  his  presence,  told  him, 
he  would  deliver  Antonius  into  his  hands.  As  soon  as 
he  heard  it,  it  is  said  he  gave  a  great  shout,  and 
clapped  his  hands  for  joy,  and  had  very  nearly  risen 
up  and  gone  to  the  place  himself ;  but  being  detained 
by  his  friends,  he  sent  Annius,  and  some  soldiers  with 
him,  and  commanded  him  to  brinp-  Antonius's  hpad 
to  him  with  all  speed.  When  they  came  to  the  house. 


108  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Annius  stayed  at  the  door,  and  the  soldiers  went  up 
stairs  into  the  chamber;  where,  seeing  Antonius,  they 
endeavored  to  shuffle  off  the  murder  from  one  to  an- 
other; for  so  great  it  seems  were  the  graces  and 
charms  of  his  oratory,  that  as  soon  as  he  began  to 
speak  and  beg  his  Hfe,  none  of  them  durst  touch' 
or  so  much  as  look  upon  him;  but  hanging  down  their 
heads,  every  one  fell  a  weeping.  When  their  stay 
seemed  something  tedious,  Annius  came  up  himself 
and  found  ^ ntnniuffHr™TTFriingi  iind  thr  nHrliVr"  as- 
tonished and  quite-  ooft^o^  by  it,  and  calling  them 
cowards,  went  himself ^and  cut  off  his  head. 

Catulus  Lutatius,  who  was  colleague  with  Marius, 
and  his  partner  in  the  triumph  over  the  Cimbri,  when 
jMarius  replied  to  those  that  interceded  for  him  and 
begged  his  life,  merely  with  the  words,  "he  must  die," 
shut  himself  up  in  a  room,  and  making  a  great  fire, 
smothered  himself.  When  maimed  and  headless  car- 
casses were  now  frequently  thrown  about  and  tram- 
pled upon  in  the  streets,  people  were  not  so  much 
moved  with  compassion  at  the  sight,  as  struck  into  a 
kind  of  horror  and  consternation.  The  outrages  of 
those  that  were  called  Bardyasi,  was  the  greatest 
grievance.  These  murdered  the  masters  of  families 
in  their  own  houses,  abused  their  children  and  rav- 
ished their  wives,  and  were  uncontrollable  in  their 
rapine  and  murders,  till  those  of  Cinna's  and  Ser- 
torius's  party,  taking  counsel  together,  fell  upon  them 
in  the  camp  and  killed  them  every  man. 

In  the  interim,  as  if  a  change  of  wind  was  coming 
on,  there  came  news  from  all  parts  that  Sylla,  having 
put  an  end  to  the  war  with  Mithridates,  and  taken 
possession  of  the  provinces,  was  returning  into  Italy 
with  a  great  army.  This  gave  some  small  respite  and 
intermission  to  these  unspeakable  calamities.  Marius 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


109 


and  his  friends  believing  war  to  be  close  at  hand, 
Marius  was  chosen  consul  the  seventh  time,  and  ap- 
pearing on  the  very  calends  of  January,  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year,  threw  one  Sextus  Lucinius,"'  from  the 
Tarpeian  precipice ;  an  omen,  as  it  seemed,  portending 
the  renewed  misfortunes  both  of  their  party  and  of  the 
city.  Marius,  himself  now  worn  out  with  labor  and 
sinking  under  the  burden  of  anxieties,  could  not  sus- 
tain his  spirits,  which  shook  within  him  with  the  ap- 
prehension of  a  new  war  and  fresh  encounters  and 
dangers,  the  formidable  character  of  which  he  knew 
by  his  own  experience.  He  was  not  now  to  hazard 
the  war  with  Octavius  or  Merula,  commanding  an  in- 
experienced multitude  or  seditious  rabble;  but  Sylla 
himself  was  approaching,  the  same  who  had  formerly 
banished  him,  and  since  that,  had  driven  Mithridates 
as  far  as  the  Euxine  Sea. 

Perplexed  with  such  thoughts  as  these,  and  calling 
to  mind  his  banishment,  and  the  tedious  wanderings 
and  dangers  he  underwent,  both  by  sea  and  land,  he 
fell  into  despondency,  nocturnal  frights,  and  unquiet 

^^A  part  of  the  ceremonial  of  the  consul's  appearing  on  his 
first  assuming  office  on  the  calends  of  January  was  to  go  up  and 
offer  sacrifice  in  the  Capitoline  Temple,  attended  apparently  by 
the  senate,  a  full  meeting  of  which  took  place  immediately  after. 
The  words,  a  little  above,  as  if  a  change  of  wind  rvere  coming  on, 
are  more  expressive  in  the  original ;  it  is,  as  if  the  wind,  which  had 
been  blowing  steadily  from  the  one  quarter,  were  setting  in  from 
the  opposite.  The  word  tropaia  (the  turn  or  return  wind),  accord- 
ing to  a  passage  of  Aristotle  (quoted  by  Coray),  was  specially 
applied  to  the  wind  which  set  from  the  sea  after  it  had  blown  for 
its  regular  time  from  the  shore;  the  sea  breeze,  succeeding  the 
land  breeze. 

Thus  it  stands  in  all  the  manuscripts  but  one,  and  it  may 
very  likely  have  thus  been  written  by  Plutarch.  The  true  name 
is  undoubtedly  Licinius. 


110  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


sleep,  still  fancying  that  he  heard  some  one  telling 
him,  that 

 the  lion's  lair 

Is  dangerous,  though  the  lion  be  not  there. 

Above  all  things  fearing  to  lie  awake,  he  gave  him- 
self up  to  drinking  deep  and  besotting  himself  at  night 
in  a  way  most  unsuitable  to  his  age;  by  all  means 
provoking  sleep,  as  a  diversion  to  his  thoughts.  At 
length,  on  the  arrival  of  a  messenger  from  the  sea, 
he  was  seized  with  new  alarms,  and  so  what  with  his 
fear  for  the  future,  and  what  with  the  burden  and 
satiety  of  the  present,  on  some  slight  predisposing 
cause,  he  fell  into  a  pleurisy,  as  Posidonius  the  phil- 
osopher relates,  who  says  he  visited  and  conversed  with 
him  when  he  was  sick,  about  some  business  relating 
to  his  embassy.  Caius  Piso,  an  historian,  tells  us, 
that  Marius,  walking  after  supper  with  his  friends,  fell 
into  a  conversation  with  them  about  his  past  life,  and 
after  reckoning  up  the  several  changes  of  his  condi- 
tion, that  from  the  beginning  had  happened  to  him, 
said,  that  it  did  not  become  a  prudent  man  to  trust 
himself  any  longer  with  fortune ;  and,  thereupon,  tak- 
ing leave  of  those  that  were  with  him,  he  kept  his  bed 
seven  days,  and  then  died. 

Some  say  his  ambition  betrayed  itself  openly  in  his 
sickness,  and  that  he  ran  into  an  extravagant  frenzy, 
fancying  himself  to  be  general  in  the  war  against 
Mithridates,  throwing  himself  into  such  postures  and 
motions  of  his  body  as  he  had  formerly  used  when  he 
was  in  battle,  with  frequent  shouts  and  loud  cries. 
With  so  strong  and  invincible  a  desire  of  being  em- 
ployed in  that  business  had  he  been  possessed  through 
his  pride  and  emulation.  Though  he  had  now  lived 
seventy  years,  and  was  the  first  man  that  ever  was 
chosen  seven  times  consul,  and  had  an  establishment 


CAIUS  MARIUS 


and  riches  sufRcient  for  many  kings,  he  yet  complained 
of  his  ill  fortune,  that  he  must  now  die  before  he  had 
attained  what  he  desired.  Plato,  when  he  saw  his  death 
approaching,  thanked  the  guiding  providence  and 
fortune  of  his  life,^^  first,  that  he  was  born  a  man  and 
a  Grecian,  not  a  barbarian  or  a  brute,  and  next,  that 
he  happened  to  live  in  Socrates's  age.  And  so,  indeed, 
they  say  Antipater  of  Tarsus,  in  like  manner,  at  his 
death,  calling  to  mind  the  happiness  that  he  had  en- 
joyed, did  not  so  much  as  omit  his  prosperous  voy- 
age to  Athens;  thus  recognizing  every  favor  of  his 
indulgent  fortune  with  the  greatest  acknowledge- 
ments, and  carefully  saving  all  to  the  last  in  that  safest 
of  human  treasure-chambers,  the  memory.  Unmind- 
ful and  thoughtless  persons,  on  the  contrary,  let  all 
that  occurs  to  them  slip  away  from  them  as  time 
passes  on.  Retaining  and  preserving  nothing,  they 
lose  the  enjoyment  of  their  present  prosperity  by 
fancying  something  better  to  come;  whereas  by  for- 
tune we  may  be  prevented  of  this,  but  that  cannot 
be  taken  from  us.  Yet  they  reject  their  present  suc- 
cess, as  though  it  did  not  concern  them,  and  do  noth- 
ing but  dream  of  future  uncertainties;  not  indeed  un- 
naturally; as  till  men  have  by  reason  and  education 
laid  a  good  foundation  for  external  superstructures, 
in  the  seeking  after  and  gathering  them  they  can 
never  satisfy  the  unlimited  desires  of  their  mind. 
Thus  died  Marius  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  his 

The  story  of  Plato's  thanJcs  to  the  providence  and  fortune  of 
his  life  is  told  a  little  more  fully  by  Lactantius  (Instit.  III.,  19). 
"Plato  returned  thanks,"  he  says,  "that  he  had  been  born,  first,  a 
human  and  not  a  brute  creature;  secondly,  a  man  and  not  a 
iiwoman;  thirdly,  a  Greek  and  not  a  barbarian;  lastly,  an  Athe- 
nian, and  in  the  age  of  Socrates;"  as  if,  adds  Lactantius,  scorn- 
fully, had  he  been  born  a  barbarian,  a  woman,  or  an  ass,  he  would 
still  have  been  the  same  Plato, 


112  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


seventh  consulship,  to  the  great  joy  and  content  of 
Rome,  which  thereby  was  in  good  hopes  to  be  de- 
livered from  the  calamity  of  a  cruel  tyranny;  but  in 
a  small  time  they  found,  that  they  had  only  changed 
their  old  and  wornout  master  for  another  young  and 
vigorous;  so  much  cruelty  and  savageness  did  his  son 
Marius  show  in  murdering  the  noblest  and  most  ap- 
proved citizens.  At  first,  being  esteemed  resolute 
and  daring  against  his  enemies,  he  was  named  the  son 
of  Mars,  but  afterwards,  his  actions  betraying  his 
contrary  disposition,  he  was  called  the  son  of  Venus. 
At  last,  besieged  by  Sylla  in  Prseneste,  where  he  en- 
deavored in  many  ways,  but  in  vain,  to  save  his  life, 
when  on  the  capture  of  the  city  there  was  no  hope  of 
escape,  he  killed  himself  with  his  own  hand. 


LYSANDER^ 


Translated  by  the  Honorable  Charles 
Boyle  of  Christ's  Church,  (the  once 
Famous  Editor  of  the  Epistles  of  Phal- 
ARis,  AND  Unequal  Opponent  of  Bent- 
ley.) 

The  treasure-chamber  of  the  Acanthians  at  Delphi 
has  this  inscription:  "The  spoils  which  Brasidas  and 
the  Acanthians  took  from  the  Athenians."  And,  ac- 
cordingly, many  take  the  marble  statue,  which  stands 
within  the  building  by  the  gates,  to  be  Brasidas's; 
but,  indeed,  it  is  Lysander's,  representing  him  ^  with 
his  hair  at  full  length,  after  the  old  fashion,  and  with 
an  ample  beard.  Neither  is  it  true,  as  some  give  out, 
that  because  the  Argives,  after  their  great  defeat, 
shaved  themselves  for  sorrow,  that  the  Spartans  con- 
trarywise  triumphing  in  their  achievements,  suffered 
their  hair  to  grow;  neither  did  the  Spartans  come  to 
be  ambitious  of  wearing  long  hair,  because  the  Bac- 

^  Lysander,  a  Spartan  of  servile  origin,  became  a  distinguished 
general  and  by  far  the  most  powerful  man  in  Greece  about  400 
B.  Cr  He  displayed  unusual  pride  and  haughtiness.  Died  in 
battle,  395  B.  C— Dr.  William  Smith. 

^  In  the  description  of  the  statue,  the  phrase,  but  indeed  it  is 
Lysander's^  representing  him,  is  in  the  original  a  good  deal  more 
precise;  but  indeed  it  is  an  iconic  figure  of  Lysander.  Iconic 
(from  the  Greek  icon  or  eihon,  the  word  that  is  used  in  the  title 
Ikon  basilike,  and  forms  part  of  the  compound  iconoclast,  and 
means  an  image  or  likeness)  was  a  technical  term  applied  in 
Latin,  as  well  as  Greek,  to  real  portraitures  from  the  life  as  dis- 
,tinguislied  from  ideal  representations. 

(113) 


I 


114  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


chiadee,  who  fled  from  Corinth  to  Lacedasmon, 
looked  mean  and  unsightly,  having  their  heads  all 
close  cut.  But  this,  also,  is  indeed  one  of  the  ordi- 
nances of  Lycurgus,  who,  as  it  is  reported,  was  used 
to  say,  that  long  hair  made  good-looking  men  more 
beautiful,  and  ill-looking  men  more  terrible. 

Ly Sander's  father  is  said  to  have  been  Aristoclitus, 
who  was  not  indeed  of  the  royal  family,  but  yet  of 
the  stock  of  the  Heraclidge.  He  was  brought  up  in 
poverty,  and  showed  himself  obedient  and  conform- 
able, as  ever  any  one  did,  to  the  customs  of  his  coun- 
try; of  a  manly  spirit,  also,  and  superior  to  all  pleas- 
ures, excepting  only  that  which  their  good  actions 
bring  to  those  who  are  honored  and  successful;  and 
it  is  accounted  no  base  thing  in  Sparta  for  their  young 
men  to  be  overcome  with  this  kind  of  pleasure.  For 
they  are  desirous,  from  the  very  first,  to  have  their 
youth  susceptible  to  good  and  bad  repute,  to  feel 
pain  at  disgrace,  and  exultation  at  being  commended ; 
and  any  one  who  is  insensible  and  unaffected  in 
these  respects  is  thought  poor  spirited  and  of  no  ca- 
pacity for  virtue.  Ambition  and  the  passion  for 
distinction  were  thus  implanted  in  his  character  by 
his  Laconian  education,  nor,  if  they  continued  there, 
must  we  blame  his  natural  disposition  much  for  this. 
But  he  was  submissive  to  great  men,  beyond  what 
seems  agreeable  to  the  Spartan  temper,  and  could 
easily  bear  the  haughtiness  of  those  who  were  in 
power,  when  it  was  any  way  for  his  advantage,  which 
some  are  of  opinion  is  no  small  part  of  political  dis- 
cretion.  Aristotle,^  who  says  all  great  characters  are 

^  Aristotle  has  a  long  chapter  in  his  Problemata  (XXX.,  1)  on 
this  subject.  Why  is  it,  he  asks,  that  all  remarkable  men  that 
have  ever  lived,  in  philosophy,  politics,  poetry,  or  the  arts,  have 
been  atrabilious  (melan-cholic)  ?  some  so  much  so  as  tq  subject 


LYSANDER 


115 


more  or  less  atrabilious,  as  Socrates  and  Plato  and 
Hercules  vv^ere,  writes,  that  Lysander,  not  indeed 
early  in  life,  but  when  he  was  old,  became  thus  af- 
fected. What  is  singular  in  his  character  is  that  he 
endured  poverty  very  well,  and  that  he  was  not  at 
all  enslaved  or  corrupted  by  wealth,  and  yet  he  filled 
his  country  with  riches  and  the  love  of  them,  and 
took  away  from  them  the  glory  of  not  admiring 
money;  importing  amongst  them  an  abundance  of 
gold  and  silver  after  the  Athenian  war,  though  keep- 
ing not  one  drachma  for  himself.  When  Dionysius, 
the  tyrant,  sent  his  daughters  some  costly  gowns  of 
Sicilian  manufacture,  he  would  not  receive  them,  say- 
ing he  was  afraid  they  would  make  them  look  more 
unhandsome.  But  a  while  after,  being  sent  ambas- 
sador from  the  same  city  to  the  same  tyrant,  when 
he  had  sent  him  a  couple  of  robes,  and  bade  him  choose 
which  of  them  he  would,  and  carry  to  his  daughter: 
"She,"  said  he,  "will  be  able  to  choose  best  for  her- 
self," and  taking  both  of  them,  went  his  way. 

The  Peloponnesian  war  having  now  been  carried 
on  a  long  time,  and  it  being  expected,  after  the  dis- 
aster of  the  Athenians  in  Sicily,  that  they  would  at 
once  lose  the  mastery  of  the  sea,  and  erelong  be 
routed  everywhere,  Alcibiades,  returning  from  ban- 
ishment, and  taking  the  command,  produced  a  great 

to  maladies  occasioned  by  black  bile,  as  we  are  told  Hercules  was, 
from  whom  epileptic  fits  have  received  a  name,  and  who  also  suf- 
fered before  his  death  on  (Eta  from  an  eruption  of  boils  on  his 
skin,  a  thing  often  caused  by  black  bile.  Lysander,  the  Lacedce- 
monian,  before  his  death,  suffered  from  them,  Ajax  and  Beller- 
ophon  among  the  heroes  are  other  instances.  In  later  times, 
Empedoeles,  Plato,  Socrates,  and  many  other  famous  men.  So, 
too,  the  great  majority  of  the  Poets.  lie  proceeds  to  compare  the 
vaporous  effects  of  this  temperament  to  those  of  wine,  which  he 
says  is  so  creative  of  character  and  moral  dispositions. 


116  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


change,  and  made  the  Athenians  again  a  match  for 
their  opponents  by  sea;  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  in 
great  alarm  at  this,  and  calhng  up  fresh  courage 
and  zeal  for  the  conflict,  feeling  the  want  of  an  able 
commander  and  of  a  powerful  armament,  sent  out 
Lysander  to  be  admiral  of  the  seas.  Being  at 
Ephesus,  and  finding  the  city  well  affected  towards 
him,  and  favorable  to  the  Lacedaemonian  party,  but 
in  ill  condition,  and  in  danger  to  become  barbarized 
by  adopting  the  manners  of  the  Persians,  who  were 
much  mingled  among  them,  the  country  of  Lydia 
bordering  upon  them,  and  the  king's  generals  being 
quartered  there  a  long  time,  he  pitched  his  camp  there, 
and  commanded  the  merchant  ships  all  about  to  put 
in  thither,  and  proceeded  to  build  ships  of  war  there ; 
and  thus  restored  their  ports  by  the  traffic  he  created, 
and  their  market  by  the  employment  he  gave,  and 
filled  their  private  houses  and  their  workshops  with 
wealth,  so  that  from  that  time,  the  city  began,  first 
of  all,  by  Lysander's  means,  to  have  some  hopes  of 
growing  to  that  stateliness  and  grandeur  which  now 
it  is  at. 

Understanding  that  Cyrus,  the  king's  son,  was 
come  to  Sardis,  he  went  up  to  talk  with  him,  and 
to  accuse  Tisaphernes,  who,  receiving  a  command  to 
help  the  Lacedsemonians,  and  to  drive  the  Athenians 
from  the  sea,  was  thought,  on  account  of  Alcibiades, 
to  have  become  remiss  and  unwilling,  and  by  paying 
the  seamen  slenderly  to  be  ruining  the  fleet.  Now 
Cyrus  was  willing  that  Tisaphernes  might  be  found 
in  blame,  and  be  ill  reported  of,  as  being,  indeed,  a 
dishonest  man,  and  privately  at  feud  with  himself. 
By  these  means,  and  by  their  daily  intercouse  to- 
gether, Lysander,  especially  by  the  submissiveness  of 
his  conversation,  won  the  affections  of  the  young 
prince,  and  greatly  roused  him  to  carry  on  the  war; 


LYSANDER 


117 


and  when  he  would  depart,  Cyrus  gave  him  a  ban- 
quet, and  desired  him  not  to  refuse  his  good- will,  but 
to  speak  and  ask  whatever  he  had  a  mind  to,  and  that 
he  should  not  be  refused  any  thing  whatsoever: 
"Since  you  are  so  very  kind,"  replied  Lysander,  "I 
earnestly  request  you  to  add  one  penny  to  the  sea- 
men's pay,  that  instead  of  three  pence,  they  may  now 
receive  four  pence."  *  Cyrus,  delighted  with  his  pub- 
lic spirit,  gave  him  ten  thousand  darics,  out  of  which 
he  added  the  penny  to  the  seamen's  pay,  and  by  the 
renown  of  this  in  a  short  time  emptied  the  ships  of 
the  enemies,  as  many  would  come  over  to  that  side 
which  gave  the  most  pay,  and  those  who  remained, 
being  disheartened  and  mutinous,  daily  created 
trouble  to  the  captains.  Yet  for  all  Lysander  had  so 
distracted  and  weakened  his  enemies,  he  was  afraid 
to  engage  by  sea,  Alcibiades  being  an  energetic  com- 
mander, and  having  the  superior  number  of  ships, 
and  having  been  hitherto,  in  all  battles,  unconquered 
both  by  sea  and  land. 

But  afterwards,  when  Alcibiades  sailed  from 
Samos  to  Phocsea,  leaving  Antiochus,  the  pilot,  in 
command  of  all  his  forces,  this  Antiochus,  to  insult 
Lysander,  sailed  with  two  galleys  into  the  port  of 
the  Ephesians,  and  with  mocking  and  laughter 
proudly  rowed  along  before  the  place  where  the  ships 
lay  drawn  up.  Lysander,  in  indignation,  launched 
at  first  a  few  ships  only  and  pursued  him,  but  as  soon 
as  he  saw  the  Athenians  come  to  his  help,  he  added 
some  other  ships,  and,  at  last,  they  fell  to  a  set  bat- 
tle together ;  and  Lysander  won  the  victory,  and  tak- 
ing fifteen  of  their  ships,  erected  a  trophy.   For  this, 

*  The  obolus,  six  to  the  drachma,  may  not  unfairly  be  called 
the  Greek  penny,  though  in  actual  value  worth  three  half -pence; 
exactly  like  the  Swiss  batz. 


118  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  people  in  the  city  being  angry,  put  Alcibiades 
out  of  command,  and  finding  himself  despised  by  the 
soldiers  in  Samos,  and  ill  spoken  of,  he  sailed  from 
the  army  into  the  Chersonese.  And  this  battle,  al- 
though not  important  in  itself,  was  made  remarkable 
by  its  consequences  to  Alcibiades. 

Lysander,  meanwhile,  inviting  to  Ephesus  such 
persons  in  the  various  cities  as  he  saw  to  be  bolder 
and  haughtier-spirited  than  the  rest,  proceeded  to 
lay  the  foundations  of  that  government  by  bodies  of 
ten,  and  those  revolutions  which  afterwards  came  to 
pass,  stirring  up  and  urging  them  to  unite  in  clubs ; 
and  apply  themselves  to  public  affairs,  since  as 
soon  as  ever  the  Athenians  should  be  put  down,  the 
popular  governments,  he  said,  should  be  suppressed, 
and  they  should  become  supreme  in  the  several  coun- 
tries. And  he  made  them  believe  these  things  by  pres- 
ent deeds,  promoting  those  who  were  his  friends  al- 
ready to  great  employments,  honors,  and  offices,  and, 
to  gratify  their  covetousness,  making  himself  a  part- 
ner in  injustice  and  wickedness.  So  much  so,  that 
all  flocked  to  him,  and  courted  and  desired  him,  hop- 
ing, if  he  remained  in  power,  that  the  highest  wishes 
they  could  form  would  all  be  gratified.  And  therefore, 
from  the  very  beginning,  they  could  not  look  pleas- 
antly upon  Callicratidas,  when  he  came  to  succeed 
Lysander  as  admiral;  nor,  afterwards,  when  he  had 
given  them  experience  that  he  was  a  most  noble  and 
just  person,  were  they  pleased  with  the  manner  of 
his  government,  and  its  straightforward,  Dorian,  hon- 
est character.  They  did,  indeed,  admire  his  virtue, 
as  they  might  the  beauty  of  some  hero's  image;  but 
their  wishes  were  for  Lysander's  zealous  and  profit- 
able support  of  the  interests  of  his  friends  and  parti- 
sans, and  they  shed  tears,  and  were  much  disheart- 
ened when  he  sailed  from  them.    He  himself  made 


LYSANDER 


119 


them  yet  more  disaffected  to  Callicratidas ;  for  what 
remained  of  the  money  which  had  been  given  him  to 
pay  the  navy,  he  sent  back  again  to  Sardis,  bidding 
them,  if  they  would,  apply  to  Callicratidas  himself, 
and  see  how  he  was  able  to  maintain  the  soldiers. 
And,  at  the  last,  sailing  away,  he  declared  to  him  that 
he  delivered  up  the  fleet  in  possession  and  command 
of  the  sea.  But  Callicratidas,  to  expose  the  empti- 
ness of  these  high  pretensions,  said,  "In  that  case, 
leave  Samos  on  the  left  hand,  and,  sailing  to  Miletus, 
there  deliver  up  the  ships  to  me;  for  if  we  are  masters 
of  the  sea,  we  need  not  fear  sailing  by  our  enemies 
in  Samos."  To  which  Lysander  answering,  that  not 
himself,  but  he,  commanded  the  ships,  sailed  to  Pe- 
loponnesus, leaving  Callicratidas  in  great  perplexity. 
For  neither  had  he  brought  any  money  from  home 
with  him,  nor  could  he  endure  to  tax  the  towns  or 
force  them,  being  in  hardship  enough.  Therefore, 
the  only  course  that  was  to  be  taken  was  to  go  and 
beg  at  the  doors  of  the  king's  commanders,  as  Lysan- 
der had  done;  for  which  he  was  most  unfit  of  any 
man,  being  of  a  generous  and  great  spirit,  and  one 
who  thought  it  more  becoming  for  the  Greeks  to 
suffer  any  damage  from  one  another,  than  to  flatter 
and  wait  at  the  gates  of  barbarians,  who,  indeed,  had 
gold  enough,  but  nothing  else  that  was  commendable. 
But  being  compelled  by  necessity,  he  proceeded  to 
Lydia,  and  went  at  once  to  Cyrus's  house,  and  sent 
in  word,  that  Callicratidas,  the  admiral,  was  there  to 
speak  with  him;  one  of  those  who  kept  the  gates  re- 
plied, "Cyrus,  O  stranger,  is  not  now  at  leisure,  for 
he  is  drinking."  To  which  Callicratidas  answered, 
most  innocently,  "Very  well,  I  will  wait  till  he  has 
done  his  draught."  This  time,  therefore,  they  took 
him  for  some  clownish  fellow,  and  he  withdrew, 
merely  laughed  at  by  the  barbarians ;  but  when,  after- 


120  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


wards,  he  came  a  second  time  to  the  gate,  and  was 
not  admitted,  he  took  it  hardly  and  set  off  for  Ephe- 
sus,  wishing  a  great  many  evils  to  those  who  first  let 
themselves  be  insulted  over  by  these  barbarians,  and 
taught  them  to  be  insolent  because  of  their  riches; 
and  added  vows  to  those  who  were  present,  that  as 
soon  as  ever  he  came  back  to  Sparta,  he  would  do 
all  he  could  to  reconcile  the  Greeks,  that  they  might 
be  formidable  to  barbarians,  and  that  they  should 
cease  henceforth  to  need  their  aid  against  one  an- 
other. But  Callicratidas,  who  entertained  purposes 
worthy  a  Lacedaemonian,  and  showed  himself  worthy 
to  compete  with  the  very  best  of  Greece,  for  his  jus- 
tice, his  greatness  of  mind  and  courage,  not  long 
after,  having  been  beaten  in  a  sea-fight  at  Arginusse, 
died. 

And  now  affairs  going  backwards,  the  associates 
in  the  war  sent  an  embassy  to  Sparta,  requiring  Ly- 
sander  to  be  their  admiral,  professing  themselves 
ready  to  undertake  the  business  much  more  zealously, 
if  he  was  commander ;  and  Cyrus,  also,  sent  to  request 
the  same  thing.  But  because  they  had  a  law  which 
would  not  suffer  any  one  to  be  admiral  twice,  and 
wished,  nevertheless,  to  gratify  their  allies,  they  gave 
the  title  of  admiral  to  one  Aracus,  and  sent  Lysander 
nominally  as  vice-admiral,  but,  indeed,  with  full  pow- 
ers. So  he  came  out,  long  wished  for  by  the  greatest 
part  of  the  chief  persons  and  leaders  in  the  towns, 
who  hoped  to  grow  to  greater  power  still  by  his 
means,  when  the  popular  governments  should  be 
everywhere  destroyed. 

But  to  those  who  loved  honest  and  noble  behavior 
in  their  commanders,  Lysander,  compared  with  Calli- 
cratidas, seemed  cunning  and  subtle,  managing  most 
things  in  the  war  by  deceit,  extolling  what  was  just 
when  it  was  profitable,  and  when  it  was  not,  using 


LYSANDER 


121 


that  which  was  convenient,  instead  of  that  which  was 
good;  and  not  judging  truth  to  be  in  nature  better 
than  falsehood,  but  setting  a  value  upon  both  accord- 
ing to  interest.  He  would  laugh  at  those  who  thought 
that  Hercules's  posterity  ought  not  to  use  deceit  in 
war:  *Tor  where  the  lion's  skin  will  not  reach,  you 
must  patch  it  out  with  the  fox's."  Such  is  the  con- 
duct recorded  of  him  in  the  business  about  Miletus; 
for  when  his  friends  and  connections,  whom  he  had 
promised  to  assist  in  suppressing  popular  govern- 
ment and  expelling  their  political  opponents,  had 
altered  their  minds,  and  were  reconciled  to  their  ene- 
mies, he  pretended  openly  as  if  he  was  pleased  with 
it,  and  was  desirous  to  further  the  reconciliation,  but 
privately  he  railed  at  and  abused  them,  and  provoked 
them  to  set  upon  the  multitude.  And  as  soon  as 
ever  he  perceived  a  new  attempt  to  be  commencing, 
he  at  once  came  up  and  entered  into  the  city,  and 
the  first  of  the  conspirators  he  lit  upon,  he  pretended 
to  rebuke,  and  spoke  roughly,  as  if  he  would  punish 
them;  but  the  others,  meantime,  he  bade  be  coura- 
geous, and  to  fear  nothing  now  he  was  with  them.  And 
all  this  acting  and  dissembling  was  with  the  object 
that  the  most  considerable  men  of  the  popular  party 
might  not  fly  away,  but  might  stay  in  the  city  and  be 
killed;  which  so  fell  out,  for  all  who  believed  him 
were  put  to  death. 

There  is  a  saying,  also,  recorded  by  Androclides, 
which  makes  him  guilty  of  great  indifference  to  the 
obligations  of  an  oath.  His  recommendation,  accord- 
ing to  this  account,  was  to  "cheat  boys  with  dice,  and 
men  with  oaths,"  an  imitation  of  Polycrates  of  Samos, 
not  very  honorable  to  a  lavi^ful  commander,  to  take 
example,  namely,  from  a  tyrant;  nor  in  character 
with  Laconian  usages,  to  treat  gods  as  ill  as  enemies, 
or,  indeed,  even  more  injuriously;  since  he  who  over- 


122  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


reaches  by  an  oath  admits  that  he  fears  his  enemy, 
while  he  despises  his  God. 

Cyrus  now  sent  for  Lysander  to  Sardis,  and  gave 
him  some  money,  and  promised  him  some  more, 
youthfully  protesting  in  favor  to  him,  that  if  his 
father  gave  him  nothing,  he  would  supply  him  of  his 
own;  and  if  he  himself  should  be  destitute  of  all,  he 
would  cut  up,  he  said,  to  make  money,  the  very 
throne  upon  which  he  sat  to  do  justice,  it  being  made 
of  gold  and  silver;  and,  at  last,  on  going  up  into 
Media  to  his  father,  he  ordered  that  he  should  receive 
the  tribute  of  the  towns,  and  committed  his  govern- 
ment to  him,  and  so  taking  his  leave,  and  desiring 
him  not  to  fight  by  sea  before  he  returned,  for  he 
would  come  back  with  a  great  many  ships  out  of 
Phoenicia  and  Cilicia,  departed  to  visit  the  king. 

Lysander's  ships  were  too  few  for  him  to  venture 
to  fight,  and  yet  too  many  to  allow  of  his  remaining 
idle;  he  set  out,  therefore,  and  reduced  some  of  the 
islands,  and  wasted  Mginsi  and  Salamis;  and  from 
thence  landing  in  Attica,  and  saluting  Agis,  who 
came  from  Decelea  to  meet  him,  he  made  a  display 
to  the  land-forces  of  the  strength  of  the  fleet,  as 
though  he  could  sail  where  he  pleased,  and  were  abso- 
lute master  by  sea.  But  hearing  the  Athenians  pur- 
sued him,  he  fled  another  way  through  the  islands  into 
Asia.  And  finding  the  Hellespont  without  any  de- 
fence he  attacked  Lampsacus  with  his  ships  by  sea; 
while  Thorax,  acting  in  concert  with  him  with  the 
land  army,  made  an  assault  on  the  walls;  and  so, 
having  taken  the  city  by  storm,  he  gave  it  up  to  his 
soldiers  to  plunder.  The  fleet  of  the  Athenians,  a 
hundred  and  eighty  ships,  had  just  arrived  at  Elseus 
in  the  Chersonese ;  and  hearing  the  news,  that  Lamp- 
sacus was  destroyed,  they  presently  sailed  to  Sestos; 
where,  taking  in  victuals,  they  advanced  to  ^gos 


LYSANDER 


123 


Potami,  over  against  their  enemies,  who  were  still 
stationed  about  Lampsacus.  Amongst  other  Athe- 
nian captains  who  were  now  in  command  was  Philo- 
cles,  he  who  persuaded  the  people  to  pass  a  decree  to 
cut  off  the  right  thumb  of  the  captives  in  the  war, 
that  they  should  not  be  able  to  hold  the  spear,  though 
they  might  the  oar. 

Then  they  all  rested  themselves,  hoping  they 
should  have  battle  the  next  morning.  But  Lysander 
had  other  things  in  his  head;  he  commanded  the 
mariners  and  pilots  to  go  on  board  at  dawn,  as  if 
there  should  be  a  battle  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  and 
to  sit  there  in  order,  and  without  any  noise,  expect- 
ing what  should  be  commanded,  and  in  like  manner 
that  the  land  army  should  remain  quietly  in  their 
ranks  by  the  sea.  But  the  sun  rising,  and  the  Athe- 
nians sailing  up  with  their  whole  fleet  in  line,  and 
challenging  them  to  battle,  he,  though  he  had  had 
his  ships  all  drawn  up  and  manned  before  daybreak, 
nevertheless  did  not  stir.  He  merely  sent  some  small 
boats  to  those  who  lay  foremost,  and  bade  them  keep 
still  and  stay  in  their  order;  not  to  be  disturbed,  and 
none  of  them  to  sail  out  and  offer  battle.  So  about 
evening,  the  Athenians  sailing  back,  he  would  not 
let  the  seamen  go  out  of  the  ships  before  two  or  three, 
which  he  had  sent  to  espy,  were  returned,  after  see- 
ing the  enemies  disembark.  And  thus  they  did  the 
next  day,  and  the  third,  and  so  to  the  fourth.  So 
that  the  Athenians  grew  extremely  confident,  and 
disdained  their  enemies,  as  if  they  had  been  afraid 
and  daunted.  At  this  time,  Alcibiades,  who  was  in 
his  castle  in  the  Chersonese,  came  on  horseback  to  the 
Athenian  army,  and  found  fault  with  their  captains, 
first  of  all  that  they  had  pitched  their  camp  neither 
well  nor  safely,  on  an  exposed  and  open  beach,  a  very 
bad  landing  for  the  ships,  and,  secondly,  that  where 


124 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


they  were,  they  had  to  fetch  all  they  wanted  from 
Sestos,  some  considerable  way  off;  whereas  if  they 
sailed  round  a  little  way  to  the  town  and  harbor  of 
Sestos,  they  would  be  at  a  safer  distance  from  an 
enem}^  who  lay  watching  their  movements,  at  the 
command  of  a  single  general,  terror  of  whom  made 
every  order  rapidly  executed.  This  advice,  however, 
they  would  not  listen  to;  and  Tydeus  answered  dis- 
dainfully, that  not  he,  but  others,  were  in  office  now. 
So  Alcibiades,  who  even  suspected  there  must  be 
treachery,  departed. 

But  on  the  fifth  day,  the  Athenians  having  sailed 
towards  them,  and  gone  back  again  as  they  were  used 
to  do,  very  proudly  and  full  of  contempt,  Lysander 
sending  some  ships,  as  usual,  to  look  out,  conmianded 
the  masters  of  them  that  when  they  saw  the  Athe- 
nians go  to  land,  they  should  row  back  again  with 
all  their  speed,  and  that  when  they  were  about  half- 
way across,  they  should  lift  up  a  brazen  shield  from  the 
foredeck,  as  the  sign  of  battle.  And  he  himself  sail- 
ing round,  encouraged  the  pilots  and  masters  of  the 
ships,  and  exhorted  them  to  keep  all  their  men  to  their 
places,  seamen  and  soldiers  alike,  and  as  soon  as  ever 
the  sign  should  be  given,  to  row  up  boldly  to  their 
enemies.  Accordingly  when  the  shield  had  been  lift- 
ed up  from  the  ships,  and  the  trumpet  from  the  ad- 
miral's vessel  had  sounded  for  battle,  the  ships  rowed 
up,  and  the  foot-soldiers  strove  to  get  along  by  the 
shore  to  the  promontory.  The  distance  there  be- 
tween the  two  continents  is  fifteen  furlongs,  which, 
by  the  zeal  and  eagerness  of  the  rowers,  was  quickly 
traversed.  Conon,  one  of  the  Athenian  commanders, 
was  the  first  who  saw  from  the  land  the  fleet  advanc- 
ing, and  shouted  out  to  embark,  and  in  the  greatest 
distress  bade  some  and  entreated  others,  and  some 
he  forced  to  man  the  ships.    But  all  his  diligence 


LYSANDER 


125 


signified  nothing,  because  the  men  were  scattered 
about;  for  as  soon  as  they  came  out  of  the  ships,  ex- 
pecting no  such  matter,  some  went  to  market,  others 
walked  about  the  country,  or  went  to  sleep  in  their 
tents,  or  got  their  dinners  ready,  being,  through  their 
commanders'  want  of  skill,  as  far  as  possible  from 
any  thought  of  what  was  to  happen;  and  the  enemy 
now  coming  up  with  shouts  and  noise,  Conon,  with 
eight  ships,  sailed  out,  and  making  his  escape,  passed 
from  thence  to  Cyprus,  to  Evagoras.  The  Pelopon- 
nesians  falling  upon  the  rest,  some  they  took  quite 
empty,  and  some  they  destroyed  while  they  were  fill- 
ing; the  men,  meantime,  coming  unarmed  and  scat- 
tered to  help,  died  at  their  ships,  or,  flying  by  land, 
were  slain,  their  enemies  disembarking  and  pursu- 
ing them.  Lysander  took  three  thousand  prisoners, 
with  the  generals,  and  the  whole  fleet,  excepting  the 
sacred  ship  Paralus,  and  those  which  fled  with 
Conon.  So  taking  their  ships  in  tow,  and  having 
plundered  their  tents,  with  pipe  and  songs  of  victory, 
he  sailed  back  to  Lampsacus,  having  accomplished  a 
great  work  with  small  pains,  and  having  finished  in 
I  one  hour,  a  war  which  had  been  protracted  in  its  con- 
tinuance, and  diversified  in  its  incidents  and  its  for- 
tunes to  a  degree  exceeding  belief,  compared  with  all 
before  it.  After  altering  its  shape  and  character  a 
thousand  times,  and  after  having  been  the  destruction 
of  more  commanders  than  all  the  previous  wars  of 
Greece  put  together,  it  was  now  put  an  end  to  by  the 
good  counsel  and  ready  conduct  of  one  man. 

Some,  therefore,  looked  upon  the  result  as  a  di- 
vine intervention,  and  there  were  certain  who  af- 
firmed that  the  stars  of  Castor  and  Pollux  were  seen 
on  each  side  of  Lysander's  ship,  when  he  first  set  sail 
from  the  haven  toward  his  enemies,  shining  about  the 
helm;  and  sonae  say  the  stone  which  fell  down  was  a 


126  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


sign  of  this  slaughter.  For  a  stone  of  a  great  size 
did  fall,  according  to  the  common  belief,  from 
heaven,  at  ^gos  Potami,  which  is  shown  to  this  day, 
and  had  in  great  esteem  by  the  Chersonites.  And  it 
is  said  that  Anaxagoras  foretold,  that  the  occurrence 
of  a  slip  or  shake  among  the  bodies  fixed  in  the  heav- 
ens, dislodging  any  one  of  them,  would  be  followed 
by  the  fall  of  the  whole  of  them.  For  no  one  of  the 
stars  is  now  in  the  same  place  in  which  it  was  at  first ; 
for  they,  being,  according  to  him,  like  stones  and 
heavy,  shine  by  the  refraction  of  the  upper  air  round 
about  them,  and  are  carried  along  forcibly  by  the 
violence  of  the  circular  motion  by  which  they  were 
originally  withheld  from  falling,  when  cold  and 
heavy  bodies  were  first  separated  from  the  general 
universe.  But  there  is  a  more  probable  opinion  than 
this  maintained  by  some,  who  say  that  falling  stars 
are  no  effluxes,  nor  discharges  of  ethereal  fire,  extin- 
guished almost  at  the  instant  of  its  igniting  by  the 
lower  air ;  neither  are  they  the  sudden  combustion  and 
blazing  up  of  a  quantity  of  the  lower  air  let  loose  in 
great  abundance  into  the  upper  region;  but  the  heav- 
enly bodies,  by  a  relaxation  of  the  force  of  their  cir- 
cular movement,  are  carried  by  an  irregular  course, 
not  in  general  into  the  inhabited  part  of  the  earth, 
but  for  the  most  part  into  the  wide  sea;  which  is  the 
cause  of  their  not  being  observed.  Daimachus,  in 
his  treatise  on  Religion,  supports  the  view  of  Anaxa- 
goras. He  says,  that  before  this  stone  fell,  for  sev- 
enty-five days  continually,  there  was  seen  in  the 
heavens  a  vast  fiery  body,  as  if  it  had  been  a  flaming 
cloud,  not  resting,  but  carried  about  with  several  in- 
tricate and  broken  movements,  so  that  the  flaming 
pieces,  which  were  broken  off  by  this  commotion  and 
running  about,  were  carried  in  all  directions,  shining 
as  falling  stars  do.    But  when  it  afterwards  came 


LYSANDER 


127 


down  to  the  ground  in  this  district,  and  the  people 
of  the  place  recovering  from  their  fear  and  aston- 
ishment came  together;  there  was  no  fire  to  be  seen, 
neither  any  sign  of  it;  there  was  only  a  stone  lying, 
big  indeed,  but  which  bore  no  proportion,  to  speak 
of,  to  that  fiery  compass.  It  is  manifest  that  Dai- 
machus  needs  to  have  indulgent  hearers;  but  if  what 
he  says  be  true,  he  altogether  proves  those  to  be 
wrong  who  say  that  a  rock  broken  off  from  the  top 
of  some  mountain,  by  winds  and  tempests,  and 
caught  and  whirled  about  like  a  top,  as  soon  as  this 
impetus  began  to  slacken  and  cease,  was  precipitated 
and  fell  to  the  ground.  Unless,  indeed,  we  choose  to 
say  that  the  phenomenon  which  was  observed  for  so 
many  days  was  really  fire,  and  that  the  change  in  the 
atmosphere  ensuing  on  its  extinction  was  attended 
with  violent  winds  and  agitations,  which  might  be 
the  cause  of  this  stone  being  carried  off.  The  exacter 
treatment  of  this  subject  belongs,  however,  to  a  dif- 
ferent kind  of  writing. 

Lysander,  after  the  three  thousand  Athenians 
whom  he  had  taken  prisoners  were  condemned  by  the 
commissioners  to  die,  called  Philocles  the  general, 
and  asked  him  what  punishment  he  considered  him- 
self to  deserve,  for  having  advised  the  citizens  as  he 
had  done,  against  the  Greeks;  but  he,  being  nothing 
cast  down  at  his  calamity,  bade  him  not  accuse  him 
of  matters  of  which  nobody  was  a  judge,  but  to  do 
to'  him,  now  he  was  a  conqueror,  as  he  would  have 
suffered,  had  he  been  overcome.  Then  washing  him- 
self, and  putting  on  a  fine  cloak,  he  led  the  citizens 
the  way  to  the  slaughter,  as  Theophrastus  writes  in 
his  history.^  After  this  Lysander,  sailing  about  to 
the  various  cities,  bade  all  the  Athenians  he  met  go 

^  As  Theophratus  writes  in  his  history  should  be  rather,  as 
Theophratus  the  historian  or  historical  inquirer  writes. 


128  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


into  Athens,  declaring  that  he  would  spare  none,  but 
kill  every  man  whom  he  found  out  of  the  city,  intend- 
ing thus  to  cause  immediate  famine  and  scarcity 
there,  that  they  might  not  make  the  siege  laborious 
to  him,  having  provisions  sufficient  to  endure  it.  And 
suppressing  the  popular  governments  and  all  other 
constitutions,  he  left  one  Lacedsemonian  chief  officer 
in  every  city,  with  ten  rulers  to  act  with  him,  selected 
out  of  the  societies  which  he  had  previously  formed  in 
the  different  towns.  And  doing  thus  as  well  in  the 
cities  of  his  enemies,  as  of  his  associates,  he  sailed  leis- 
urely on,  establishing,  in  a  manner,  for  himself  su- 
premacy over  the  whole  of  Greece.  Neither  did  he 
make  choice  of  rulers  by  birth  or  by  wealth,  but  be- 
stowed the  offices  on  his  own  friends  and  partisans, 
doing  every  thing  to  please  them,  and  putting  abso- 
lute power  of  reward  and  punishment  into  their 
hands.  And  thus,  personally  appearing  on  many 
occasions  of  bloodshed  and  massacre,  and  aiding  his 
friends  to  expel  their  opponents,  he  did  not  give  the 
Greeks  a  favorable  specimen  of  the  Lacedsemonian 
government;  and  the  expression  of  Theopompus,  the 
comic  poet,  seemed  but  poor,  when  he  compared  the 
Lacedaemonians  to  tavern  women,  because  when  the 
Greeks  had  first  tasted  the  sweet  wine  of  liberty,  they 
then  poured  vinegar  into  the  cup;  for  from  the  very 
first  it  had  a  rough  and  bitter  taste,  all  government 
by  the  people  being  suppressed  by  Lysander,  and 
the  boldest  and  least  scrupulous  of  the  oligarchical 
party  selected  to  rule  the  cities. 

Having  spent  some  little  time  about  these  things, 
and  sent  some  before  to  Lacedsemon  to  tell  them  he 
was  arriving  with  two  hundred  ships,  he  united  his 
forces  in  Attica  with  those  of  the  two  kings  Agis  and 
Pausanias,  hoping  to  take  the  city  without  delay. 
But  when  the  Athenians  defended  themselves,  he 


LYSANDER 


129 


with  his  fleet  passed  again  to  Asia,  and  in  like  man- 
ner destroyed  the  forms  of  government  in  all  the 
other  cities,  and  placed  them  under  the  rule  of  ten 
chief  persons,  many  in  every  one  being  killed,  and 
many  driven  into  exile ;  and  in  Samos,  he  expelled  the 
whole  people,  and  gave  their  cities  to  the  exiles  whom 
he  brought  back.  And  the  Athenians  still  possess- 
ing Sestos,  he  took  it  from  them,  and  suffered  not 
the  Sestians  themselves  to  dwell  in  it,  but  gave  the 
city  and  country  to  be  divided  out  among  the  pilots 
and  masters  of  the  ships  under  him;  which  was  his 
first  act  that  was  disallowed  by  the  Lacedeemonians, 
who  brought  the  Sestians  back  again  into  their  coun- 
try. All  Greece,  however,  rejoiced  to  see  the  iEgine- 
tans,  by  Lysander's  aid,  now  again,  after  a  long  time, 
receiving  back  their  cities,  and  the  Melians  and  Scio- 
n^eans  restored,  while  the  Athenians  were  driven  out, 
and  delivered  up  the  cities. 

But  when  he  now  understood  they  were  in  a  bad 
case  in  the  city  because  of  the  famine,  he  sailed  to 
Piraeus,  and  reduced  the  city,  which  was  compelled 
to  surrender  on  what  conditions  he  demanded.  One 
hears  it  said  by  Lacedsemonians  that  Lysander  wrote 
to  the  Ephors  thus:  "Athens  is  taken;"  and  that 
these  magistrates  wrote  back  to  Lysander,  "Taken 
is  enough."  But  this  saying  was  invented  for  its 
^neatness'  sake;  for  the  true  decree  of  the  magistrates 
was  on  this  manner:  "The  government  of  the  Lace- 
dsemonians has  made  these  orders;  pull  down  the 
Piraeus  and  the  long  walls;  quit  all  the  towns,  and 
keep  to  your  own  land;  if  you  do  these  things,  you 
shall  have  peace,  if  you  wish  it,  restoring  also  your 
exiles.  As  concerning  the  number  of  the  ships,  what- 
soever there  be  judged  necessary  to  appoint,  that 
do."  This  scroll  of  conditions  the  Athenians  ac- 
cepted.  Theramenes,  son  of  Hagnon,  supporting  it. 


130  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


At  which  time,  too,  they  say  that  when  Cleomences, 
one  of  the  young  orators,  asked  him  how  he  durst  act 
and  speak  contrary  to  Themistocles,  delivering  up 
the  walls  to  the  Lacedsemonians,  which  he  had  built 
against  the  will  of  the  Lacedsemonians,  he  said,  "O 
young  men,  I  do  nothing  contrary  to  Themistocles ;  for 
he  raised  these  walls  for  the  safety  of  the  citizens,  and 
we  pull  them  down  for  their  safety;  and  if  walls  make 
a  city  happy,  then  Sparta  must  be  the  most  wretched 
of  all,  as  it  has  none." 

Lysander,  as  soon  as  he  had  taken  all  the  ships 
except  twelve,  and  the  walls  of  the  Athenians,  on  the 
sixteenth  day  of  the  month  Munychion,  the  same  on 
which  they  had  overcome  the  barbarians  at  Salamis, 
then  proceeded  to  take  measures  for  altering  the  gov- 
ernment. But  the  Athenians  taking  that  very  un- 
willingly, and  resisting,  he  sent  to  the  people  and  in- 
formed them,  that  he  found  that  the  city  had  broken 
the  terms,  for  the  walls  were  standing  when  the  days 
were  past  within  which  they  should  have  been  pulled 
down.  He  should,  therefore,  consider  their  case 
anew,  they  having  broken  their  first  articles.  And 
some  state,  in  fact,  the  proposal  was  made  in  the 
congress  of  the  allies,  that  the  Athenians  should  all 
be  sold  as  slaves;  on  which  occasion,  Erianthus,  the 
Theban,  gave  his  vote  to  pull  down  the  city,  and  turn 
the  country  into  sheep-pasture;  yet  afterwards,  when 
there  was  a  meeting  of  the  captains  together,  a  man 
of  Phocis,  singing  the  first  chorus  in  Euripides's 
Electra,^  which  begins, 

Electra,  Agamemnon's  child,  I  come 
Unto  thy  desert  home, 

they  were  all  melted  with  compassion,  and  it  seemed 
to  be  a  cruel  deed  to  destroy  and  pull  down  a  city 
which  had  been  so  famous,  and  produced  such  men. 

®  Begins  at  the  1 67th  line. 


LYSANDER 


131 


Accordingly  Lysander,  the  Athenians  yielding 
up  every  thing,  sent  for  a  number  of  flute-women 
out  of  the  city  and  collected  together  all  that  were  in 
the  camp,  and  pulled  down  the  walls,  and  burnt  the 
ships  to  the  sound  of  the  flute,  the  allies  being 
crowned  with  garlands,  and  making  merry  together, 
as  counting  that  day  the  beginning  of  their  liberty. 
He  proceeded  also  at  once  to  alter  the  government, 
placing  thirty  rulers  in  the  city,  and  ten  in  the  Pi- 
raeus ;  he  put,  also,  a  garrison  into  the  Acropolis,  and 
made  Callibius,  a  Spartan,  the  governor  of  it;  who 
afterwards  taking  up  his  staff  to  strike  Autolycus, 
the  athlete,  about  whom  Xenophon  wrote  his  "Ban- 
quet," on  his  tripping  up  his  heels  and  throwing  him 
to  the  ground,  Lysander  was  not  vexed  at  it,  but  chid 
Callibius,  telling  him  he  did  not  know  how  to  govern 
freemen.  The  thirty  rulers,  however,  to  gain  Cal- 
libius's  favor,  a  little  after  killed  Autolycus. 

Lysander,  after  this,  sails  out  to  Thrace,  and  what 
remained  of  the  public  money,  and  the  gifts  and 
crowns  which  he  had  himself  received,  numbers  of 
people,  as  might  be  expected,  being  anxious  to  make 
presents  to  a  man  of  such  great  power,  who  was,  in 
a  manner,  the  lord  of  Greece,  he  sends  to  Lacedaemon 
by  Gylippus,  who  had  commanded  formerly  in  Sicily. 
But  he,  it  is  reported,  unsewed  the  sacks  at  the  bot- 
tom, took  a  considerable  amount  of  silver  out  of 
every  one  of  them,  and  sewed  them  up  again,  not 
knowing  there  was  a  writing  in  every  one  stating  how 
much  there  was.  And  coming  into  Sparta,  what  he 
had  thus  stolen  away  he  hid  under  the  tiles  of  his 
house,  and  delivered  up  the  sacks  to  the  magistrates, 
and  showed  the  seals  were  upon  them.  But  after- 
wards, on  their  opening  the  sacks  and  counting  it, 
the  quantity  of  the  silver  differed  from  what  the  writ- 
ing expressed;  and  the  matter  causing  some  perplex- 


132  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ity  to  the  magistrates,  Gylippus's  servant  tells  them 
in  a  riddle,  that  under  the  tiles  lay  many  owls;  for, 
as  it  seems,  the  greatest  part  of  the  money  then  cur- 
rent, bore  the  Athenian  stamp  of  the  owl.  Gylippus 
having  committed  so  foul  and  base  a  deed,  after  such 
great  and  distinguished  exploits  before,  removed  him- 
self from  Lacedasmon. 

But  the  wisest  of  the  Spartans,  very  much  on  ac- 
count of  this  occurrence,  dreading  the  influence  of 
money,  as  being  what  had  corrupted  the  greatest  citi- 
zens, exclaimed  against  Lysander's  conduct,  and  de- 
clared to  the  Ephors,  that  all  the  silver  and  gold 
should  be  sent  away,  as  mere  "alien  mischiefs."  These 
consulted  about  it;  and  Theopompus  says,  it  was 
Sciraphidas,  but  Ephorus,  that  it  was  Phlogidas,  who 
declared  they  ought  not  to  receive  any  gold  or  silver 
into  the  city ;  but  to  use  their  own  country  coin  which 
was  iron,  and  was  first  of  all  dipped  in  vinegar  when 
it  was  red  hot,  that  it  might  not  be  worked  up  anew, 
but  because  of  the  dipping  might  be  hard  and  unpli- 
able.  It  was  also,  of  course,  very  heavy  and  trouble- 
some to  carry,  and  a  great  deal  of  it  in  quantity  and 
weight  was  but  a  little  in  value.  And  perhaps  all  the 
old  money  was  so,  coin  consisting  of  iron,  or  in  some 
countries,  copper  skewers,  whence  it  comes  that  we 
still  find  a  great  number  of  small  pieces  of  money  re- 
tain the  name  of  oholus,^  and  the  drachma  is  six  of 
these,  because  so  much  may  be  grasped  in  one's  hand. 

^  Obelus,  a  small  spit  or  skewer,  is  probably  the  same  word 
with  oholus,  the  Greek  penny,  the  sixth  part  of  a  drachma: 
drachma,  a  handful,  comes  from  drassomai,  to  grasp  in  the  hand; 
thus  in  Homer,  dragma,  of  the  stalks  of  corn  in  the  reaper's 
hands.  *'As  when  reapers,  facing  each  other,  cut  a  swathe  in  a 
rich  man's  field,  of  wheat  or  of  barley,  and  the  handfuls  fall 
thickly,  so  stood  the  Trojans  and  Achaeans,  fighting:"  and  again 
of  the  gleaners,  in  the  shield  of  Achilles. 


LYSANDER 


133 


But  Lysander's  friends  being  against  it,  and  endeav- 
oring to  keep  the  money  in  the  city,  it  was  resolved  to 
bring  in  this  sort  of  money  to  be  used  publicly,  enact- 
ing, at  the  same  time,  that  if  any  one  was  found  in 
possession  of  any  privately,  he  should  be  put  to 
death,  as  if  Lycurgus  had  feared  the  coin,  and  not  the 
covetousness  resulting  from  it,  which  they  did  not 
repress  by  letting  no  private  man  keep  any,  so  much 
as  they  encouraged  it,  by  allowing  the  state  to  pos- 
sess it;  attaching  thereby  a  sort  of  dignity  to  it,  over 
as  they  encouraged  it,  by  allowing  the  state  to  pos- 
sible, that  what  they  saw  was  so  much  esteemed  pub- 
licly, they  should  privately  despise  as  unprofitable; 
and  that  every  one  should  think  that  thing  could  be 
nothing  worth  for  his  own  personal  use,  which  was 
so  extremely  valued  and  desired  for  the  use  of  the 
state.  And  moral  habits,  induced  by  public  prac- 
tices, are  far  quicker  in  making  their  way  into  men's 
private  lives,  than  the  failings  and  faults  of  individ- 
uals are  in  infecting  the  city  at  large.  For  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  parts  will  be  rather  corrupted  by  the 
whole  if  that  grows  bad;  while  the  vices  which  flow 
from  a  part  into  the  whole,  find  many  correctives  and 
remedies  from  that  which  remains  sound.  Terror 
and  the  law  were  now  to  keep  guard  over  the  citi- 
zens' houses,  to  prevent  any  money  entering  into 
them ;  but  their  minds  could  no  longer  be  expected  to 
remain  superior  to  the  desire  of  it,  when  wealth  in 
general  was  thus  set  up  to  be  striven  after,  as  a  high 
and  noble  object.  On  this  point,  however,  we  have 
given  our  censure  of  the  Lacedaemonians  in  one  of 
our  other  writings. 

Lysander  erected  out  of  the  spoils  brazen  statues 
at  Delphi  of  himself,  and  of  every  one  of  the  masters 
of  the  ships,  as  also  figures  of  the  golden  stars  of 
Castor  and  Pollux,  which  vanished  before  the  battle 


134 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


at  Leuctra.  In  the  treasury  of  Brasidas  and  the 
Acanthians,  there  was  a  trireme  made  of  gold  and 
ivory,  of  two  cubits,  which  Cyrus  sent  Lysander  in 
honor  of  his  victory.  But  Alexandrides  of  Delphi 
writes  in  his  history,  that  there  was  also  a  deposit  of 
Lysander's,  a  talent  of  silver,  and  fifty-two  minas, 
besides  eleven  staters ;  a  statement  not  consistent  with 
the  generally  received  account  of  his  poverty.  And 
at  that  time,  Lysander,  being  in  fact  of  greater 
power  than  any  Greek  before,  was  yet  thought  to 
show  a  pride,  and  to  affect  a  superiority  greater  even 
than  his  power  warranted.  He  was  the  first,  as 
Duris  says  in  his  history,  among  the  Greeks,  to  whom 
the  cities  reared  altars  as  to  a  god,  and  sacrificed; 
to  him  were  songs  of  triumph  first  sung,  the  begin- 
ning of  one  of  which  still  remains  recorded : — 

Great  Greece's  general  from  spacious  Sparta  we 
Will  celebrate  with  songs  of  victory. 

And  the  Samians  decreed  that  their  solemnities  of 
Juno  should  be  called  the  Lysandria ;  and  out  of  the 
poets  he  had  Choerilus  always  with  him,  to  extol  his 
achievements  in  verse;  and  to  Antilochus,  who  had 
made  some  verses  in  his  commendation,  being  pleased 
with  them,  he  gave  a  hat  full  of  silver;  and  when  An- 
timachus  of  Colophon,  and  one  Niceratus  of  Hera- 
clea,  competed  with  each  other  in  a  poem  on  the  deeds 
of  Lysander,  he  gave  the  garland  to  Niceratus;  at 
which  Antimachus,  in  vexation,  suppressed  his  poem ; 
but  Plato,  being  then  a  young  man,  and  admiring 
Antimachus  for  his  poetry,  consoled  him  for  his  de- 
feat by  telling  him  that  it  is  the  ignorant  who  are  the 
sufferers  by  ignorance,  as  truly  as  the  blind  by  want 
of  sight.  Afterwards,  when  Aristonus,  the  musi- 
cian, who  had  been  a  conqueror  six  times  at  the  Pyth- 
ian games,  told  him  as  a  piece  of  flattery,  that  if  he 


LYSANDER 


135 


were  successful  again,  he  would  proclaim  himself  in 
the  name  of  Lysander,  "that  is,"  he  answered,  "as 
his  slave?" 

This  ambitious  temper  was  indeed  only  burden- 
some to  the  highest  personages  and  to  his  equals,  but 
through  having  so  many  people  devoted  to  serve  him, 
an  extreme  haughtiness  and  contemptuousness  grew 
up,  together  with  ambition,  in  his  character.   He  ob- 
served no  sort  of  moderation,  such  as  befitted  a  pri- 
vate man,  either  in  rewarding  or  in  punishing;  the 
recompense  of  his  friends  and  guests  was  absolute 
power  over  cities,  and  irresponsible  authority,  and 
the  only  satisfaction  of  his  wrath  was  the  destruction 
of  his  enemy;  banishment  would  not  suffice.    As  for 
example,  at  a  later  period,  fearing  lest  the  popular 
leaders  of  the  Milesians  should  fly,  and  desiring  also 
to  discover  those  who  lay  hid,  he  swore  he  would  do 
them  no  harm,  and  on  their  believing  him  and  coming 
forth,  he  delivered  them  up  to  the  oligarchical  lead- 
ers to  be  slain,  being  in  all  no  less  than  eight  hundred. 
And,  indeed,  the  slaughter  in  general  of  those  of  the 
popular  party  in  the  towns  exceeded  all  computation ; 
as  he  did  not  kill  only  for  offences  against  himself, 
but  granted  these  favors  without  sparing,  and  joined 
>in  the  execution  of  them,  to  gratify  the  many  hatreds, 
and  the  much  cupidity  of  his  friends  everywhere 
round  about  him.     From  whence  the  saying  of 
Eteocles,  the  Lacedaemonian,  came  to  be  famous,  that 
"Greece  could  not  have  borne  two  Lysanders."  Theo- 
phrastus  says,  that  Archestratus  said  the  same  thing 
concerning  Alcibiades.    But  in  his  case  what  had 
given  most  offence  was  a  certain  licentious  and  wan- 
ton self-will;  Lysander's  power  was  feared  and  hated 
because  of  his  unmerciful  disposition.    The  Lacedae- 
monians did  not  at  all  concern  themselves  for  any 
other  accusers;  but  afterwards,  when  Pharnabazus, 


136  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


having  been  injured  by  him,  he  having  pillaged  and 
wasted  his  country,  sent  some  to  Sparta  to  inform 
against  him,  the  Ephors  taking  it  very  ill,  put  one  of 
his  friends  and  fellow-captains.  Thorax,  to  death, 
taking  him  with  some  silver  privately  in  his  posses- 
sion; and  they  sent  him  a  scroll,  commanding  him  to 
return  home.  This  scroll  is  made  up  thus;  when  the 
Ephors  send  an  admiral  or  general  on  his  way,  they 
take  two  round  pieces  of  wood,  both  exactly  of  a 
length  and  thickness,  and  cut  even  to  one  another; 
they  keep  one  themselves,  and  the  other  they  give  to 
the  person  they  send  forth;  and  these  pieces  of  wood 
they  call  Scytales.  When,  therefore,  they  have  oc- 
casion to  communicate  any  secret  or  important  mat- 
ter, making  a  scroll  of  parchment  long  and  narrow 
like  a  leathern  thong,  they  roll  it  about  their  own 
staff  of  wood,  leaving  no  space  void  between,  but  cov- 
ering the  surface  of  the  staff  with  the  scroll  all  over. 
When  they  have  done  this,  they  write  what  they 
please  on  the  scroll,  as  it  is  wrapped  about  the  staff; 
and  when  they  have  written,  they  take  off  the  scroll, 
and  send  it  to  the  general  without  the  wood.  He, 
when  he  has  received  it,  can  read  nothing  of  the  writ- 
ing, because  the  words  and  letters  are  not  connected, 
but  all  broken  up ;  but  taking  his  own  staff,  he  winds 
the  slip  of  the  scroll  about  it,  so  that  this  folding,  re- 
storing all  the  parts  into  the  same  order  that  they 
were  in  before,  and  putting  what  comes  first  into 
connection  with  what  follows,  brings  the  whole  con- 
secutive contents  to  view  round  the  outside.  And  this 
scroll  is  called  a  staff,  after  the  name  of  the  wood,  as 
a  thing  measured  is  by  the  name  of  the  measure. 

But  Lysander,  when  the  staff  came  to  him  to  the 
Hellespont,  was  troubled,  and  fearing  Pharna- 
bazus's  accusations  most,  made  haste  to  confer  with 
him,  hoping  to  end  the  difference  by  a  meeting  to- 


LYSANDER 


137 


gather.  When  they  met,  he  desired  him  to  write  an- 
other letter  to  the  magistrates,  stating  that  he  had 
not  been  wronged,  and  had  no  complaint  to  prefer. 
But  he  was  ignorant  that  Pharnabazus,  as  it  is  in  the 
proverb,  played  Cretan  against  Cretan;^  for  pretend- 
ing to  do  all  that  was  desired,  openly  he  wrote  such 
a  letter  as  Lysander  wanted,  but  kept  by  him  another, 
written  privately;  and  when  they  came  to  put  on  the 
seals,  changed  the  tablets,  which  differed  not  at  all 
to  look  upon,  and  gave  him  the  letter  which  had  been 
written  privately.  Lysander,  accordingly,  coming  to 
Lacedasmon,  and  going,  as  the  custom  is,  to  the  mag- 
istrates' office,  gave  Pharnabazus's  letter  to  the  Ep- 
hors,  being  persuaded  that  the  greatest  accusation 
against  him  was  now  withdrawn;  for  Pharnabazus 
was  beloved  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  having  been  the 
most  zealous  on  their  side  in  the  war  of  all  the  king's 
captains.  But  after  the  magistrates  had  read  the  let- 
ter they  showed  it  him,  and  he  understanding  now; 
that 

Others  besides  Ulysses  deep  can  be. 
Not  the  one  wise  man  of  the  world  is  he,* 

in  extreme  confusion,  left  them  at  the  time.  But  a 
few  days  after,  meeting  the  Ephors,  he  said  he  must 
go  to  the  temple  of  Ammon,  and  offer  the  god  the 
sacrifices  which  he  had  vowed  in  war.  For  some  state 
it  as  a  truth,  that  when  he  was  besieging  the  city  of 
Aphytse  in  Thrace,  Ammon  stood  by  him  in  his 
sleep ;  whereupon  raising  the  siege,  supposing  the  god 
had  commanded  it,  he  bade  the  Aphytseans  sacrifice 
to  Ammon,  and  resolved  to  make  a  journey  into 

®  Or  "cheat  against  cheat/'  the  mendacity.    "The  Cretans  are 
Cretans  being  famous  for  their  always  liars." 

^  Others  besides  Ulysses  deep  can  be  is  thought  by  some  critics 
I    to  be  a  fragment  of  the  lost  Palamedes  of  Euripides. 


138  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Libya  to  propitiate  the  god.  But  most  were  of  opin- 
ion that  the  god  was  but  the  pretence,  and  that  in 
reality  he  was  afraid  of  the  Ephors,  and  that  impa- 
tience of  the  yoke  at  home,  and  disHke  of  living  un- 
der authority,  made  him  long  for  some  travel  and 
wandering,  like  a  horse  just  brought  in  from  open 
feeding  and  pasture  to  the  stable,  and  put  again  to 
his  ordinary  work.  For  that  which  Ephorus  states 
to  have  been  the  cause  of  this  travelling  about,  I  shall 
relate  by  and  by. 

And  having  hardly  and  with  difficulty  obtained 
leave  of  the  magistrates  to  depart,  he  set  sail.  But 
the  kings,  while  he  was  on  his  voyage,  considering 
that  keeping,  as  he  did,  the  cities  in  possession  by  his 
own  friends  and  partisans,  he  was  in'  fact  their  sov-^ 
ereign  and  the  lord  of  Greece,  took  measures  for  re- 
storing the  power  to  the  people,  and  for  throwing  his 
friends  out.  Disturbances  commencing  again  about 
these  things,  and,  first  of  all,  the  Athenians  from 
Phyle  setting  upon  their  thirty  rulers  and  overpow- 
ering them,  Lysander,  coming  home  in  haste,  per- 
suaded the  Lacedaemonians  to  support  the  oligarchies 
and  to  put  down  the  popular  governments,  and  to  the 
thirty  in  Athens,  first  of  all,  they  sent  a  hundred  tal- 
ents for  the  war,  and  Lysander  himself,  as  general, 
to  assist  them.  But  the  kings  envying  him,  and  fear- 
ing lest  he  should  take  Athens  again,  resolved  that 
one  of  themselves  should  take  the  command.  Accord- 
ingly Pausanias  went,  and  in  words,  indeed,  pro- 
fessed as  if  he  had  been  for  the  tyrants  against  the 
people,  but  in  reality  exerted  himself  for  peace,  that 
Lysander  might  not  by  the  means  of  his  friends  be- 
come lord  of  Athens  again.  This  he  brought  easily 
to  pass;  for,  reconciling  the  Athenians,  and  quieting 
the  tumults,  he  defeated  the  ambitious  hopes  of  Ly- 
sander, though  shortly  after,  on  the  Athenians  rebel- 


LYSANDER 


139 


ling  again,  he  was  censured  for  having  thus  taken,  as 
it  were,  the  bit  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  people,  which, 
being  freed  from  the  ohgarchy,  would  now  break  out 
against  into  affronts  and  insolence;  and  Lysander 
regained  the  reputation  of  a  person  who  employed 
his  command  not  in  gratification  of  others,  nor  for 
applause,  but  strictly  for  the  good  of  Sparta. 

His  speech,  also,  was  bold  and  daunting  to  such 
as  opposed  him.  The  Argives,  for  example,  con- 
tended about  the  bounds  of  their  land,  and  thought 
they  brought  juster  pleas  than  the  Lacedsemonians ; 
holding  out  his  sword,  "He,"  said  Lysander,  "that  is 
master  of  this,  brings  the  best  argument  about  the 
bounds  of  territory."  A  man  of  Megara,  at  some  con- 
ference, ta'king  freedom  with  him,  "This  language, 
my  friend,"  said  he,  "should  come  from  a  city."^** 
To  the  Boeotians,  who  were  acting  a  doubtful  part, 
he  put  the  question,  whether  he  should  pass  through 
their  country  with  spears  upright,  or  levelled.  After 
the  revolt  of  the  Corinthians,  when,  on  coming  to 
their  walls,  he  perceived  the  Lacedaemonians  hesitat- 
ing to  make  the  assault,  and  a  hare  was  seen  to  leap 
through  the  ditch:  "Are  you  not  ashamed,"  he  said, 
"to  fear  an  enemy,  for  whose  laziness,  the  very  hares 
sleep  up  their  walls?" 

When  king  Agis  died,  leaving  a  brother  Agesi- 
laus,  and  Leotychides,  who  was  supposed  his  son, 
Lysander,  being  attached  to  Agesilaus,  persuaded  him 
to  lay  claim  to  the  kingdom,  as  being  a  true  descend- 
ant of  Hercules;  Leotychides  lying  under  the  suspi- 
cion of  being  the  son  of  Alcibiades,  who  lived  priv- 

Literally,  "Your  words  require  a  city,"  ought,  that  is,  to 
proceed  from  one  who  represents  some  place  of  political  im- 
portance.    "You  speak  as  if  any  one  cared  about  Megara's^ 
opinion." 


140  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ately  in  familiarity  with  Timsea,  the  wife  of  Agis,  at 
the  time  he  was  a  fugitive  in  Sparta.  Agis,  they 
say,  computing  the  time,  satisfied  himself  that  she 
could  not  have  conceived  by  him,  and  had  hitherto 
always  neglected  and  manifestly  disowned  Leoty- 
chides;  but  now  when  he  was  carried  sick  to  Hersea, 
being  ready  to  die,  what  by  the  importunities  of  the 
young  man  himself,  and  of  his  friends,  in  the  presence 
of  many  he  declared  Leotychides  to  be  his;  and  de- 
siring those  who  were  present  to  bear  witness  of  this 
to  the  Lacedgemonians,  died.  They  accordingly  did 
so  testify  in  favor  of  Leotychides.  And  Agesilaus, 
being  otherwise  highly  reputed  of,  and  strong  in  the 
support  of  Lysander,  was,  on  the  other  hand,  preju- 
diced by  Diopithes,  a  man  famous  for  his  knowledge 
of  oracles,  who  adduced  this  prophecy  in  reference  to 
Agesilaus's  lameness: — 

Beware,  great  Sparta,  lest  there  come  of  thee. 
Though  sound  thyself,  an  halting  sovereignty; 
Troubles,  both  long  and  unexpected  too. 
And  storms  of  deadly  warfare  shall  ensue. 

When  many,  therefore,  yielded  to  the  oracle,  and 
inclined  to  Leotychides,  Lysander  said  that  Diopithes 
did  not  take  the  prophecy  rightly ;  for  it  was  not  that 
the  god  would  be  offended  if  any  lame  person  ruled 
over  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  that  the  kingdom  would 
be  a  lame  one,  if  bastards  and  false-born  should  gov- 
ern with  the  posterity  of  Hercules.  By  this  argu- 
ment, and  by  his  great  influence  among  them,  he 
prevailed,  and  Agesilaus  was  made  king. 

Immediately,  therefore,  Lysander  spurred  him  on 
to  make  an  expedition  into  Asia,  putting  him  in  hopes 
that  he  might  destroy  the  Persians,  and  attain  the 
height  of  greatness.  And  he  wrote  to  his  friends  in 
Asia,  bidding  them  request  to  have  Agesilaus  ap- 


LYSANDER 


141 


pointed  to  command  them  in  the  war  against  the  bar- 
barians; which  they  were  persuaded  to,  and  sent  am- 
bassadors to  Lacedsemon  to  entreat  it.  And  this 
would  seem  to  be  a  second  favor  done  Agesilaus  by 
Lysander,  not  inferior  to  his  first  in  obtaining  him  the 
kingdom.  But  with  ambitious  natures,  otherwise  not 
ill  qualified  for  command,  the  feeling  of  jealousy  of 
those  near  them  in  reputation  continually  stands  in 
the  way  of  the  performance  of  noble  actions;  they 
make  those  their  rivals  in  virtue,  whom  they  ought 
to  use  as  their  helpers  to  it.  Agesilaus  took  Ly- 
sander, among  the  thirty  counsellors  that  accompan- 
ied him,  with  intentions  of  using  him  as  his  especial 
friend;  but  ^en  they  were  come  into  Asia,  the  inhabi- 
tants there,  to  whom  he  was  but  little  known,  addressed 
themselves  to  him  but  little  and  seldom;  whereas 
Lysander,  because  of  their  frequent  previous  inter- 
course, was  visited  and  attended  by  large  numbers, 
by  his  friends  out  of  observance,  and  by  others  out 
of  fear;  and  just  as  in  tragedies  it  not  uncommonly 
is  the  case  with  the  actors,  the  person  who  represents 
a  messenger  or  servant  is  much  taken  notice  of,  and 
plays  the  chief  part,  while  he  who  wears  the  crown  and 
sceptre  is  hardly  heard  to  speak,  even  so  was  it  about 
the  counsellor,  he  had  all  the  real  honors  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  to  the  king  was  left  the  empty  name 
of  power.  This  disproportionate  ambition  ought  very 
likely  to  have  been  in  some  way  softened  down,  and 
Lysander  should  have  been  reduced  to  his  proper 
second  place,  but  wholly  to  cast  off  and  to  insult  and 
affront  for  glory's  sake,  one  who  was  his  benefactor 
and  friend,  was  not  worthy  Agesilaus  to  allow  in  him- 
self. For,  first  of  all,  he  gave  him  no  opportunity 
for  any  action,  and  never  set  him  in  any  place  of  com- 
mand; then,  for  whomsoever  he  perceived  him  ex- 
erting his  interest,  these  persons  he  always  sent  away 


142 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  a  refusal,  and  with  less  attention  than  any  ordi- 
nary suitors,  thus  silently  undoing  and  weakening  his 
influence. 

Lysander,  miscarrying  in  every  thing,  and  per- 
ceiving that  his  diligence  for  his  friends  was  but  a 
hinderance  to  them,  forbore  to  help  them,  entreat- 
ing them  that  they  would  not  address  themselves  to, 
nor  observe  him,  but  that  they  would  speak  to  the 
king,  and  to  those  who  could  be  of  more  service  to 
friends  than  at  present  he  could;  most,  on  hearing 
this,  forbore  to  trouble  him  about  their  concerns; 
but  continued  their  observances  to  him,  waiting  upon 
him  in  the  walks  and  places  of  exercise;  at  which 
Agesilaus  was  more  annoyed  than  ever,  envying  him 
the  honor;  and,  finally,  when  he  gave  many  of  the 
officers  places  of  command  and  the  governments  of 
cities,  he  appointed  Lysander  carver  at  his  table,  add- 
ing, by  way  of  insult  to  the  lonians,  "Let  them  go 
now,  and  pay  their  court  to  my  carver."  Upon  this, 
Lysander  thought  fit  to  come  and  speak  with  him; 
and  a  brief  laconic  dialogue  passed  between  them  as 
follows:  "Truly,  you  know  very  well,  O  Agesilaus, 
how  to  depress  your  friends;"  "Those  friends,"  re- 
plied he,  "who  would  be  greater  than  myself;  but 
those  who  increase  my  power,  it  is  just  should  share 
in  it."  "Possibly,  O  Agesilaus,"  answered  Lysander, 
"in  all  this  there  may  be  more  said  on  your  part  than 
done  on  mine,  but  I  request  you,  for  the  sake  of  ob- 
servers from  without,  to  place  me  in  any  command 
under  you  where  you  may  judge  I  shall  be  the  least 
offensive,  and  most  useful." 

Upon  this  he  was  sent  ambassador  to  the  Hel- 
lespont; and  though  angry  with  Agesilaus,  yet  did 
not  neglect  to  perform  his  duty,  and  having  induced 
Spithridates  the  Persian,  being  offended  with  Pharna- 
bazus,  a  gallant  man,  and  in  command  of  some  forces. 


LYSANDER 


143 


to  revolt,  he  brought  him  to  Agesilaus.  He  was  not, 
however,  employed  in  any  other  service,  but  having 
completed  his  time,  returned  to  Sparta,  without  hon- 
or, angry  with  Agesilaus,  and  hating  more  than  ever 
the  whole  Spartan  government,  and  resolved  to  de- 
lay no  longer,  but  while  there  was  yet  time,  to  put 
into  execution  the  plans  which  he  appears  some  time 
before  to  have  concerted  for  a  revolution  and  change 
in  the  constitution.  These  were  as  follows.  The 
Heraclidse  who  joined  with  the  Dorians,  and  came  in- 
to Peloponnesus,  became  a  numerous  and  glorious 
race  in  Sparta,  but  not  every  family  belonging  to  it 
had  the  right  of  succession  in  the  kingdom,  but  the 
kings  were  chosen  out  of  two  only,  called  the  Eury- 
pontidse  and  the  Agiadse;  the  rest  had  no  privilege 
in  the  government  by  their  nobility  of  birth,  and  the 
honors  which  followed  from  merit  lay  open  to  all 
who  could  obtain  them.  Lysander,  who  was  born  of 
one  of  these  families,  when  he  had  risen  into  great  re- 
nown for  his  exploits,  and  had  gained  great  friends 
and  power,  was  vexed  to  see  the  city  which  had  in- 
creased to  what  it  was  by  him,  ruled  by  others  not  at 
all  better  descended  than  himself,  and  formed  a  de- 
sign to  remove  the  government  from  the  two  families, 
and  to  give  it  in  common  to  all  the  Heraclidse;  or,  as 
same  say,  not  to  the  Heraclidse  only,  but  to  all  the 
Spartans;  that  the  reward  might  not  belong  to  the 
posterity  of  Hercules,  but  to  those  who  were  like 
Hercules,  judging  by  that  personal  merit  which 
raised  even  him  to  the  honor  of  the  Godhead;  and  he 
hoped  that  when  the  kingdom  was  thus  to  be  competed 
for,  no  Spartan  would  be  chosen  before  himself. 

Accordingly  he  first  attempted  and  prepared  to 
persuade  the  citizens  privately,  and  studied  an  ora- 
tion composed  to  this  purpose  by  Cleon,  the  Halicar- 
nassian.    Afterwards  perceiving  so  unexpected  and 


144  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


great  an  innovation  required  bolder  means  of  support, 
he  proceeded  as  it  might  be  on  the  stage,  to  avail  him- 
self of  machinery,"  and  to  try  the  effects  of  divine 
agency  upon  his  countrymen.  He  collected  and  ar- 
ranged for  his  purpose,  answers  and  oracles  from 
Apollo,  not  expecting  to  get  any  benefit  from  Cleon's 
rhetoric,  unless  he  should  first  alarm  and  overpower 
the  minds  of  his  fellow-citizens  by  religious  and  su- 
perstitious terrors,  before  bringing  them  to  the  con- 
sideration of  his  arguments.  Ephorus  relates,  after 
he  had  endeavored  to  corrupt  the  oracle  of  Apollo, 
and  had  again  failed  to  persuade  the  priestesses  of 
Dodona  by  means  of  Pherecles,  that  he  went  to  Am- 
mon,  and  discoursed  with  the  guardians  of  the  oracle 
there,  proffering  them  a  great  deal  of  gold,  and  that 
they,  taking  this  ill,  sent  some  to  Sparta  to  accuse 
Lysander ;  and  on  his  acquittal  the  Libyans,  going 
away,  said,  "You  will  find  us,  O  Spartans,  better 
judges  when  you  come  to  dwell  with  us  in  Libya," 
there  being  a  certain  ancient  oracle,  that  the  Lacedae- 
monians should  dwell  in  Libya.  But  as  the  whole  in- 
trigue and  the  course  of  the  contrivance  was  no  ordi- 
nary one,  nor  lightly  undertaken,  but  depended  as 
it  went  on,  like  some  mathematical  proposition,  on  a 
variety  of  important  admissions,  and  proceeded 
through  a  series  of  intricate  and  difficult  steps  to  its 
conclusion,  we  will  go  into  it  at  length,  following  the 
account  of  one  who  was  at  once  an  historian  and  a 
philosopher. 

There  was  a  woman  in  Pontus,  who  professed 
to  be  pregnant  by  Apollo,  which  many,  as  was  nat- 

Machinery,  that  is,  in  the  sense  of  supernatural  intervention, 
derived  from  the  actual  machines  by  which  actors  personating  gods 
were  introduced  on,  or  rather  above  the  stage.  Lysander,  finding 
ordinary  agencies  insufficient,  resolves  to  introduce  a  Deus  ex  ma- 
china  for  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  of  his  position. 


LYSANDER 


145 


ural,  disbelieved,  and  many  also  gave  credit  to,  and 
when  she  had  brought  forth  a  man-child,  several,  not 
unimportant  persons,  took  an  interest  in  its  rearing 
1:^  and  bringing  up.  The  name  given  the  boy  was  Si- 
;l  lenus,  for  some  reason  or  other.  L^^sander,  taking  this 
for  the  groundwork,  frames  and  devises  the  rest  him- 
self, making  use  of  not  a  few,  nor  these  insignificant 
champions  of  his  story,  who  brought  the  report  of 
the  child's  birth  into  credit  without  any  suspicion. 
Another  report,  also,  was  procured  from  Delphi  and 
circulated  in  Sparta,  that  there  were  some  very  old 
oracles  which  were  kept  by  the  priests  in  private  writ- 
ings; and  they  were  not  to  be  meddled  with,  neither 
was  it  lawful  to  read  them,  till  one  in  after  times 
should  come,  descended  from  Apollo,  and,  on  giving 
some  known  token  to  the  keepers,  should  take  the 
books  in  which  the  oracles  were.  Things  being  thus 
ordered  beforehand,  Silenus,  it  was  intended,  should 
come  and  ask  for  the  oracles,  as  being  the  child  of 
Apollo,  and  those  priests  who  were  privy  to  the  de- 
sign, were  to  profess  to  search  narrowly  into  all  par- 
ticulars, and  to  question  him  concerning  his  birth; 
and,  finally,  were  to  be  convinced,  and,  as  to  Apollo's 
son,  to  deliver  up  to  him  the  writings.  Then  he,  in 
the  presence  of  many  witnesses,  should  read  amongst 
other  prophecies,  that  which  was  the  object  of  the 
whole  contrivance,  relating  to  the  office  of  the  kings, 
that  it  would  be  better  and  more  desirable  to  the 
Spartans  to  choose  their  kings  out  of  the  best  citizens. 
And  now,  Silenus  being  grown  up  to  a  youth,  and 
being  ready  for  the  action,  Lysander  miscarried  in 
his  drama  through  the  timidity  of  one  of  his  actors,  or 
assistants,  who  just  as  he  came  to  the  point  lost  heart 
and  drew  back.  Yet  nothing  was  found  out  while 
Lysander  lived,  but  only  after  his  death. 

He  died  before  Agesilaus  came  back  from  Asia, 


146 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


being  involved,  or  perhaps  more  truly  having  him- 
self involved  Greece,  in  the  Boeotian  war.  For  it  is 
stated  both  ways;  and  the  cause  of  it  some  make  to 
be  himself,  others  the  Thebans,  and  some  both  to- 
gether; the  Thebans,  on  the  one  hand,  being  charged 
with  casting  away  the  sacrifices  at  Aulis,  and  that  be- 
ing bribed  with  the  king's  money  brought  by  Andro- 
clides  and  Amphitheus,  they  had  with  the  object  of 
entangling  the  Lacedaemonians  in  a  Grecian  war,  set 
upon  the  Phocians,  and  wasted  their  country ;  it  being 
said,  on  the  other  hand,  that  Lysander  was  angry 
that  the  Thebans  had  preferred  a  claim  to  the  tenth 
part  of  the  spoils  of  the  war,  while  the  rest  of  the 
confederates  submitted  without  complaint;  and  be- 
cause they  expressed  indignation  about  the  money 
which  Lysander  sent  to  Sparta,  but  most  especially, 
because  from  them  the  Athenians  had  obtained  the 
first  opportunity  of  freeing  themselves  from  the  thirty 
tyrants,  whom  Lysander  had  made,  and  to  support 
whom  the  Lacedaemonians  issued  a  decree  that  politi- 
cal refugees  from  Athens  might  be  arrested  in  what- 
ever country  they  were  found,  and  that  those  who  im- 
peded their  arrest  should  be  excluded  from  the  con- 
federacy. In  reply  to  this  the  Thebans  issued  counter 
decrees  of  their  own,  truly  in  the  spirit  and  temper  of 
the  actions  of  Hercules  and  Bacchus,^^  that  every 
house  and  city  in  Boeotia  should  be  opened  to  the 
Athenians  who  required  it,  and  that  he  who  did  not 
help  a  fugitive  who  was  seized,  should  be  fined  a  tal- 
ent for  damages,  and  if  any  one  should  bear  arms 
through  Boeotia  to  Attica  against  the  tyrants,  that 
none  of  the  Thebans  should  either  see  or  hear  of  it. 
Nor  did  they  pass  these  humane  and  truly  Greek  de- 

^2  Their  countrymen,  so  to  say,  of  old,  the  Theban  Hercules 
and  the  Theban  Bacchus,  Hercules  to  whom  Alcmena  gave  birth 
in  Thebes,  and  Bacchus  the  child  of  the  Theban  princess. 


LYSANDER 


147 


crees,  without  at  the  same  time  making  their  acts  con- 
formable to  their  words.  For  Thrasybulus  and  those 
who  with  him  occupied  Phyle,  set  out  upon  that  en- 
terprise from  Thebes,  with  arms  and  money,  and  se- 
cresy  and  a  point  to  start  from,  provided  for  them  by 
the  Thebans.  Such  were  the  causes  of  complaint  Ly- 
sander  had  against  Thebes.  And  being  now  grown 
violent  in  his  temper  through  the  atrabilious  tendency 
which  increased  upon  him  in  his  old  age,  he  urged 
the  Ephors  and  persuaded  them  to  place  a  garrison 
in  Thebes,  and  taking  the  commander's  place,  he 
marched  forth  with  a  body  of  troops.  Pausanias,  also, 
the  king,  was  sent  shortly  after  with  an  army.  Nov/ 
Pausanias,  going  round  by  Cithseron,  was  to  invade 
Bceotia ;  Lysander,  meantime,  advanced  through  Pho- 
cis  to  meet  him,  with  a  numerous  body  of  soldiers.  He 
took  the  city  of  the  Orchomenians,  who  came  over  to 
him  of  their  own  accord,  and  plundered  Lebadea.  He 
despatched  also  letters  to  Pausanias,  ordering  him 
to  move  from  Platsea  to  meet  him  at  Haliartus,  and 
that  himself  would  be  at  the  walls  of  Haliartus  by 
break  of  day.  These  letters  were  brought  to  the  The- 
bans, the  carrier  of  them  falling  into  the  hands  of  some 
Thebans  scouts.  They,  having  received  aid  from 
Athens,  committed  their  city  to  the  charge  of  the 
Athenian  troops,  and  sallying  out  about  the  first 
sleep,  succeeded  in  reaching  Haliartus    a  little  before 

The  localities  about  Haliartus,  the  spring  of  Cissusa,  the 
rivulet  Hoplites,  and  the  hill  Orchalides  or  Alopecus  (p.  138), 
are  identified  by  Col.  Leake  in  his  Travels  in  Northern  Greece 
(Chap.  XIII.,  Vol.  II.,  pages  206  to  211).  Haliartus  is  on  a  low 
hill  terminating  in  cliffs  on  the  edge  of  the  lake  Copais,  and, 
"though  not  fifty  feet  higher  than  the  water/'  the  "rocky  point 
projecting  into  the  marsh  is  remarkable  from  every  part  of  the 
plain."  Hoplites  is  "the  rivulet  under  the  western  wall/*  and 
Cissusa,  "the  fountain  below  the  cliffs."  In  Plutarch's  time,  the 
town  was  extinct;  one  of  the  few  remaining  objects  when  Pau- 


148  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Lysander,  and  part  of  them  entered  into  the  city.  He, 
upon  this,  first  of  all  resolved,  posting  his  army  upon 
a  hill,  to  stay  for  Pausanias;  then  as  the  day  ad- 
vanced, not  being  able  to  rest,  he  bade  his  men  take 
up  their  arms,  and  encouraging  the  allies,  led  them  in 
a  column  along  the  road  to  the  walls.  But  those  The- 
bans  who  had  remained  outside,  taking  the  city  on  the 
left  hand,  advanced  against  the  rear  of  their  enemies, 
by  the  fountain  which  is  called  Cissusa ;  here  they  tell 
the  story  that  the  nurses  washed  the  infant  Bacchus 
after  his  birth;  the  water  of  it  is  of  a  bright  wine 
color,  clear,  and  most  pleasant  to  drink;  and  not  far 
off  the  Cretan  storax  grows  all  about,  which  the  Hal- 
iartians  adduce  in  token  of  Rhadamanthus  having 
dwelt  there,  and  they  show  his  sepulchre,  calling  it 
Alea.  And  the  monument  also  of  Alcmena  is  hard 
by;  for  there,  as  they  say,  she  was  buried,  having 
married  Rhadamanthus  after  Amphitryon's  death. 
But  the  Thebans  inside  the  city  forming  in  order  of 
battle  with  the  Haliartians  stood  still  for  some  time, 
but  on  seeing  Lysander  with  a  party  of  those  who 
were  foremost  approaching,  on  a  sudden  opening  the 
gates  and  falling  on,  they  killed  him  with  the  sooth- 
sayer at  his  side,  and  a  few  others ;  for  the  greater  part 
immediately  fled  back  to  the  main  force.  But  the 
Thebans  not  slackening,  but  closely  pursuing  them, 
the  whole  body  turned  to  fly  towards  the  hills.  There 
were  one  thousand  of  them  slain;  there  died,  also,  of 
the  Thebans  three  hundred,  who  were  killed  with  their 
enemies,  while  chasing  them  into  craggy  and  difficult 
places.   These  had  been  under  suspicion  of  favoring 

sanias  went  there,  was  a  monument  of  Lysander.  Alea,  the  name 
of  the  tomb  ascribed  to  Rhadamanthus^  should  in  correctness  be 
Alees  or  Aleas.  There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  Cissusa  to  be 
a  corruption  for  Tilphussa  or  Tilphossa,  the  spring  beside  which 
Tiresias  died;  this  is  in  a  different  place. 


LYSANDER 


149 


the  Lacedasmonians,  and  in  their  eagerness  to  clear 
:*  themselves  in  the  eyes  of  their  fellow-citizens,  exposed 
themselves  in  the  pursuit,  and  so  met  their  death. 
News  of  the  disaster  reached  Pausanias  as  he  was  on 
y  the  way  from  Platasa  to  Thespise,  and  having  set  his 
army  in  order  he  came  to  Haliartus;  Thrasybulus, 
also,  came  from  Thebes,  leading  the  Athenians. 

Pausanias  proposing  to  request  the  bodies  of  the 
dead  under  truce,  the  elders  of  the  Spartans  took  it 
ill,  and  were  angry  among  themselves,  and  coming  to 
the  king,  declared  that  Lysander  should  not  be  taken 
away  upon  any  conditions;  if  they  fought  it  out  by 
arms  about  his  body,  and  conquered,  then  they  might 
bury  him;  if  they  were  overcome,  it  was  glorious  to 
die  upon  the  spot  with  their  commander.  When  the 
elders  had  spoken  these  things,  Pausanias  saw  it  would 
be  a  difficult  business  to  vanquish  the  Thebans,  who 
had  but  just  been  conquerors;  that  Lysander 's  body 
also  lay  near  the  walls,  so  that  it  would  be  hard  for 
them,  though  they  overcame,  to  take  it  away  without 
a  truce;  he  therefore  sent  a  herald,  obtained  a  truce, 
and  withdrew  his  forces,  and  carrying  away  the  body 
of  Lysander,  they  buried  it  in  the  first  friendly  soil 
they  reached  on  crossing  the  Boeotian  frontier,  in  the 
country  of  the  Panopgeans ;  where  the  monument  still 
stands  as  you  go  on  the  road  from  Delphi  to  Chaeronse. 
Now  the  army  quartering  there,  it  is  said  that  a  per- 
son of  Phocis,  relating  the  battle  to  one  who  was  not 
in  it,  said,  the  enemies  fell  upon  them  just  after  Ly- 
sander had  passed  over  the  Hoplites;  surprised  at 
which  a  Spartan,  a  friend  of  Lysander,^  asked  what 
Hoplites  he  meant,  for  he  did  not  know  the  name. 
"It  was  there,"  answered  the  Phocian,  "that  the  enemy 
killed  the  first  of  us;  the  rivulet  by  the  city  is  called 
Hoplites."  On  hearing  which  the  Spartan  shed  tears 
and  observed,  how  impossible  it  is  for  any  man  to 


150 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


avoid  his  appointed  lot ;  Lysander,  it  appears,  having 
received  an  oracle,  as  follows: — 

Sounding  Hoplites  see  thou  bear  in  mind, 
And  the  earthborn  dragon  following  behind. 

Some,  however,  say  that  Hoplites  does  not  run  by 
Haliartus,  but  is  a  watercourse  near  Coronea,  falling 
into  the  river  Philarus,  not  far  from  the  town  in  form- 
er times  called  Hoplias,  and  now  Isomantus. 

The  man  of  Haliartus  who  killed  Lysander,  by 
name  Neochorus,  bore  on  his  shield  the  device  of  a 
dragon;  and  this,  it  was  supposed,  the  oracle  signified. 
It  is  said,  also,  that  at  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  the  Thebans  received  an  oracle  from  the  sanc- 
tuary of  Ismenus,^*  referring  at  once  to  the  battle  at 
Delium,  and  to  this  which  thirty  years  after  took 
place  at  Haliartus.  It  ran  thus : — 

Hunting  the  wolf,  observe  the  utmost  bound. 

And  the  hill  Orchalides  where  foxes  most  are  found. 

By  the  words,  "the  utmost  bound,"  Delium  being  in- 
tended, where  Boeotia  touches  Attica,  and  by  Orcha- 
lides, the  hill  now  called  Alopecus,^^  which  lies  in  the 
parts  of  Haliartus  towards  Helicon. 

But  such  a  death  befalling  Lysander,  the  Spartans 
took  it  so  grievously  at  the  time,  that  they  put  the 
king  to  a  trial  for  his  life,  which  he  not  daring  to 
await,  fled  to  Tegea,  and  there  lived  out  his  life  in 
the  sanctuary  of  Minerva.  The  poverty  also  of  Ly- 
sander being  discovered  by  his  death,  made  his  merit 

^*  The  sanctuary  of  Ismenus,  or  the  Ismenian  sanctuary,  is  the 
temple  of  the  Ismenian  Apollo. 

AlSpecus,  derived  from  alopex,  a  fox.  Hoplites,  it  may  also 
be  noticed,  in  explanation  of  the  surprise  of  Lysander's  friend, 
would  be  an  unusual  name  for  a  stream,  being  the  ordinary  word 
for  a  heavy-armed  soldier,  a  man-at-arms. 


LYSANDER 


151 


more  manifest,  since  from  so  much  wealth  and  power, 
from  all  the  homage  of  the  cities,  and  of  the  Persian 
kingdom,  he  had  not  in  the  least  degree,  so  far  as 
money  goes,  sought  any  private  aggrandizement,  as 
Theopompus  in  his  history  relates,  whom  any  one  may 
rather  give  credit  to  when  he  commends,  than  when 
he  finds  fault,  as  it  is  m_ore  agreeable  to  him  to  blame 
than  to  praise.  But  subsequently,  Ephorus  says, 
some  controversy  arising  among  the  allies  at  Sparta, 
which  made  it  necessary  to  consult  the  writing  which 
Lysander  had  kept  by  him,  Agesilaus  came  to  his 
house,  and  finding  the  book  in  which  the  oration  on 
the  Spartan  constitution  was  written  at  length,  to 
the  effect  that  the  kingdom  ought  to  be  taken  from  the 
Eurypontidse  and  Agiad«,  and  to  be  offered  in  com- 
mon, and  a  choice  made  out  of  the  best  citizens,  at  first 
he  was  eager  to  make  it  public,  and  to  show  his  coun- 
trymen the  real  character  of  Lysander.  But  Lacra- 
tidas,  a  wise  man,  and  at  that  time  chief  of  the  Ephors, 
hindered  Agesilaus,  and  said,  they  ought  not  to  dig 
up  Lysander  again,  but  rather  to  bury  with  him  a  dis- 
course, composed  so  plausibly  and  subtilly.  Other 
honors,  also,  were  paid  him  after  his  death;  and 
amongst  these  they  imposed  a  fine  upon  those  who 
had  engaged  themselves  to  marry  his  daughters,  and 
then  when  Lysander  was  found  to  be  poor,  after  his 
decease,  refused  them ;  because  when  they  thought  him\ 
rich  they  had  been  observant  of  him,  but  now  his  pov- 
erty had  proved  him  just  and  good,  they  forsook  him. 
For  there  was,  it  seems,  in  Sparta,  a  punishment  for 
not  marrying,  for  a  late,  and  for  a  bad  marriage;  and 
to  the  last  penalty  those  were  most  especially  liable, 
who  sought  alliances  with  the  rich  instead  of  with  the 
good  and  with  their  friends.  Such  is  the  account  we 
have  found  given  of  Lysander. 


SYLLA' 


Translated  by  William  Davies^  Fellow 
OF  Trinity  College^  Cambridge. 

Lucius  Cornelius  Sylla  was  descended  of  a  pa- 
trician or  noble  family.  Of  his  ancestors,  Rufinus,  it 
is  said,  had  been  consul,  and  incurred  a  disgrace  more 
signal  than  his  distinction.  For  being  found  pos- 
sessed of  more  than  ten  pounds  of  silver  plate,  con- 
trary to  the  law,  he  was  for  this  reason  put  out  of  the 
senate.  His  posterity  continued  ever  after  in  obscuri- 
ty, nor  had  Sylla  himself  any  opulent  parentage.  In 
his  younger  days  he  lived  in  hired  lodgings,  at  a  low 
rate,  which  in  after-times  was  adduced  against  him  as 
proof  that  he  had  been  fortunate  above  his  quality. 
When  he  was  boasting  and  magnifying  himself  for  his 
exploits  in  Libya,  a  person  of  noble  station  made  an- 
swer, "And  how  can  you  be  an  honest  man,  who,  since 
the  death  of  a  father  who  left  you  nothing,  have  be- 
come so  rich?"  The  time  in  which  he  lived  was  no 
longer  an  age  of  pure  and  upright  manners,  but  had 

^  Lucius  Sulla  (there  is  no  authority  for  writing  the  word 
Sylla,  as  is  done  by  many  modern  writers)  surnamed  Felix  the 
Dictator,  was  born  138  B.  C,  and  early  imbibed  that  love  for 
literature  and  art  by  which  he  was  distinguished  throughout  life, 
yet  his  youth  as  well  as  manhood  was  disgraced  by  the  most  sen- 
sual vices.  Nevertheless  no  Roman,  during  the  latter  days  of  the 
republic,  with  the  exception  of  Julius  Caesar,  had  a  clearer  judg- 
ment, a  keener  discrimination  of  character,  or  a  firmer  will.  He 
died  in  78  B.  C.  Plutarch's  Life  of  Sulla  is  specially  recom- 
mended.— Dr.  William  Smith. 

(153) 


SYLLA 


153 


already  declined,  and  yielded  to  the  appetite  for 
riches  and  luxury;  yet  still,  in  the  general  opinion, 
they  who  deserted  the  hereditary  poverty  of  their  fam- 
ily, were  as  much  blamed  as  those  who  had  run  out 
a  fair  patrimonial  estate.  And  afterwards,  when  he 
had  seized  the  power  into  his  hands,  and  was  putting 
many  to  death,  a  freedman  suspected  of  having 
concealed  one  of  the  proscribed,  and  for  that  rea- 
son sentenced  to  be  thrown  down  the  Tarpeian  rock, 
in  a  reproachful  way  recounted,  how  they  had  lived 
long  together  under  the  same  roof,  himself  for  the 
upper  rooms  paying  two  thousand  sesterces,  and  Syl- 
la  for  the  lower  three  thousand ;  so  that  the  difference 
between  their  fortunes  then  was  no  more  than  one 
thousand  sesterces,  equivalent  in  Attic  coin  to  two 
hundred  and  fifty  drachmas.  And  thus  much  of  his 
early  fortune. 

His  general  personal  appearance  may  be  known 
by  his  statues;  only  his  blue  eyes,  of  themselves  ex- 
tremely keen  and  glaring,  were  rendered  all  the  more 
forbidding  and  terrible  by  the  complexion  of  his  face, 
in  which  white  was  mixed  with  rough  blotches  of  fiery 
red.  Hence,  it  is  said,  he  was  surnamed  Sylla,  and  in 
allusion  to  it  one  of  the  scurrilous  jesters  at  Athens 
made  the  verse  upon  him, 

Sylla  is  a  mulberry  sprinkled  o'er  with  meal. 

Nor  is  it  out  of  place  to  make  use  of  marks  of  char- 
acter like  these,  in  the  case  of  one  who  was  by  nature 
so  addicted  to  raillery,  that  in  his  youthful  obscurer 
years  he  would  converse  freely  with  players  and  pro- 
fessed jesters,  and  join  them  in  all  their  low  pleasures. 
And  when  supreme  master  of  all,  he  was  often  wont 
to  muster  together  the  most  impudent  players  and 
stage-followers  of  the  town,  and  to  drink  and  bandy 
jests  with  them  without  regard  to  his  age  or  the 


154,  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


dignity  of  his  place,  and  to  the  prejudice  of  impor- 
tant affairs  that  required  his  attention.  When  he  was 
once  at  table,  it  was  not  in  Sylla's  nature  to  admit  of 
any  thing  that  was  serious,  and  whereas  at  other  times 
he  was  a  man  of  business,  and  austere  of  countenance, 
he  underwent  all  of  a  sudden,  at  his  first  entrance 
upon  wine  and  good-fellowship,  a  total  revolution, 
and  was  gentle  and  tractable  with  common  singers  and 
dancers,  and  ready  to  oblige  any  one  that  spoke  with 
him.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  sort  of  diseased  result 
of  this  laxity,  that  he  was  so  prone  to  amorous  pleas- 
ures, and  yielded  without  resistance  to  any  tempta- 
tions of  voluptuousness,  from  which  even  in  his  old 
age  he  could  not  refrain.  He  had  a  long  attachment 
for  Metrobius,^  a  player.  In  his  first  amours  it  hap- 
pened, that  he  made  court  to  a  common  but  rich  lady, 
Nicopolis  by  name,  and,  what  by  the  air  of  his  youth, 
and  what  by  long  intimacy,  won  so  far  on  her  affec- 
tions, that  she  rather  than  he  was  the  lover,  and  at  her 
death  she  bequeathed  him  her  whole  property.  He 
likewise  inherited  the  estate  of  a  step-mother  who 
loved  him  as  her  own  son.  By  these  means  he  had 
pretty  well  advanced  his  fortunes. 

He  was  chosen  quaestor  to  IMarius  in  his  first  con- 
sulship, and  set  sail  with  him  for  Libya,  to  war  upon 
Jugurtha.  Here,  in  general,  he  gained  approbation; 
and  more  especially,  by  closing  in  dexterously  with  an 
accidental  occasion,  made  a  friend  of  Bocchus,  king 
of  Numidia.  He  hospitably  entertained  the  king's  am- 
bassadors, on  their  escape  from  some  Numidian  rob- 
bers, and  after  showing  them  much  kindness,  sent  them 
on  their  journey  with  presents,  and  an  escort  to  pro- 

^  The  long  attachment  for  Metrohius  the  player  has  very  likely- 
been  brought  in  here  by  some  copyist  from  the  passage  in  the 
closing  scene  of  the  life.     The  text  is  various  and  uncertain. 


SYLLA 


155 


tect  thetn.  Bocchus  had  long  hated  and  dreaded  his 
son-in-law,  Jugurtha,  who  had  now  been  worsted  in 
the  field  and  had  fled  to  him  for  shelter;  and  it  so 
happened,  he  was  at  this  time  entertaining  a  design  to 
betray  him.  He  accordingly  invited  Sylla  to  come 
to  him,  wishing  the  seizure  and  surrender  of  Jugurtha 
to  be  effected  rather  through  him,  than  directly  by 
himself.  Sylla,  when  he  had  communicated  the  busi- 
ness to  Marius,  and  received  from  him  a  small  de- 
tachment, voluntarily  put  himself  into  this  imminent 
danger;  and  confiding  in  a  barbarian,  who  had  been 
unfaithful  to  his  own  relations,  to  apprehend  another 
man's  person,  made  surrender  of  his  own.  Bocchus, 
having  both  of  them  now  in  his  power,  was  necessi- 
tated to  betray  one  or  other,  and  after  long  debate 
with  himself,  at  last  resolved  on  his  first  design,  and 
gave  up  Jugurtha  into  the  hands  of  Sylla. 

For  this  Marius  triumphed,  but  the  glory  of  the 
enterprise,  which  through  people's  envy  of  Marius 
was  ascribed  to  Sylla,  secretly  grieved  him.  And  the 
truth  is,  Sylla  himself  was  by  nature  vainglorious,  and 
this  being  the  first  time  that  from  a  low  and  private 
condition  he  had  risen  to  esteem  amongst  the  citizens 
and  tasted  of  honor,  his  appetite  for  distinction  car- 
ried him  to  such  a  pitch  of  ostentation,  that  he  had  a 
representation  of  this  action  engraved  on  a  signet 
ring;  which  he  carried  about  with  him,  and  made  use 
of  ever  after.  The  impress  was,  Bocchus  delivering, 
and  Sylla  receiving,  Jugurtha.  This  touched  Marius 
to  the  quick;  however,  judging  Sylla  to  be  beneath  his 
rivalry,  he  made  use  of  him  as  lieutenant,  in  his  sec- 
ond consulship,  and  in  his  third,  as  tribune;  and  many 
considerable  services  were  effected  by  his  means. 
When  acting  as  lieutenant  he  took  Copillus,  chief  of 
the  Tectosages,  prisoner,  and  compelled  the  Marsi- 


156  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ans,^  a  great  and  populous  nation,  to  become  friends 
and  confederates  of  the  Romans. 

Henceforward,  however,  Sylla  perceiving  that 
Marius  bore  a  jealous  eye  over  him,  and  would  no 
longer  afford  him  opportunities  of  action,  but  rather 
opposed  his  advance,  attached  himself  to  Catulus, 
Marius's  colleague,  a  worthy  man,  but  not  energetic 
enough  as  a  general.  And  under  this  commander, 
who  intrusted  him  with  the  highest  and  most  impor- 
tant commissions,  he  rose  at  once  to  reputation  and 
to  power.  He  subdued  by  arms  most  part  of  the 
Alpine  barbarians;  and  when  there  was  a  scarcity  in 
the  armies,  he  took  that  care  upon  himself,  and 
brought  in  such  a  store  of  provisions,  as  not  only  to 
furnish  the  soldiers  of  Catulus  with  abundance,  but 
likewise  to  supply  Marius.  This,  as  he  writes  himself, 
wounded  Marius  to  the  very  heart.  So  slight  and 
childish  were  the  first  occasions  and  motives  of  that 
emnity  between  them,  which,  passing  afterwards 
through  a  long  course  of  civil  bloodshed  and  incurable 
divisions  to  find  its  end  in  tyranny,  and  the  confu- 
sion of  the  whole  State,  proved  Euripides  to  have  been 
truly  wise  and  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  causes 
of  disorders  in  the  body  politic,  when  he  forewarned 
all  men  to  beware  of  Ambition,*  as  of  all  the  higher 
Powers,  the  most  destructive  and  pernicious  to  her 
votaries. 

Sylla,  by  this  time  thinking  that  the  reputation  of 
his  arms  abroad  was  sufficient  to  entitle  him  to  a 

^  It  is  not  likely  that  these  were  the  Marsians  of  central  Italy, 
the  kinsmen  and  allies  of  the  Samnites.  It  has  been  supposed 
that  they  were  a  German  tribe. 

*  Euripides's  warning  against  Ambition  is  in  the  Phoenissae 
(532).  C«sar,  just  below,  is  of  course  not  the  great  Caesar,  but 
a  Cffisar  of  the  previous  generation;  probably  Sextus  Caesar,  his 
uncle. 


SYLLA 


157 


part  in  the  civil  administration,  betook  himself  imme- 
diately from  the  camp  to  the  assembly,  and  offered 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  a  preetorship,  but  failed. 
The  fault  of  this  disappointment  he  wholly  ascribes 
to  the  populace,  who,  knowing  his  intimacy  with  king 
Bocchus,  and  for  that  reason  expecting,  that  if  he 
was  made  asdile  before  his  pr^etorship,  he  would  then 
show  them  magnificent  hunting-shows  and  combats 
between  Libyan  wild  beasts,  chose  other  pr^tors,  on 
purpose  to  force  him  into  the  ^dileship.  The  vanity 
of  this  pretext  is  sufficiently  disproved  by  matter-of- 
fact.  For  the  year  following,  partly  by  flatteries  to 
the  people,  and  partly  by  money,  he  got  himself 
elected  preetor.  Accordingly,  once  while  he  was  in 
office,  on  his  angrily  telling  Caesar  that  he  should 
make  use  of  his  authority  against  him,  Ceesar  an- 
swered him  with  a  smile,  "You  do  well  to  call  it  your 
own,  as  you  bought  it."  At  the  end  of  his  preetorship 
he  was  sent  over  into  Cappadocia,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  reestablishing  Ariobarzanes  in  his  kingdom, 
but  in  reality  to  keep  in  check  the  restless  movements 
of  Mithridates,  who  was  gradually  procuring  himself 
as  vast  a  new  acquired  power  and  dominion,  as  was 
that  of  his  ancient  inheritance.  He  carried  over  with 
him  no  great  forces  of  his  own,  but  making  use  of 
the  cheerful  aid  of  the  confederates,  succeeded,  with 
considerable  slaughter  of  the  Cappadocians,  and  yet 
greater  of  the  Armenian  succors,  in  expelling  Gor- 
dius  and  establishing  Ariobarzanes  as  king. 

During  his  stay  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates, 
there  came  to  him  Orobazus,  a  Parthian,  ambassador 
from  king  Arsaces,  as  yet  there  having  been  no  cor- 
respondence between  the  two  nations.  And  this  also 
we  may  lay  to  the  account  of  Sylla's  felicity,  that  he 
should  be  the  first  Roman,  to  whom  the  Parthians 
made  address  for  alliance  and  friendship.    At  the 


158 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


time  of  which  reception,  the  story  is,  that  having 
ordered  three  chairs  of  state  to  be  set,  one  for  Ario- 
barzanes,  one  for  Orobazus,  and  a  third  for  himself, 
he  placed  himself  in  the  middle,  and  so  gave  audience. 
For  this  the  king  of  Parthia  afterwards  put  Oro- 
bazus to  death.  Some  people  conmiended  Sylla  for 
his  lofty  carriage  towards  the  barbarians;  others 
again  accused  him  of  arrogance  and  unseasonable  dis- 
play. It  is  reported,  that  a  certain  Chaldsean,  of 
Orobazus's  retinue,  looking  Sylla  wistfully  in  the 
face,  and  observing  carefully  the  motions  of  his  mind 
and  body,  and  forming  a  judgment  of  his  nature, 
according  to  the  rules  of  his  art,  said  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  him  not  to  become  the  greatest  of  m.en; 
it  was  rather  a  wonder  how  he  could  even  then  abstain 
from  being  head  of  all. 

At  his  return,  Censorinus  impeached  him  of  ex- 
tortion, for  having  exacted  a  vast  sum  of  money  from 
a  well-affected  and  associate  kingdom.  However, 
Censorinus  did  not  appear  at  the  trial,  but  dropped 
his  accusation.  His  quarrel,  meantime,  with  Marius 
began  to  break  out  afresh,  receiving  new  material 
from  the  ambition  of  Bocchus,  who,  to  please  the  peo- 
ple of  Rome,  and  gratify  Sylla,  set  up  in  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  images  bearing  trophies,  and 
a  representation  in  gold  of  the  surrender  of  Jugurtha 
to  Sylla.  When  Marius,  in  great  anger,  attempted 
to  pull  them  down,  and  others  aided  S^dla,  the  whole 
city  would  have  been  in  tumult  and  commotion  with 
this  dispute,  had  not  the  Social  War,  which  had  long 
lain  smouldering,  blazed  forth  at  last,  and  for  the 
present  put  an  end  to  the  quarrel. 

In  the  course  of  this  war,  which  had  many  great 
changes  of  fortune,  and  which,  more  than  any  af- 
flicted the  Romans,  and,  indeed,  endangered  the  very 
being  of  the  Commonwealth,  JNIarius  was  not  able 


SYLLA 


159 


to  signalize  his  valor  in  any  action,  but  left  behind 
him  a  clear  proof,  that  warlike  excellence  requires  a 
strong  and  still  vigorous  body.  Sylla,  on  the  other 
hand,  by  his  many  achievements,  gained  himself, 
with  his  fellow-citizens,  the  name  of  a  great  com- 
mander, while  his  friends  thought  him  the  greatest  of 
all  commanders,  and  his  enemies  called  him  the  most 
fortunate.  Nor  did  this  make  the  same  sort  of  im- 
pression on  him,  as  it  made  on  Timotheus  the  son  of 
Conon,  the  Athenian;  who,  when  his  adversaries 
ascribed  his  successes  to  his  good  luck,  and  had  a 
painting  made,  representing  him  asleep  and  Fortune 
by  his  side,  casting  her  nets  over  the  cities,  was  rough 
and  violent  in  his  indignation  at  those  who  did  it,  as 
if  by  attributing  all  to  Fortune,  they  had  robbed  him 
of  his  just  honors;  and  said  to  the  people  on  one  occa- 
sion at  his  return  from  war,  "In  this,  ye  men  of 
Athens,  Fortune  had  no  part."  A  piece  of  boyish 
petulance,  which  the  deity,  we  are  told,  played  back 
upon  Timotheus;  who  from  that  time  was  never  able 
to  achieve  any  thing  that  was  great,  but  proving  alto- 
gether unfortunate  in  his  attempts,  and  falling  into 
discredit  with  the  people,  was  at  last  banished  the 
city.  Sylla,  on  the  contrary,  not  only  accepted  with 
pleasure  the  credit  of  such  divine  felicities  and  favors, 
but  joining  himself  in  extolling  and  glorifying  what 
was  done,  gave  the  honor  of  all  to  Fortune,  whether 
it  were  out  of  boastfulness,  or  a  real  feeling  of  divine 
agency.  He  remarks,  in  his  Memoirs,  that  of  all  his 
well-advised  actions,  none  proved  so  lucky  in  the 
execution,  as  what  he  had  boldly  enterprised,  not  by 
calculation,  but  upon  the  moment.  And  in  the  char- 
acter which  he  gives  of  himself,  that  he  was  born  for 
fortune  rather  than  war,  he  seems  to  give  Fortune  a 
higher  place  than  merit,  and  in  short,  makes  himself 
entirely  the  creature  of  a  superior  power,  accounting 


160 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


even  his  concord  with  Metellus,  his  equal  in  office, 
and  his  connection  by  marriage,  a  piece  of  preter- 
natural felicity.  For  expecting  to  have  met  in  him  a 
most  troublesome,  he  found  him  a  most  accommodat- 
ing colleague.  Moreover,  in  the  Memoirs  which  he 
dedicated  to  Lucullus,  he  admonishes  him  to  esteem 
nothing  more  trustworthy,  than  what  the  divine  pow- 
ers advise  him  by  night.  And  when  he  was  leaving 
the  city  with  an  army,  to  fight  in  the  Social  War,  he 
relates,  that  the  earth  near  the  Laverna  ^  opened,  and 
a  quantity  of  fire  came  rushing  out  of  it,  shooting 
up  with  a  bright  flame  into  the  heavens.  The  sooth- 
sayers upon  this  foretold,  that  a  person  of  great  qual- 
ities, and  of  a  rare  and  singular  aspect,  should  take 
the  government  in  hand,  and  quiet  the  present  trou- 
bles of  the  city.  Sylla  affirms  he  was  the  man,  for 
his  golden  head  of  hair  made  him  an  extraordinary- 
looking  man,  nor  had  he  any  shame,  after  the  great 
actions  he  had  done,  in  testifying  to  his  own  great 
qualities.  And  thus  much  of  his  opinion  as  to  divine 
agency. 

In  general  he  would  seem  to  have  been  of  a  very 
irregular  character,  full  of  inconsistencies  with  him- 
self ;  much  given  to  rapine,  to  prodigality  yet  more ; 
in  promoting  or  disgracing  whom  he  pleased,  alike 
unaccountable;  cringing  to  those  he  stood  in  need  of, 
and  domineering  over  others  who  stood  in  need  of 
him,  so  that  it  was  hard  to  tell,  whether  his  nature  had 
more  in  it  of  pride  or  of  servility.  As  to  his  unequal 
distribution  of  punishments,  as,  for  example,  that 

^Laverna  was  the  goddess  of  thieves,  and  the  patroness  of  dis- 
honesty in  general, — "Grant  me,  sweet  Laverna,  to  be  thought  just 
and  upright,"  is  the  hypocrite's  prayer  in  Horace.  The  place  here 
mentioned  may  probably  be  the  neighborhood  of  some  chapel  or 
altar  dedicated  to  her.  An  altar  near  the  Porta  Lavernalis  is  men- 
tioned. 


SYLLA 


161 


upon  slight  grounds  he  would  put  to  the  torture,  and 
again  would  bear  patiently  with  the  greatest  wrongs ; 
would  readily  forgive  and  be  reconciled  after  the  most 
heinous  acts  of  enmity,  and  yet  would  visit  small  and 
inconsiderable  offences  with  death,  and  confiscation 
of  goods;  one  might  judge,  that  in  himself  he  was 
really  of  a  violent  and  revengeful  nature,  which, 
however  he  could  qualify,  upon  reflection,  for,  his 
interest.  In  this  very  Social  War,  when  the  soldiers 
with  stones  and  clubs  had  killed  an  officer  of  praeto- 
rian rank,  his  own  lieutenant,  Albinus  by  name,  he 
passed  by  this  flagrant  crime  without  any  inquiry, 
giving  it  out  moreover  in  a  boast,  that  the  soldiers 
Would  behave  all  the  better  now,  to  make  amends,  by 
some  special  bravery,  for  their  breach  of  discipline. 
He  took  no  notice  of  the  clamors  of  those  that  cried 
for  justice,  but  designing  already  to  supplant  Ma- 
rius,  now  that  he  saw  the  Social  War  near  its  end, 
he  made  much  of  his  army,  in  hopes  to  get  himself 
declared  general  of  the  forces  against  Mithridates. 

At  his  return  to  Rome,  he  was  chosen  Consul 
with  Quintus  Pompeius,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his 
age,  and  made  a  most  distinguished  marriage  with 
Csecilia,  daughter  of  Metellus,  the  chief  priest.  The 
common  people  made  a  variety  of  verses  in  ridicule 
of  the  marriage,  and  many  of  the  nobility  also  were 
disgusted  at  it,  esteeming  him,  as  Livy  writes,  un- 
worthy of  this  connection,  whom  before  they  thought 
worthy  of  a  consulship.  This  was  not  his  only  wife, 
for  first,  in  his  younger  days,  he  was  married  to  Ilia, 
by  whom  he  had  a  daughter;  after  her  to  iElia;  and 
thirdly  to  Cloelia,  whom  he  dismissed  as  barren,  but 
honorably,  and  with  professions  of  respect,  adding, 
moreover,  presents.  But  the  match  between  him  and 
Metella,  falling  out  a  few  days  after,  occasioned  sus- 
picions that  he  had  complained  of  Cloelia  without  due 


162  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


cause.  To  Metella  he  always  showed  great  deference, 
so  much  so  that  the  people,  when  anxious  for  the  recall 
of  the  exiles  of  Marius's  party,  upon  his  refusal,  en- 
treated the  intercession  of  Metella.  And  the  Athe- 
nians, it  is  thought,  had  harder  measure,  at  the  cap- 
ture of  their  town,  because  they  used  insulting  lan- 
guage to  Metella  in  their  jests  from  the  walls  during 
the  siege.  But  of  this  hereafter. 

At  present  esteeming  the  consulship  but  a  small 
matter  in  comparison  of  things  to  come,  he  was  im- 
patiently carried  away  in  thought  to  the  Mithridatic 
War.  Here  he  was  withstood  by  Marius ;  who  out  of 
mad  affectation  of  glory  and  thirst  for  distinction, 
those  never  dying  passions,  though  he  were  now  un- 
wieldy in  body,  and  had  given  up  service,  on  account 
of  his  age,  during  the  late  campaigns,  still  coveted 
after  command  in  a  distant  war  beyond  the  seas.  And 
whilst  Sylla  was  departed  for  the  camp,  to  order  the 
rest  of  his  affairs  there,  he  sate  brooding  at  home,  and 
at  last  hatched  that  execrable  sedition,  which  wrought 
Rome  more  mischief  than  all  her  enemies  together 
had  done,  as  was  indeed  foreshown  by  the  gods.  For 
a  flame  broke  forth  of  its  own  accord,  from  under  the 
staves  of  the  ensigns,  and  was  with  difficulty  extin- 
guished. Three  ravens  brought  their  young  into  the 
open  road,  and  ate  them,  carrying  the  relics  into  the 
nest  again.  Mice  having  gnawed  the  consecrated  gold 
in  one  of  the  temples,  the  keepers  caught  one  of  them, 
a  female,  in  a  trap;  and  she  bringing  forth  five  young 
ones  in  the  very  trap,  devoured  three  of  them.  But 
what  was  greatest  of  all,  in  a  calm  and  clear  sky  there 
was  heard  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  with  such  a  loud 
and  dismal  blast,  as  struck  terror  and  amazement  into 
the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  Etruscan  sages  af- 
firmed, that  this  prodigy  betokened  the  mutation  of 
the  age,  and  a  general  revolution  in  the  world.  For 


SYLLA 


163 


according  to  them  there  are  in  all  eight  ages,  differ- 
ing one  from  another  in  the  lives  and  the  characters 
of  men,  and  to  each  of  these  God  has  allotted  a  cer- 
tain measure  of  time,  determined  by  the  circuit  of  the 
great  year.  And  when  one  age  is  run  out,  at  the  ap- 
proach of  another,  there  appears  some  wonderful  sign 
from  earth  or  heaven,  such  as  makes  it  manifest  at 
once  to  those  who  have  made  it  their  business  to  study 
such  things,  that  there  has  succeeded  in  the  world  a 
new  race  of  men,  differing  in  customs  and  institutes  of 
life,  and  more  or  less  regarded  by  the  gods,  than  the 
preceding.  Amongst  other  great  changes  that  hap- 
pen, as  they  say,  at  the  turn  of  ages,  the  art  of  divina- 
tion, also,  at  one  time  rises  in  esteem,  and  is  more  suc- 
cessful in  its  predictions,  clearer  and  surer  tokens  b.e- 
ing  sent  from  God,  and  then  again,  in  another  genera- 
tion declines  as  low,  becoming  mere  guesswork  for 
the  most  part,  and  discerning  future  events  by  dim 
and  uncertain  intimations.  This  was  the  mythology 
of  the  wisest  of  the  Tuscan  sages,  who  were  thought 
to  possess  a  knowledge  beyond  other  men.  Whilst 
the  Senate  sat  in  consultation  with  the  soothsayers, 
concerning  these  prodigies,  in  the  temple  of  Bellona, 
a  sparrow  came  flying  in,  before  them  all,  with  a  grass-' 
hopper  in  its  mouth,  and  letting  fall  one  part  of  it, 
flew  away  with  the  remainder.  The  diviners  fore- 
boded commotions  and  dissension  between  the  great 
landed  proprietors  and  the  common  city  populace; 
the  latter,  like  the  grasshopper,  being  loud  and  talka- 
tive; while  the  sparrow  might  represent  the  "dwellers 
in  the  field." 

Marius  had  taken  into  alliance  Sulpicius,  the  trib- 
une, a  man  second  to  none  in  any  villanies,  so  that  it 
was  less  the  question  what  others  he  surpassed,  but 
rather  in  what  respects  he  most  surpassed  himself  in 
wickedness.  He  was  cruel,  bold,  rapacious,  and  in  aU 


164  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


these  points  utterly  shameless  and  unscrupulous;  not 
hesitating  to  offer  Roman  citizenship  by  public  sale 
to  freed  slaves  and  aliens,  and  to  count  out  the  price 
on  public  money-tables  in  the  forum.  He  maintained 
three  thousand  swordsmen,  and  had  always  about  him 
a  company  of  young  men  of  the  equestrian  class  ready 
for  all  occasions,  whom  he  styled  his  Anti-Senate. 
Having  had  a  law  enacted,  that  no  senator  should 
contract  a  debt  above  two  thousand  drachmas,  he 
himself,  after  death,  was  found  indebted  three  mil- 
lions. This  was  the  man  whom  Marius  let  in  upon 
the  Commonwealth,  and  who,  confounding  all  things 
by  force  and  the  sword,  made  several  ordinances  of 
dangerous  consequence,  and  amongst  the  rest,  one 
giving  Marius  the  conduct  of  the  Mithridatic  war. 
Upon  this  the  consuls  proclaimed  a  public  cessation  of 
business,  but  as  they  were  holding  an  assembly  near 
the  temple  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  he  let  loose  the 
rabble  upon  them,  and  amongst  many  others  slew 
the  consul  Pompeius's  young  son  in  the  forum,  Pom- 
peius  himself  hardly  escaping  in  the  crowd.  Sylla  be- 
ing closely  pursued  into  the  house  of  Marius,  was 
forced  to  come  forth  and  dissolve  the  cessation;  and 
for  his  doing  this,  Sulpicius,  having  deposed  Pom- 
peius,  allowed  Sylla  to  continue  his  consulship,  only 
transferring  the  Mithridatic  expedition  to  Marius. 

There  were  immediately  despatched  to  Nola  trib- 
unes, to  receive  the  army,  and  bring  it  to  Marius ;  but 
Sylla  having  got  first  to  the  camp,  and  the  soldiers, 
upon  hearing  of  the  news,  having  stoned  the  tribunes, 
Marius,  in  requital,  proceeded  to  put  the  friends  of 
Sylla  in  the  city  to  the  sword,  and  rifled  their  goods. 
Every  kind  of  removal  and  flight  went  on,  some  has- 
tening from  the  camp  to  the  city,  others  from  the  city 
to  the  camp.  The  senate,  no  more  in  its  own  power, 
but  wholly  governed  by  the  dictates  of  Marius  and 


SYLLA 


165 


Sulpicius,  alarmed  at  the  report  of  Sylla's  advancing 
with  his  troops  towards  the  city,  sent  forth  two  of  the 
praetors,  Brutus  and  ServiHus,  to  forbid  his  nearer  ap- 
proach. The  soldiers  would  have  slain  these  prsetors 
in  a  fury,  for  their  bold  language  to  Sylla;  contenting 
themselves,  however,  with  breaking  their  rods,  and 
tearing  off  their  purple-edged  robes,  after  much  con- 
tumelious usage  they  sent  them  back,  to  the  sad  de- 
jection of  the  citizens,  who  beheld  their  magistrates 
despoiled  of  their  badges  of  office,  and  announcing  to 
them,  that  things  were  now  manifestly  come  to  a  rup- 
ture past  all  cure.  Marius  put  himself  in  readiness, 
and  Sylla  with  his  colleague  moved  from  Nola,  at  the 
head  of  six  complete  legions,  all  of  them  willing  to 
march  up  directly  against  the  city,  though  he  himself 
as  yet  was  doubtful  in  thought,  and  apprehensive  of 
the  danger.  As  he  was  sacrificing,  Postumius  the 
soothsayer,  having  inspected  the  entrails,  stretching 
forth  both  hands  to  Sylla,  required  to  be  bound  and 
kept  in  custody  till  the  battle  was  over,  as  willing,  if 
they  had  not  speedy  and  complete  success,  to  suffer 
the  utmost  punishment.  It  is  said,  also,  that  there  ap- 
peared to  Sylla  himself  in  a  dream,  a  certain  goddess, 
whom  the  Romans  learnt  to  worship  from  the  Cappa- 
docians,  whether  it  be  the  Moon,  or  Pallas,  or  Bel- 
lona.  This  same  goddess,  to  his  thinking,  stood  by 
him,  and  put  into  his  hand  thunder  and  lightning,  then 
naming  his  enemies  one  by  one,  bade  him  strike  them, 
who,  all  of  them,  fell  on  the  discharge  and  disap- 
peared. Encouraged  by  this  vision,  and  relating  it 
to  his  colleague,  next  day  he  led  on  towards  Rome. 
About  Picinse  ^  being  met  by  a  deputation,  beseeching 
him  not  to  attack  at  once,  in  the  heat  of  a  march, 

®  An  unknown  place,  perhaps  a  false  reading.  Picinae  should 
perhaps  be  Pictae,  a  place  mentioned  by  Strabo. 


166  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


for  that  the  senate  had  decreed  to  do  him  all  the  right 
imaginable,  he  consented  to  halt  on  the  spot,  and  sent 
his  officers  to  measure  out  the  ground,  as  is  usual,  for 
a  camp ;  so  that  the  deputation,  believing  it,  returned. 
They  were  no  sooner  gone,  but  he  sent  a  party  on 
under  the  command  of  Lucius  Basillus  and  Caius 
Mummius,  to  secure  the  city  gate,  and  the  walls  on 
the  side  of  the  Esquiline  hill,  and  then  close  at  their 
heels  followed  himself  with  all  speed.  Basillus  made 
his  way  successfully  into  the  city,  but  the  unarmed 
multitude,  pelting  him  with  stones  and  tiles  from  off 
the  houses,  stopped  his  further  progress,  and  beat  him 
back  to  the  wall.  Sylla  by  this  time  was  come  up,  and 
seeing  what  was  going  on,  called  aloud  to  his  men  to 
set  fire  to  the  houses,  and  taking  a  flaming  torch,  he 
himself  led  the  way,  and  commanded  the  archers  to 
make  use  of  their  fire-darts,  letting  fly  at  the  tops  of 
houses;  all  which  he  did,  not  upon  any  plan,  but 
simply  in  his  fury,  yielding  the  conduct  of  that  day's 
work  to  passion,  and  as  if  all  he  saw  were  enemies, 
without  respect  or  pity  either  to  friends,  relations,  or 
acquaintance,  made  his  entry  by  fire,  which  knows  no 
distinction  betwixt  friend  or  foe. 

In  this  conflict,  Marius  being  driven  into  the  tem- 
ple of  Mother-Earth,  thence  invited  the  slaves  by 
proclamation  of  freedom,  but  the  enemy  coming  on 
he  was  overpowered  and  fled  the  city. 

Sylla  having  called  a  senate,  had  sentence  of  death 
passed  on  Marius,  and  some  few  others,  amongst 
whom  was  Sulpicius,  tribune  of  the  people.  Sulpicius 
was  killed,  being  betrayed  by  his  servant,  whom  Sylla 
first  made  free,  and  then  threw  him  headlong  down 
the  Tarpeian  rock.  As  for  Marius,  he  set  a  price  on 
his  life,  by  proclamation,  neither  gratefully  nor  polit- 
icly, if  we  consider  into  whose  house,  not  long  before, 
he  put  himself  at  mercy,  and  was  safely  dismissed. 


SYLLA 


167 


Had  Marius  at  that  time  not  let  Sylla  go,  but  suf- 
fered him  to  be  slain  by  the  hands  of  Sulpieius,  he 
might  have  been  lord  of  all,  nevertheless  he  spared 
his  life,  and  a  few  days  after  when  in  a  similar  posi- 
tion himself,  received  a  different  measure. 

By  these  proceedings,  Sylla  excited  the  secret  dis- 
taste of  the  senate ;  but  the  displeasure  and  free  indig- 
nation of  the  commonalty  showed  itself  plainly  by 
their  actions.  For  they  ignominiously  rejected 
Nonius,  his  nephew,  and  Servius,  who  stood  for  of- 
fices of  state  by  his  interest,  and  elected  others  as 
magistrates,  by  honoring  whom  they  thought  they 
should  most  annoy  him.  He  made  semblance  of  ex- 
treme satisfaction  at  all  this,  as  if  the  people  by  his 
means  had  again  enjoyed  the  liberty  of  doing  what 
seemed  best  to  them.  And  to  pacify  the  public  hos- 
tility, he  created  Lucius  Cinna  consul,  one  of  the 
adverse  party,  having  first  bound  him  under  oaths 
and  imprecations  to  be  favorable  to  his  interest.  For 
Cinna,  ascending  the  capitol  with  a  stone  in  his  hands, 
swore  solemnly,  and  prayed  with  direful  curses,  that 
he  himself,  if  he  were  not  true  to  his  friendship  with 
Sylla,  might  be  cast  out  of  the  city,  as  that  stone 
out  of  his  hand;  and  thereupon  cast  the  stone  to  the 
ground,  in  the  presence  of  many  people.  JSieverthe- 
less  Cinna  had  no  sooner  entered  on  his  charge,  but 
he  took  measures  to  disturb  the  present  settlement, 
and  having  prepared  an  impeachment  against  Sylla, 
got  Virginius,  one  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  to 
be  his  accuser;  but  Sylla,  leaving  him  and  the  court 
of  judicature  to  themselves,  set  forth  against  Mithri- 
dates. 

About  the  time  that  Sylla  was  making  ready  to 
put  off  with  his  forces  from  Italy,  besides  many  other 
omens  which  befel  Mithridates,  then  staying  at  Per- 
gamus,  there  goes  a  story  that  a  figure  of  Victory, 


168  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  a  crown  in  her  hand,  which  the  Pergamenians 
by  machinery  from  above  let  down  on  him,  when  it 
had  almost  reached  his  head,  fell  to  pieces,  and  the 
crown  tumbling  down  into  the  midst  of  the  theatre, 
there  broke  against  the  ground,  occasioning  a  general 
alarm  among  the  populace,  and  considerably  disquiet- 
ing Mithridates  himself,  although  his  affairs  at  that 
time  were  succeeding  beyond  expectation.  For  hav- 
ing wrested  Asia  ^  from  the  Romans,  and  Bithynia 
and  Cappadocia  from  their  kings,  he  made  Pergamus 
his  royal  seat,  distributing  among  his  friends  riches, 
principalities  and  kingdoms.  Of  his  sons,  one  resid- 
ing in  Pontus  and  Bosporus  held  his  ancient  realm 
as  far  as  the  deserts  beyond  the  lake  Meeotis,  without 
molestation;  while  Ariarathes,  another,  was  reducing 
Thrace  and  Macedon,  with  a  great  army,  to  obedi- 
ence. His  generals,  with  forces  under  them,  were 
establishing  his  supremacy  in  other  quarters.  Arche- 
laus,  in  particular,  with  his  fleet,  held  absolute  mas- 
tery of  the  sea,  and  was  bringing  into  subjection  the 
Cyclades,  and  all  the  other  islands  as  far  as  Malea, 
and  had  taken  Euboea  itself.  Making  Athens  his 
headquarters,  from  thence  as  far  as  Thessaly  he  was 
withdrawing  the  States  of  Greece  from  the  Roman 
allegiance,  without  the  least  ill  success,  except  at 
Chseronea.  For  here  Bruttius  Sura,  lieutenant  to 
Sentius,  governor  of  Macedon,  a  man  of  singular 
valor  and  prudence,  met  him,  and  though  he  came 
like  a  torrent  pouring  over  Boeotia,  made  stout  re- 
sistance, and  thrice  giving  him  battle  near  Chseronea, 

^  Asia  here  and  elsewhere  in  the  narrative  that  follows  is  the 
Koman  province  bearing  that  name,  the  chief  town  of  which  was 
Ephesus,  consisting  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  western  coast  of 
Asia  Minor.  Bosporus  is  the  name  for  the  southern  part  of  the 
Crimea. 


SYLLA 


169 


repulsed  and  forced  him  back  to  the  sea.  But  being 
commanded  by  Lucius  Lucullus  to  give  place  to  his 
successor,  Sylla,  and  resign  the  war  to  whom  it  was 
decreed,  he  presently  left  Boeotia,  and  retired  back  to 
Sentius,  although  his  success  had  outgone  all  hopes, 
and  Greece  was  well  disposed  to  a  new  revolution, 
upon  account  of  his  gallant  behavior.  These  were 
the  glorious  actions  of  Bruttius. 

Sylla,  on  his  arrival,  received  by  their  deputations 
the  compliments  of  all  the  cities  of  Greece,  except 
Athens,  against  which,  as  it  was  compelled  by  the 
tyrant  Aristion  to  hold  for  the  king,  he  advanced  with 
all  his  forces,  and  investing  the  Pirseus,  laid  formal 
siege  to  it,  employing  every  variety  of  engines,  and 
trying  every  manner  of  assault;  whereas,  had  he  for- 
born  but  a  little  while,  he  might  without  hazard  have 
taken  the  Upper  City  by  famine,  it  being  already  re- 
duced to  the  last  extremity,  through  want  of  neces- 
saries. But  eager  to  return  to  Rome,  and  fearing  in- 
novation there,  at  great  risk,  with  continual  fighting 
and  vast  expense,  he  pushed  on  the  war.  Besides 
other  equipage,  the  very  work  about  the  engines 
of  battery  was  supplied  with  no  less  than  ten 
thousand  yoke  of  mules,  employed  daily  in  that 
service.  And  when  timber  grew  scarce,  for 
many  of  the  works  failed,  some  crushed  to  pieces 
by  their  own  weight,  others  taking  fire  by  the 
continual  play  of  the  enemy,  he  had  recourse 
to  the  sacred  groves,  and  cut  down  the  trees  of 
the  Academy,  the  shadiest  of  all  the  suburbs,  and  the 
Lyceum.  And  a  vast  sum  of  money  being  wanted 
to  carry  on  the  war,  he  broke  into  the  sanctuaries  of 
Greece,  that  of  Epidaurus  and  that  of  Olympia, 
sending  for  the  most  beautiful  and  precious  offerings 
deposited  there.  He  wrote,  likewise,  to  the  Am- 
phictyons,  at  Delphi,  that  it  were  better  to  remit  the 


170 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


wealth  of  the  god  to  him,  for  that  he  would  keep  it 
more  securely,  or  in  case  he  made  use  of  it,  restore  as 
much.  He  sent  Caphis,  the  Phocian,  one  of  his 
friends,  with  this  message,  commanding  him  to  receive 
each  item  by  weight.  Caphis  came  to  Delphi,  but 
was  loth  to  touch  the  holy  things  and  with  many 
tears,  in  the  presence  of  the  Amphictyons,  bewailed 
the  necessity.  And  on  some  of  them  declaring  they 
heard  the  sound  of  a  harp  from  the  inner  shrine,  he, 
whether  he  himself  believed  it,  or  was  willing  to  try 
the  effect  of  religious  fear  upon  Sylla,  sent  back  an 
express.  To  which  Sylla  replied  in  a  scoffing  way, 
that  it  was  surprising  to  him  that  Caphis  did  not  know 
that  music  was  a  sign  of  joy,  not  anger;  he  should, 
therefore,  go  on  boldly,  and  accept  what  a  gracious 
and  bountiful  god  offered. 

Other  things  were  sent  away  without  much  notice 
on  the  part  of  the  Greeks  in  general,  but  in  the  case 
of  the  silver  tun,  that  only  relic  of  the  regal  dona- 
tions ^  which  its  weight  and  bulk  made  it  impossible 
for  any  carriage  to  receive,  the  Amphictyons  were 
forced  to  cut  it  into  pieces,  and  called  to  mind  in  so 
doing,  how  Titus  Flamininus,  and  Manius  Acilius, 
and  again  Paulus  ^milius,  one  of  whom  drove  An- 
tiochus  out  of  Greece,  and  the  others  subdued  the 
Macedonian  kings,  had  not  only  abstained  from  vio- 
lating the  Greek  temples,  but  had  even  given  them 
new  gifts  and  honors,  and  increased  the  general  ven- 
eration for  them.  They,  indeed,  the  lawful  com- 
manders of  temperate  and  obedient  soldiers,  and 
themselves  great  in  soul,  and  simple  in  expenses,  lived 
within  the  bounds  of  the  ordinary  established  charges, 
accounting  it  a  greater  disgrace  to  seek  popularity 
with  their  men,  than  to  feel  fear  of  their  enemy. 

^  The  donations  of  Croesus. 


SYLLA 


171 


Whereas  the  commanders  of  these  times,  attaining  to 
superiority  by  force,  not  worth,  and  having  need  of 
arms  one  against  another,  rather  than  against  the 
pubHc  enemy,  were  constrained  to  temporize  in 
authority,  and  in  order  to  pay  for  the  gratifications 
with  which  they  purchased  the  labor  of  their  soldiers, 
were  driven,  before  they  knew  it,  to  sell  the  common- 
wealth itself,  and,  to  gain  the  mastery  over  men  better 
than  themselves,  were  content  to  become  slaves  to 
the  vilest  of  wretches.  These  practices  drove  Marius 
into  exile,  and  again  brought  him  in  against  Sylla. 
These  made  Cinna  the  assassin  of  Octavius,  and  Fim- 
bria of  Flaccus.  To  which  courses  Sylla  contributed 
not  the  least;  for  to  corrupt  and  win  over  those  who 
were  under  the  command  of  others,  he  would  be  mu- 
nificent and  profuse  towards  those  who  were  under 
his  own;  and  so,  while  tempting  the  soldiers  of  other 
generals  to  treachery,  and  his  own  to  dissolute  living, 
he  was  naturally  in  want  of  a  large  treasury,  and 
especially  during  that  siege. 

Sylla  had  a  vehement  and  an  implacable  desire  to 
conquer  Athens,  whether  out  of  emulation,  fighting 
as  it  were  against  the  shadow  of  the  once  famous  city, 
or  out  of  anger,  at  the  foul  words  and  scurrilous  jests 
with  which  the  tyrant  Aristion,  showing  himself  daily, 
with  unseemly  gesticulations,  upon  the  walls,  had 
provoked  him  and  Metella. 

The  tyrant  Aristion  had  his  very  being  com- 
pounded of  wantonness  and  cruelty,  having  gathered 
into  himself  all  the  worst  of  Mithridates's  diseased 
and  vicious  qualities,  like  some  fatal  malady  which 
the  city,  after  its  deliverance  from  innumerable  wars, 
many  tyrannies  and  seditions,  was  in  its  last  days 
destined  to  endure.  At  the  time  when  a  medimnus 
of  wheat  was  sold  in  the  city  for  one  thousand 
drachmas,  and  men  were  forced  to  live  on  the  fever- 


172 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


few  growing  round  the  citadel,  and  to  boil  down 
shoes  and  oil-bags  for  their  food,  he,  carousing  and 
feasting  in  the  open  face  of  day,  then  dancing  in 
armor,  and  making  jokes  at  the  enemy,  suffered  the 
holy  lamp  of  the  goddess  to  expire  for  want  of  oil, 
and  to  the  chief  priestess,  who  demanded  of  him  the 
twelfth  part  of  a  medimnus  of  wheat,  he  sent  the 
like  quantity  of  pepper.  The  senators  and  priests, 
who  came  as  suppliants  to  beg  of  him  to  take  compas- 
sion on  the  city,  and  treat  for  peace  with  Sylla,  he 
drove  away  and  dispersed  with  a  flight  of  arrows.  At 
last,  with  much  ado,  he  sent  forth  two  or  three  of  his 
revelling  companions  to  parley,  to  whom  Sylla,  per- 
ceiving that  they  made  no  serious  overtures  towards 
an  accommodation,  but  went  on  haranguing  in  praise 
of  Theseus,  Eumolpus,  and  the  Median  trophies,  re- 
plied, "My  good  friends,  you  may  put  up  your 
speeches  and  be  gone.  I  was  sent  by  the  Romans  to 
Athens,  not  to  take  lessons,  but  to  reduce  rebels  to 
obedience." 

In  the  mean  time  news  came  to  Sylla  that  some 
old  men,  talking  in  the  Ceramicus,  had  been  over- 
heard to  blame  the  tyrant  for  not  securing  the  pas- 
sages and  approaches  near  the  Heptachalcum,  the 
one  point  where  the  enemy  might  easily  get  over. 
Sylla  neglected  not  the  report,  but  going  in  the  night, 
and  discovering  the  place  to  be  assailable,  set  in- 
stantly to  work.  Sylla  himself  makes  mention  in  his 
Memoirs,  that  Marcus  Teius,  the  first  man  who  scaled 
the  wall,  meeting  with  an  adversary,  and  striking  him 
on  the  headpiece  a  home  stroke,  broke  his  own  sword, 
but,  notwithstanding,  did  not  give  ground,  but  stood 
and  held  him  fast.  The  city  was  certainly  taken  from 
that  quarter,  according  to  the  tradition  of  the  oldest 
of  the  Athenians. 

When  they  had  thrown  down  the  wall,  and  made 


SYLLA 


173 


all  level  betwixt  the  Piraic  and  Sacred  Gate,  about 
midnight  Sylla  entered  the  breach,  with  all  the  ter- 
rors of  trumpets  and  cornets  sounding,  with  the 
triumphant  shout  and  cry  of  an  army  let  loose  to 
spoil  and  slaughter,  and  scouring  through  the  streets 
with  swords  drawn.  There  was  no  numbering  the 
slain;  the  amount  is  to  this  day  conjectured  only  from 
the  space  of  ground  overflowed  with  blood.  For 
without  mentioning  the  execution  done  in  other  quar- 
ters of  the  city,  the  blood  that  was  shed  about  the 
market-place  spread  over  the  whole  Ceramicus  within 
the  Double-gate,  and,  according  to  most  writers, 
passed  through  the  gate  and  overflowed  the  suburb. 
Nor  did  the  multitudes  which  fell  thus  exceed  the 
number  of  those,  who,  out  of  pity  and  love  for  their 
country,  which  they  believed  was  now  finally  to  per- 
ish, slew  themselves;  the  best  of  them,  through  des- 
pair of  their  country's  surviving,  dreading  themselves 
to  survive,  expecting  neither  humanity  nor  modera- 
tion in  Sylla.  At  length,  partly  at  the  instance  of 
Midias  and  Calliphon,  two  exiled  men,  beseeching 
and  casting  themselves  at  his  feet,  partly  by  the  inter- 
cession of  those  senators  who  followed  the  camp,  hav- 
ing had  his  fill  of  revenge,  and  making  some  honor- 
able mention  of  the  ancient  Athenians,  "I  forgive," 
said  he,  "the  many  for  the  sake  of  the  few,  the  living 
for  the  dead."  He  took  Athens,  according  to  his  own 
Memoirs  on  the  calends  of  March,  coinciding  pretty 
nearly  with  the  new  moon  of  Anthesterion,  on  which 
day  it  is  the  Athenian  usage  to  perform  various  acts 
in  commemoration  of  the  ruins  and  devastations  occa- 
sioned by  the  deluge,  that  being  supposed  to  be  the 
time  of  its  occurrence. 

At  the  taking  of  the  town,  the  tyrant  fled  into 
the  citadel,  and  was  there  besieged  by  Curio,  who  had 
that  charge  given  him.    He  held  out  a  considerable 


174  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


time,  but  at  last  yielded  himself  up  for  want  of  water, 
and  divine  power  immediately  intimated  its  agency  in 
the  matter.  For  on  the  same  day  and  hour  that 
Curio  conducted  him  down,  the  clouds  gathered  in 
a  clear  sky,  and  there  came  down  a  great  quantity  of 
rain  and  filled  the  citadel  with  water. 

Not  long  after,  Sylla  won  the  Piraeus,  and  burnt 
most  of  it;  amongst  the  rest,  Philo's  arsenal,  a  work 
very  greatly  admired. 

In  the  mean  time  Taxiles,  Mithridates's  general, 
coming  down  from  Thrace  and  Macedon,  with  an 
army  of  one  hundred  thousand  foot,  ten  thousand 
horse,  and  ninety  chariots,  armed  with  scythes  at  the 
wheels,  would  have  joined  Archelaus,  who  lay  with 
a  navy  on  the  coast  near  Munychia,  reluctant  to  quit 
the  sea,  and  yet  unwilling  to  engage  the  Romans  in 
battle,  but  desiring  to  protract  the  war  and  cut  off 
the  enemy's  supplies.  Which  Sylla  perceiving  much 
better  than  himself,  passed  with  his  forces  into 
Boeotia,  quitting  a  barren  district  which  was  inade- 
quate to  maintain  an  army  even  in  time  of  peace.  He 
was  thought  by  some  to  have  taken  false  measures 
in  thus  leaving  Attica,  a  rugged  country,  and  ill 
suited  for  cavalry  to  move  in,  and  entering  the  plain 
and  open  fields  of  Boeotia,  knowing  as  he  did  the  bar- 
barian strength  to  consist  most  in  horses  and  chariots. 
But  as  was  said  before,  to  avoid  famine  and  scarcity, 
he  was  forced  to  run  the  risk  of  a  battle.  Moreover 
he  was  in  anxiety  for  Hortensius,  a  bold  and  active 
officer,  whom  on  his  way  to  Sylla  with  forces  from 
Thessaly,  the  barbarians  awaited  in  the  straits.®  For 
these  reasons  Sylla  drew  off  into  Boeotia.  Horten- 
sius, meantime,  was  conducted  by  Caphis,®  our  coun- 

®  The  straits,  or  pass  of  Thermopylae.  Caphis,  a  citizen  of 
Chaeronea,  Plutarch's  own  home. 


SYLLA 


175 


tryman,  another  way  unknown  to  the  barbarians,  by 
Parnassus,  just  under  Tithora,  which  was  then  not 
so  large  a  town  as  it  is  now,  but  a  mere  fort,  sur- 
rounded by  steep  precipices,  whither  the  Phocians 
also,  in  old  time,  when  flying  from  the  invasion  of 
Xerxes,  carried  themselves  and  their  goods  and  were 
saved.  Hortensius,  encamping  here,  kept  off  the 
enemy  by  day,  and  at  night  descending  by  difficult 
passages  to  Patronis,  joined  the  forces  of  Sylla,  who 
came  to  meet  him.  Thus  united  they  posted  them- 
selves on  a  fertile  hill  in  the  middle  of  the  plain  of 
Elatea,  shaded  with  trees  and  watered  at  the  foot.  It 
is  called  Philoboeotus,  and  its  situation  and  natural 
advantages  are  spoken  of  with  great  admiration  by 
Sylla. 

As  they  lay  thus  encamped,  they  seemed  to  the 
enemy  a  contemptible  number,  for  they  were  not 
above  fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  less  than  fifteen 
thousand  foot.  Therefore  the  rest  of  the  command- 
ers, overpersuading  Archelaus,  and  drawing  up  the 
army,  covered  the  plain  with  horses,  chariots,  buck- 
lers, targets.  The  clamor  and  cries  of  so  many  na- 
tions forming  for  battle  rent  the  air,  nor  was  the 
pomp  and  ostentation  of  their  costly  array  altogether 
idle  and  unserviceable  for  terror;  for  the  brightness 
of  their  armor,  embellished  magnificently  with  gold 
and  silver,  and  the  rich  colors  of  their  Median  and 
Scythian  coats,  intermixed  with  brass  and  shining 
steel,  presented  a  flaming  and  terrible  sight  as  they 
swayed  about  and  moved  in  their  ranks,  so  much  so 
that  the  Romans  shrunk  within  their  trenches,  and 
Sylla,  unable  by  any  arguments  to  remove  their  fear, 
and  unwilling  to  force  them  to  fight  against  their 
wills,  was  fain  to  sit  down  in  quiet,  ill-brooking  to 
become  the  subject  of  barbarian  insolence  and  laugh- 
ter. This,  however,  above  all  advantaged  him,  for  the 


176  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


enemy,  from  contemning  of  him  fell  into  disorder 
amongst  themselves,  being  already  less  thoroughly 
under  command,  on  account  of  the  number  of  their 
leaders.  Some  few  of  them  remained  within  the  en- 
campment, but  others,  the  major  part,  lured  out  with 
hopes  of  prey  and  rapine,  strayed  about  the  country 
many  days'  journey  from  the  camp,  and  are  related 
to  have  destroj^ed  the  city  of  Panope,^^  to  have  plun- 
dered Lebadea,  and  robbed  the  oracle  without  any 
orders  from  their  commanders. 

Sylla,  all  this  while,  chafing  and  fretting  to  see 
the  cities  all  around  destroyed,  suffered  not  the  sol- 
diery to  remain  idle,  but  leading  them  out,  compelled 
them  to  divert  the  Cephisus  from  its  ancient  channel 
by  casting  up  ditches,  and  giving  respite  to  none, 
showed  himself  rigorous  in  punishing  the  remiss,  that 
growing  weary  of  labor,  they  might  be  induced  by 
hardship  to  embrace  danger.  Which  fell  out  accord- 
ingl}^  for  on  the  third  day,  being  hard  at  work  as 
Sylla  passed  by,  the}^  begged  and  clamored  to  be  led 

Panope  is  more  correctly  Panopeus ;  the  oracle  near  Lebadea 
is  that  of  Trophonius.  The  details  in  these  pages  taken,  it  would 
seem,  from  Sylla's  own  memoirs,  and  enlivened  by  Plutarch's 
knowledge  of  and  interest  in  the  localities,  are  examined  at  length 
by  Col.  Leake,  who  goes  through  the  whole  narrative  (Northern 
Greece,  Vol.  II.,  Chap.  XIII.,  pages  192  to  201).  An  antique 
chair  of  marble  in  the  church  is  called  Plutarch's  chair.  But  a 
memorial  more  probably  connected  with  him  and  his  family  existed 
in  an  inscription,  read  by  Col.  Leake  on  a  stone  near  a  fountain 
below  the  theatre,  in  remembrance  of  Demetrius  Autobulus,  a 
Platonic  philosopher.  And  there  is  a  record  of  another  being 
extant  in  the  time  of  Meletius  the  geographer,  distinctly  "in  mem- 
ory of  Sextus  Claudius  Autobulus,  the  sixth  from  Plutarch,  re- 
markable for  every  excellence  in  conduct  and  in  words,  erected  by 
his  grandmother  Calliclea,  his  parents,  and  his  sisters."  Auto- 
bulus is  a  family  name  in  Plutarch's  minor  works.  Plutarch's 
own  son  Autobulus  is  there  spoken  of  as  married,  and  having  a 
son  of  his  own.   See  Vol.  I.,  Life  of  Plutarch. 


SYLLA 


177 


against  the  enemy.  Sylla  replied,  that  this  demand 
of  war  proceeded  rather  from  a  backwardness  to  labor 
than  any  forwardness  to  fight,  but  if  they  were  in 
good  earnest  martially  inclined,  he  bade  them  take 
their  arms  and  get  up  thither,  pointing  to  the  ancient 
citadel  of  the  Parapotamians,  of  which  at  present,  the 
city  being  laid  waste,  there  remained  only  the  rocky 
hill  itself,  steep  and  craggy  on  all  sides,  and  severed 
from  Mount  Hedylium  by  the  breadth  of  the  river 
Assus,  which  running  between,  and  at  the  bottom  of 
the  same  hill  falling  into  the  Cephisus  with  an  im- 
petuous confluence,  makes  this  eminence  a  strong  po- 
sitions for  soldiers  to  occupy.  Observing  that  the 
enemy's  division,  called  the  Brazen  Shields,  were 
making  their  way  up  thither,  Sylla  was  willing  to 
take  first  possession,  and  by  the  vigorous  efforts  of 
the  soldiers  succeeded.  Archelaus,  driven  from  hence, 
bent  his  forces  upon  Chseronea.  The  Chseroneans 
who  bore  arms  in  the  Roman  camp  beseeching  Sylla 
not  to  abandon  the  city,  he  despatched  Gabinius,  a 
tribune,  with  one  legion,  and  sent  out  also  the  Chse- 
roneans,  who  endeavored,  but  were  not  able  to  get  in 
before  Gabinius;  so  active  was  he,  and  more  zealous 
to  bring  relief  than  those  who  had  entreated  it.  Juba 
writes  that  Ericius  was  the  man  sent,  not  Gabinius. 
Thus  narrowly  did  our  native  city  escape. 

From  Lebadea  and  the  cave  of  Trophonius  there 
came  favorable  rumors  and  prophecies  of  victory  to 
the  Romans,  of  which  the  inhabitants  of  those  places 
give  a  fuller  account,  but  as  Sylla  himself  afiSrms  in 
the  tenth  book  of  his  Memoirs,  Quintus  Titius,  a 
man  of  some  repute  among  the  Romans  who  were 
engaged  in  mercantile  business  in  Greece,  came  to 
him  after  the  battle  won  at  Cha^ronea,  and  declared 
that  Trophonius  had  foretold  another  fight  and  vic- 
tory on  the  same  place,  within  a  short  time.  After 


178  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


him  a  soldier,  by  name  Salvenius,  brought  an  account 
from  the  god  of  the  future  issue  of  affairs  in  Italy. 
As  to  the  vision,  they  both  agreed  in  this,  that  they 
had  seen  one  who  in  stature  and  in  majesty  was  sim- 
ilar to  Jupiter  Olympius. 

Sylla,  when  he  had  passed  over  the  Assus,  march- 
ing under  the  Mount  Hedylium,  encamped  close  to 
Archelaus,  who  had  intrenched  himself  strongly  be- 
tween the  mountains  Acontium  and  Hedylium,  close 
to  what  are  called  the  Assia.  The  place  of  his  in- 
trenchment  is  to  this  day  named  from  him,  Archelaus. 
Sylla,  after  one  day's  respite,  having  left  Murena 
behind  him  with  one  legion  and  two  cohorts  to  amuse 
the  enemy  with  continual  alarms,  himself  went  and 
sacrificed  on  the  banks  of  Cephisus,  and  the  holy 
rites  ended,  held  on  towards  Chseronea  to  receive  the 
forces  there  and  view  Mount  Thurium,  where  a  party 
of  the  enemy  had  posted  themselves.  This  is  a  craggy 
height  running  up  in  a  conical  form  to  a  point,  called 
by  us  Orthopagus;  at  the  foot  of  it  is  the  river  Morius 
and  the  temple  of  Apollo  Thurius.  The  god  had  his 
surname  from  Thuro,  mother  of  Chasron,  whom 
ancient  record  makes  founder  of  Cheeronea.  Others 
assert  that  the  cow  which  Apollo  gave  to  Cadmus  for 
a  guide  appeared  there,  and  that  the  place  took  its 
name  from  the  beast,  Thor  being  the  Phoenician  word 
for  a  cow. 

At  Sylla's  approach  to  Chseronea,  the  tribune  who 
had  been  appointed  to  guard  the  city  led  out  his  men 
in  arms,  and  met  him  with  a  garland  of  laurel  in  his 
hand;  which  Sylla  accepting,  and  at  the  same  time 
saluting  the  soldiers  and  animating  them  to  the  en- 
counter, two  men  of  Chseronea,  Homoloichus  and 
Anaxidamus,  presented  themselves  before  him,  and 
offered,  with  a  small  party,  to  dislodge  those  who 
were  posted  on  Thurium.   For  there  lay  a  path  out 


SYLLA 


179 


of  sight  of  the  barbarians,  from  what  is  called  Petro- 
chus  along  by  the  Museum,"  leading  right  down  from 
above  upon  Thurium.  By  this  way  it  was  easy  to  fall 
upon  them  and  either  stone  them  from  above,  or  force 
them  down  into  the  plain.  Sylla,  assured  of  their  faith 
and  courage  by  Gabinius,  bade  them  proceed  with 
the  enterprise,  and  meantime  drew  up  the  army,  and 
disposing  the  cavalry  on  both  wings,  himself  took 
command  of  the  right;  the  left  being  committed  to 
the  direction  of  Murena.  In  the  rear  of  all,  Galba  and 
Hortensius,  his  lieutenants,  planted  themselves  on  the 
upper  grounds  with  the  cohorts  of  reserve,  to  watch 
the  motions  of  the  enemy,  who  with  numbers  of  horse 
and  swift-footed,  light-armed  infantry,  were  noticed 
to  have  so  formed  their  wing  as  to  allow  it  readily  to 
change  about  and  alter  its  position,  and  thus  gave 
reason  for  suspecting  that  they  intended  to  carry  it 
far  out  and  so  to  inclose  the  Romans. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  Chseroneans,  who  had 
Ericius  for  commander  by  appointment  of  Sylla, 
covertly  making  their  way  around  Thurium,  and  then 
discovering  themselves,  occasioned  a  great  confusion 
and  rout  amongst  the  barbarians,  and  slaughter,  for 
the  most  part,  by  their  ow^n  hands.  For  they  kept  not 
their  place,  but  making  down  the  steep  descent,  ran 
themselves  on  their  own  spears,  and  violently  sent 
each  other  over  the  cliffs,  the  enemy  from  above 
pressing  on  and  wounding  them  where  they  exposed 
their  bodies;  insomuch  that  there  fell  three  thousand 
about  Thurium.  Some  of  those  who  escaped,  being 
met  by  Murena  as  he  stood  in  array,  were  cut  off  and 
destroyed.  Others  breaking  through  to  their  friends 
and  falling  pell-mell  into  the  ranks,  filled  most  part 

That  is,  the  temple  or  chapel,  the  building  or  piece  of 
ground,  consecrated  to  the  Muses. 


180  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


of  the  army  with  fear  and  tumult,  and  caused  a  hesi- 
tation and  delay  among  the  generals,  which  was  no 
small  disadvantage.  For  immediately  upon  the  dis- 
composure, Sylla  coming  full  speed  to  the  charge, 
and  quickly  crossing  the  interval  between  the  armies, 
lost  them  the  service  of  their  armed  chariots,  which 
require  a  considerable  space  of  ground  to  gather 
strength  and  impetuosity  in  their  career,  a  short 
course  being  weak  and  ineffectual,  like  that  of  mis- 
siles without  a  full  swing.  Thus  it  fared  with  the 
barbarians  at  present,  whose  first  chariots  came  feebly 
on  and  made  but  a  faint  impression;  the  Romans  re- 
pulsing them  with  shouts  and  laughter,  called  out  as 
they  do  at  the  races  in  the  circus,  for  more  to  come. 
By  this  time  the  mass  of  both  armies  met;  the  bar- 
barians on  one  side  fixed  their  long  pikes,  and  with 
their  shields  locked  close  together,  strove  so  far  as 
in  them  lay  to  preserve  their  line  of  battle  entire.  The 
Romans,  on  the  other  side,  having  discharged  their 
javelins,  rushed  on  with  their  drawn  swords,  and 
struggled  to  put  by  the  pikes  to  get  at  them  the 
sooner,  in  the  fury  that  possessed  them  at  seeing  in 
the  front  of  the  enemy  fifteen  thousand  slaves,  whom 
the  royal  commanders  had  set  free  by  proclamation, 
and  ranged  amongst  the  men  of  arms.  And  a  Ro- 
man centurion  is  reported  to  have  said  at  this  sight, 
that  he  never  knew  servants  allowed  to  play  the  mas- 
ters, unless  at  the  Saturnalia.  These  men  by  their 
deep  and  solid  array,  as  well  as  by  their  daring  cour- 
age, yielded  but  slowly  to  the  legions,  till  at  last  by 
slinging  engines,  and  darts,  which  the  Romans  poured 
in  upon  them  behind,  they  were  forced  to  give  way 
and  scatter. 

As  Archelaus  was  extending  the  right  wing  to 
encompass  the  enemy,  Hortensius  with  his  cohorts 
came  down  in  force,  with  intention  to  charge  him  in 


SYLLA 


181 


the  flank.  But  Archelaus  wheeling  about  suddenly 
with  two  thousand  horse,  Hortensius,  outnumbered 
and  hard  pressed,  fell  back  towards  the  higher 
grounds,  and  found  himself  gradually  getting  sepa- 
rated from  the  main  body  and  likely  to  be  surrounded 
by  the  enemy.  When  Sylla  heard  this,  he  came  rap- 
idly up  to  his  succor  from  the  right  wing,  which  as 
yet  had  not  engaged.  But  Archelaus,  guessing  the 
matter  by  the  dust  of  his  troops,  turned  to  the  right 
wing,  from  whence  Sylla  came,  in  hopes  to  surprise 
it  without  a  commander.  At  the  same  instant,  like- 
wise, Taxiles,  with  his  Brazen  Shields,  assailed  Mu- 
rena,  so  that  a  cry  coming  from  both  places,  and  the 
hills  repeating  it  around,  Sylla  stood  in  suspense 
which  way  to  move.  Deciding  to  resume  his  own  sta- 
tion, he  sent  in  aid  to  Murena  four  cohorts  under 
Hortensius,  and  commanding  the  fifth  to  follow  him, 
returned  hastily  to  the  right  wing,  which  of  itself  held 
its  ground  on  equal  terms  against  Archelaus ;  and,  at 
his  appearance,  with  one  bold  effort  forced  them  back, 
and,  obtaining  the  mastery,  followed  them,  flying  in 
disorder  to  the  river  and  Mount  Acontium.  Sylla, 
however,  did  not  forget  the  danger  Murena  was  in; 
but  hasting  thither  and  finding  him  victorious  also, 
then  joined  in  the  pursuit.  Many  barbarians  were 
slain  in  the  field,  many  more  were  cut  in  pieces  as 
they  were  making  into  the  camp.  Of  all  the  vast 
multitude,  ten  thousand  only  got  safe  into  Chalcis. 
Sylla  writes  that  there  were  but  fourteen  of  his  sol- 
diers missing,  and  that  two  of  these  returned  towards 
evening;  he,  therefore,  inscribed  on  the  trophies  the 
names  of  Mars,  Victory,  and  Venus,  as  having  won 
the  day  no  less  by  good  fortune  than  by  management 
and  force  of  arms.  This  trophy  of  the  battle  in  the 
plain  stands  on  the  place  where  Archelaus  first  gave 
way,  near  the  stream  of  the  Molus ;  another  is  erected 


182  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


high  on  the  top  of  Thurium,  where  the  barbarians 
were  environed,  with  an  inscription  in  Greek,  record- 
ing that  the  glor^^  of  the  da}"  belonged  to  Homoloi- 
chus  and  Anaxidamus.  Sylla  celebrated  his  victory 
at  Thebes  with  spectacles,  for  which  he  erected  a 
stage,  near  (Edipus's  well.  The  judges  of  the  per- 
formances were  Greeks  chosen  out  of  other  cities ;  his 
hostility  to  the  Thebans  being  implacable,  half  of 
whose  territory  he  took  away  and  consecrated  to 
Apollo  and  Jupiter,  ordering  that  out  of  the  revenue 
c/^mpensation  should  be  made  to  the  gods  for  the 
niches  himself  had  taken  from  them. 


After  this,  hearing  that  Flaccus,  a  man  of  the 
contrary  faction,  had  been  chosen  consul,  and  was 
crossing  the  Ionian  Sea  with  an  army,  professedly  to 
act  against  Mithridates,  but  in  reality  against  himself, 
he  hastened  towards  Thessaly,  designing  to  meet  him, 
but  in  his  march,  when  near  Melitea,  received  advices 
from  all  parts  that  the  countries  behind  him  were 
overrun  and  ravaged  by  no  less  a  ro^^al  army  than  the 
former.  For  Dorylaus,  arriving  at  Chalcis  with  a 
large  fleet,  on  board  of  which  he  brought  over  with 
him  eighty  thousand  of  the  best  appointed  and  best 
disciplined  soldiers  of  Mithridates's  army,  at  once 
invaded  Boeotia,  and  occupied  the  country  in  hopes 
to  bring  Sylla  to  a  battle,  making  no  account  of  the 
dissuasions  of  Archelaus,  but  giving  it  out  as  to  the 
last  fight,  that  without  treachery  so  many  thousand 
men  could  never  have  perished.  Sylla,  however,  fac- 
ing about  expeditiously,  made  it  clear  to  him  that 
Archelaus  was  a  wise  man,  and  had  good  skill  in  the 
Roman  valor;  insomuch  that  he  himself,  after  some 
small  skirmishes  with  Sylla  near  Tilphossium,  was 
the  first  of  those  who  thought  it  not  advisable  to  put 
things  to  the  decision  of  the  sword,  but  rather  to  wear 
out  the  war  by  expense  of  time  and  treasure.  The 


I  SYLLA  183 

W  ground,  however,  near  Orchomenus,  where  they  then 
lay  encamped,  gave  some  encouragement  to  Arche- 
laus,  being  a  battle  field  admirably  suited  for  an  army 
superior  in  cavalry.   Of  all  the  plains  in  Boeotia  that 
are  renowned  for  their  beauty  and  extent,  this  alone, 
^  which  commences  from  the  city  of  Orchomenus, 
r   spreads  out  unbroken  and  clear  of  trees  to  the  edge 
of  the  fens  in  which  the  Melas,  rising  close  under 
Orchomenus,  loses  itself,  the  only  Greek  river  which 
is  a  deep  and  navigable  water  from  the  very  head, 
increasing  also  about  the  summer  solstice  like  the 
^   Nile,  and  producing  plants  similar  to  those  that  grow 
P    there,  only  small  and  without  fruit.    It  does  not  run 
far  before  the  main  stream  disappears  among  the 
blind  and  woody  marsh-grounds;  a  small  branch, 
however,  joins  the  Cephisus,  about  the  place  where 
the  lake  is  thought  to  produce  the  best  flute-reeds. 

Now  that  both  armies  were  posted  near  each 
other,  Archelaus  lay  still,  but  Sylla  employed  himself 
in  cutting  ditches  from  either  side;  that  if  possible, 
by  driving  the  enemies  from  the  firm  and  open  cham- 
pain,  he  might  force  them  into  the  fens.  They,  on 
the  other  hand,  not  enduring  this,  as  soon  as  their 
leaders  allowed  them  the  word  of  command,  issued 
out  furiously  in  large  bodies;  when  not  only  the  men 
at  work  were  dispersed,  but  most  part  of  those  who 
stood  in  arms  to  protect  the  work  fled  in  disorder. 
Upon  this,  Sylla  leaped  from  his  horse,  and  snatching 
hold  of  an  ensign,  rushed  through  the  midst  of  the 
rout  upon  the  enemy,  crying  out  aloud,  "To  me,  O 
Romans,  it  will  be  glorious  to  fall  here.  As  for  you, 
when  they  ask  you  where  you  betrayed  your  general, 
remember  and  say,  at  Orchomenus."  His  men  rally- 
ing again  at  these  words,  and  two  cohorts  coming  to 
his  succor  from  the  right  wing,  he  led  them  to  the 
charge  and  turned  the  day.   Then  retiring  some  short 


184  PLUTARCH^S  LIVES 


distance  and  refreshing  his  men,  he  proceeded  again 
with  his  works  to  block  up  the  enemy's  camp.  They 
again  saUied  out  in  better  order  than  before.  Here 
Diogenes,  step-son  to  Archelaus,  fighting  on  the  right 
wing  with  much  gallantry,  made  an  honorable  end. 
And  the  archers,  being  hard  pressed  by  the  Romans, 
and  wanting  space  for  a  retreat,  took  their  arrows  by 
handfuis,  and  striking  with  these  as  with  swords,  beat 
them  back.  In  the  end,  however,  they  were  all  driven 
into  the  intrenchment  and  had  a  sorrowful  night  of  it 
with  their  slain  and  wounded.  The  next  day  again, 
Sylla,  leading  forth  his  men  up  to  their  quarters,  went 
on  finishing  the  lines  of  intrenchment,  and  when  they 
issued  out  again  with  larger  numbers  to  give  him  bat- 
tle, fell  on  them  and  put  them  to  the  rout,  and  in  the 
consternation  ensuing,  none  daring  to  abide,  he  took 
the  camp  by  storm.  The  marshes  were  filled  with 
blood,  and  the  lake  with  dead  bodies,  insomuch  that 

.  to  this  day  many  bows,  helmets,  fragments  of  iron, 
breastplates,  and  swords  of  barbarian  make,  continue 
to  be  found  buried  deep  in  mud,  two  hundred  years 
after  the  fight.  Thus  much  of  the  actions  of  Chae- 
ronea  and  Orchomenus. 

^  At  Rome,  Cinna  and  Carbo  were  now  using  in- 
justice and  violence  towards  persons  of  the  greatest 
eminence,  and  many  of  them  to  avoid  this  tyranny 
repaired,  as  to  a  safe  harbor,  to  Sylla's  camp,  where, 
in  a  short  space,  he  had  about  him  the  aspect  of  a 
senate.  Metella,  likewise,  having  with  difficulty  con- 
veyed herself  and  children  away  by  stealth,  brought 
him  word  that  his  houses,  both  in  town  and  country, 
had  been  burnt  by  his  enemies,  and  entreated  his  help 
at  home.  Whilst  he  was  in  doubt  what  to  do,  being 
impatient  to  hear  of  his  country  being  thus  outraged, 
and  yet  not  knowing  how  to  leave  so  great  a  work  as 
the  Mithridatic  war  unfinished,  there  comes  to  him 


i 


SYI.LA 


185 


Archelaus,  a  merchant  of  Delos,  with  hopes  of  an 
accommodation,  and  private  instructions  from  Arche- 
laus, the  king's  general.  Sylla  liked  the  business  so 
well  as  to  desire  a  speedy  conference  with  Archelaus 
in  person,  and  a  meeting  took  place  on  the  sea-coast 
near  Delium,  where  the  temple  of  Apollo  stands. 
When  Archelaus  opened  the  conversation,  and  began 
to  urge  Sylla  to  abandon  his  pretensions  to  Asia  and 
Pontus,  and  to  set  sail  for  the  war  in  Rome,  receiv- 
ing money  and  shipping,  and  such  forces  as  he  should 
think  fitting  from  the  king,  Sylla,  interposing,  bade 
Archelaus  take  no  further  care  for  Mithridates,  but 
assume  the  crown  to  himself,  and  become  a  confeder- 
ate of  Rome,  delivering  up  the  navy.  Archelaus  pro- 
fessing his  abhorrence  of  such  treason,  Sylla  pro- 
ceeded: "So  you,  Archelaus,  a  Cappadocian,  and 
slave,  or  if  it  so  please  you,  friend,  to  a  barbarian 
king,  would  not,  upon  such  vast  considerations,  be 
guilty  of  what  is  dishonorable,  and  yet  dare  to  talk 
to  me,  Roman  general  and  Sylla,  of  treason?  as  if 
you  were  not  the  selfsame  Archelaus  who  ran  away 
at  Chseronea,  with  few  remaining  out  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  men;  who  lay  for  two  days  in 
the  fens  of  Orchomenus,  and  left  Boeotia  impassable 
for  heaps  of  dead  carcasses."  Archelaus,  changing 
his  tone  at  this,  humbly  besought  him  to  lay  aside  the 
thoughts  of  war,  and  make  peace  with  Mithridates. 
Sylla  consenting  to  this  request,  articles  of  agreefnent. 
were  concluded  on.  That  Mithridates  should  quit 
Asia  and  Paphlagonia,  restore  Bithynia  to  Nico- 
medes,  Cappadocia  to  Ariobarzanes,  and  pay  the  Ro- 
mans two  thousand  talents,  and  give  him  seventy 
ships  of  war  with  all  their  furniture.  On  the  other 
hand,  that  Sylla  should  confirm  to  him  his  other  do- 
minions, and  declare  him  a  Roman  confederate.  On 
these  terms  he  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Thessaly  and 


186  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Macedon  towards  the  Hellespont,  having  Archelaus 
with  him,  and  treating  him  with  great  attention.  For 
Archelaus  being  taken  dangerously  ill  at  Larissa,  he 
stopped  the  march  of  the  army,  and  took  care  of  him, 
as  if  he  had  been  one  of  his  own  captains,  or  his  col- 
league in  command.  This  gave  suspicion  of  foul  play 
in  the  battle  of  Ch^eronea ;  as  it  was  also  observed  that 
Sylla  had  released  all  the  friends  of  Mithridates  taken 
prisoners  in  war,  except  only  Aristion  the  tyrant, 
who  was  at  enmity  with  Archelaus,  and  was  put  to 
death  by  poison ;  and,  above  all,  ten  thousand  acres  of 
land  in  Euboea  had  been  given  to  the  Cappadocian, 
and  he  had  received  from  Sylla  the  style  of  friend  and 
1  ally  of  the  Romans.  On  all  which  points  Sylla  de- 
fends himself  in  his  Memoirs. 

The  ambassadors  of  Mithridates  arriving  and  de- 
claring that  they  accepted  of  the  conditions,  only 
Paphlagonia  they  could  not  part  with;  and  as  for  the 
ships,  professing  not  to  know  of  any  such  capitula- 
tion, Sylla  in  a  rage  exclaimed,  "What  say  you? 
Does  Mithridates  then  withhold  Paphlagonia?  and 
as  to  the  ships,  deny  that  article?  I  thought  to  have 
seen  him  prostrate  at  my  feet  to  thank  me  for  leaving 
him  so  much  as  that  right  hand  of  his,  which  has  cut 
off  so  many  Romans.  He  will  shortly,  at  my  coming 
over  into  Asia,  speak  another  language;  in  the  mean 
time,  let  him  at  his  ease  in  Pergamus  sit  managing  a 
war  which  he  never  saw."  The  ambassadors  in  terror 
stood  silent  by,  but  Archelaus  endeavored  with  hum- 
ble supplications  to  assuage  his  wrath,  laying  hold  on 
his  right  hand  and  weeping.  In  conclusion  he  ob- 
tained permission  to  go  himself  in  person  to  Mithri- 
dates; for  that  he  would  either  mediate  a  peace  to  the 
satisfaction  of  Sylla,  or  if  not,  slay  himself.  Sylla 
having  thus  despatched  him  away,  made  an  inroad 
into  Msedica,  and  after  wide  depopulations  returned 


SYLLA 


187 


back  again  into  Macedon,  where  he  received  Arche- 
laus  about  PhiHppi,  bringing  word  that  all  was  well, 
and  that  Mithridates  earnestly  requested  an  inter- 
view. The  chief  cause  of  this  meeting  was  Fimbria; 
for  he  having  assassinated  Flaccus,  the  consul  of  the 
contrary  faction,  and  worsted  the  Mithridatic  com- 
manders, was  advancing  against  Mithridates  himself, 
who,  fearing  this,  chose  rather  to  seek  the  friendship 
of  Sylla. 

And  so  met  at  Dardanus  in  the  Troad,  on  one 
side  Mithridates,  attended  with  two  hundred  ships, 
and  land  forces  consisting  of  twenty  thousand  men  at 
arms,  six  thousand  horse,  and  a  large  train  of  scythed 
chariots;  on  the  other,  Sylla  with  only  four  cohorts, 
and  two  hundred  horse.  As  Mithridates  drew  near 
and  put  out  his  hand  Sylla  demanded  whether  he  was 
willing  or  no  to  end  the  war  on  the  terms  Archelaus 
had  agreed  to,  but  seeing  the  king  made  no  answer, 
"How  is  this?"  he  continued,  "ought  not  the  peti- 
tioner to  speak  first,  and  the  conqueror  to  listen  in 
silence?"  And  when  Mithridates,  entering  upon  his 
plea,  began  to  shift  off  the  w^ar,  partly  on  the  gods, 
and  partly  to  blame  the  Romans  themselves,  he  took 
him  up,  saying  that  he  had  heard,  indeed,  long  since 
from  others,  and  now  he  knew  it  himself  for  truth, 
that  Mithridates  was  a  powerful  speaker,  who  in  de- 
fence of  the  most  foul  and  unjust  proceedings,  had 
not  wanted  for  specious  pretences.  Then  charging 
him  with  and  inveighing  bitterly  against  the  outrages 
he  had  committed,  he  asked  again  whether  he  was 
willing  or  no  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  Archelaus? 
Mithridates  answering  in  the  affirmative,  Sylla  came 
forward,  embraced  and  kissed  him.  Not  long  after 
he  introduced  Ariobarzanes  and  Nicomedes,  the  two 
kings,  and  made  them  friends.   Mithridates,  when  he 


188  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


had  handed  over  to  Sylla  seventy  ships  and  five  hun- 
dred archers,  set  sail  for  Pontus. 

Sylla,  perceiving  the  soldiers  to  be  dissatisfied 
with  the  peace,  (as  it  seemed  indeed  a  monstrous 
thing  that  they  should  see  the  king  who  was  their 
bitterest  enem}^  and  who  had  caused  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  Romans  to  be  massacred  in  one  day 
in  Asia,  now  sailing  off  with  the  riches  and  spoils  of 
Asia,  which  he  had  pillaged,  and  put  under  contribu- 
tion for  the  space  of  four  3^ears,)  in  his  defence  to 
them,  alleged,  that  he  could  not  have  made  head 
against  Fimbria  and  ^lithridates,  had  they  both  with- 
stood him  in  conjunction.  Thence  he  set  out  and 
went  in  search  of  Fimbria,  who  lay  with  the  army 
about  Thyatira,  and  pitching  his  camp  not  far  off, 
proceeded  to  fortify  it  with  a  trench.  The  soldiers  of 
Fimbria  came  out  in  their  single  coats,  and,  saluting 
his  men,  lent  ready  assistance  to  the  work;  which 
change  Fimbria  beholding,  and  apprehending  Sylla 
as  irreconcilable,  laid  violent  hands  on  himself  in  the 
camp. 

Sylla  imposed  on  Asia  in  general  a  tax  of  twenty 
thousand  talents,  and  despoiled  individually  each  fam- 
ily by  the  licentious  behavior  and  long  residence  of 
the  soldiery  in  private  quarters.  For  he  ordained 
that  every  host  should  allow  his  guest  four  tetra- 
drachms  each  day,  and  moreover  entertain  him,  and 
as  many  friends  as  he  should  invite,  with  a  supper; 
that  a  centurion  should  receive  fifty  drachmas  a  day, 
together  with  one  suit  of  clothes  to  wear  within  doors, 
and  another  when  he  went  abroad. 

Having  set  out  from  Ephesus  with  the  whole 

^2  The  tetradrachmon  was  a  coin  worth  four  drachmas,  the  or- 
dinary large  silver  piece  of  the  Greek  currency,  being  in  fact  a 
sort  of  small  dollar,  a  four  franc  piece. 


SYLLA 


189 


navy,  he  came  the  third  day  to  anchor  in  the  Pirseus. 
Here  he  was  initiated  in  the  mysteries,  and  seized  for 
his  use  the  library  of  Apellicon  the  Teian,  in  which 
were  most  of  the  works  of  Theophrastus  and  Aris- 
totle, then  not  in  general  circulation.  When  the 
whole  was  afterwards  conveyed  to  Rome,  there,  it  is 
said,  the  greater  part  of  the  collection  passed  through 
the  hands  of  Tyrannion  the  grammarian,  and  that 
Andronicus  the  Rhodian,  having  through  his  means 
the  command  of  numerous  copies,  made  the  treatises 
public,  and  drew  up  the  catalogues  that  are  now  cur- 
rent. The  elder  Peripatetics  appear  themselves,  in- 
deed, to  have  been  accomplished  and  learned  men,  but 
of  the  writings  of  Aristotle  and  Theophrastus  they 
had  no  large  or  exact  knowledge,  because  Theophras- 
tus bequeathing  his  books  to  the  heir  of  Neleus  of 
Scepsis,^^  they  came  into  earless  and  illiterate  hands. 

During  Sylla's  stay  about  Athens,  his  feet  were 
attacked  by  a  heavy  benumbing  pain,  which  Strabo 
calls  the  first  inarticulate  sounds  of  the  gout.  Tak- 
ing, therefore,  a  voyage  to  ^depsus,  he  made  use  of 
the  hot  waters  there,  allowing  himself  at  the  same 

The  text  of  the  passage  about  Neleus  of  Scepsis  is  uncer- 
tain. But  the  account  is  probably  taken  for  the  most  part  from 
Strabo  {XIII.  1,  54<),  who,  in  speaking  of  Scepsis  near  Troy,  tells 
us  that  Neleus,  a  native  of  the  town,  a  scholar  of  Aristotle  and 
Theophrastus,  succeeded  to  the  possession  of  Theophrastus's 
library,  which  included  that  of  Aristotle^  who  left  his  to  Theo- 
phrastus; Aristotle  being  the  Urst  man,  to  Strabo's  knowledge,  who 
collected  a  library,  setting  the  example  to  the  Egyptian  kings. 
Neleus  took  the  books  to  Scepsis,  where  those  who  afterwards 
came  into  his  property  kept  them  shut  up  without  much  care  for 
their  preservation;  and  when  the  kings  of  the  house  of  Attalus 
were  searching  everywhere  for  books  for  the  library  at  Pergamus, 
they  buried  them  underground;  and  in  the  damaged  condition  they 
thus  were  in,  the  works  of  Theophrastus  and  Aristotle  were 
bought  at  last  by  Apellicon  the  Teian,  who  was  more,  however,  of 


190  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


time  to  forget  all  anxieties,  and  passing  away  his  time 
with  actors.  As  he  was  walking  along  the  sea-shore, 
certain  fishermen  brought  him  some  magnificent  fish. 
Being  much  delighted  with  the  gift,  and  understand- 
ing, on  inquiry,  that  they  were  men  of  Haleese, 
"What,"  said  he,  "are  there  any  men  of  Halgese  sur- 
viving?" For  after  his  victory  at  Orchomenus,  in  the 
heat  of  a  pursuit,  he  had  destroyed  three  cities  of 
Boeotia,  Anthedon,  Larymna,  and  Haleeee.  The  men 
not  knov  ing  what  to  say  for  fear,  Sylla  with  a  smile 
bade  them  cheer  up  and  return  in  peace,  as  they 
had  brought  with  them  no  insignificant  intercessors. 
The  Halfeans  say  that  this  first  gave  them  courage 
to  reunite  and  return  to  their  city. 

Sylla,  having  marched  through  Thessaly  and 
INIacedon  to  the  sea-coast,  prepared,  with  twelve  hun- 
dred vessels,  to  cross  over  from  Dyrrhachium  to 
Brundisium.  Xot  far  from  hence  is  ApoUonia,  and 
near  it  the  Xympheeum,  a  spot  of  ground  where,  from 
among  green  trees  and  meadows,  there  are  found  at 
various  points  springs  of  fire  continually  streaming 
out.  Here,  they  say,  a  satyr,  such  as  statuaries  and 
painters  represent,  was  caught  asleep,  and  brought 
before  Sylla,  where  he  was  asked  by  several  inter- 
preters who  he  was,  and,  after  much  trouble  at  last 

a  hooh-collector  than  a  'philosopher,  and  had  copies  made  with  the 
gaps  filled  in  at  a  venture.  Thus  the  earlier  Peripatetics  were 
left  without  the  works  of  their  master,  and  the  later  had  faulty 
copies.  And  after  Sylla,  on  taking  Athens,  carried  Apellicon's 
library  to  Rome,  Tyrannion  the  grammarian  made  a  recension  of 
them,  and  had  copies  were  made  for  booksellers,  as  is  commonly 
the  case,  he  says,  with  books  written  for  sale  both  here  (in  Rome) 
and  in  Alexandria.  Strabo  was  Tyrannion's  scholar,  and  probably 
gives  the  story  from  his  account;  the  statement,  however,  that  the 
early  Peripatetics  had  no  copies  of  Aristotle's  writings,  is  said  to 
be  open  to  a  good  deal  of  exception. 


SYLLA 


191 


uttered  nothing  intelligible,  but  a  harsh  noise,  some- 
thing between  the  neighing  of  a  horse  and  crying  of 
a  goat.  Sylla,  in  dismay,  and  deprecating  such  an 
omen,  bade  it  be  removed. 

At  the  point  of  transportation,  Sylla  being  in 
alarm,  lest  at  their  first  setting  foot  upon  Italy,  the 
soldiers  should  disband  and  disperse  one  by  one 
among  the  cities,  they  of  their  own  accord  first  took 
an  oath  to  stand  firm  by  him,  and  not  of  their  good- 
will to  injure  Italy;  then  seeing  him  in  distress  for 
money,  they  made,  so  to  say,  a  freewill  offering,  and 
contributed  each  man  according  to  his  ability.  How- 
ever, Sylla  would  not  accept  of  their  offering,  but 
praising  their  good-will,  and  arousing  up  their  cour- 
age, put  over  (as  he  himself  writes)  against  fifteen 
hostile  generals  in  command  of  four  hundred  and 
fifty  cohorts;  but  not  without  the  most  unmistakable 
divine  intimations  of  his  approaching  happy  successes. 
For  when  he  was  sacrificing  at  his  first  landing  near 
Tarentum,  the  victim's  liver  showed  the  figure  of  a 
crown  of  laurel  with  two  fillets  hanging  from  it.  And 
a  little  while  before  his  arrival  in  Campania,  near  the 
mountain  Hephseus,^*  two  stately  goats  were  seen  in 
the  daytime,  fighting  together,  and  performing  all 
the  motions  of  men  in  battle.  It  proved  to  be  an 
apparition,  and  rising  up  gradually  from  the  ground, 
dispersed  in  the  air,  like  fancied  representations  in 
the  clouds,  and  so  vanished  out  of  sight.  Not  long 
after,  in  the  selfsame  place,  when  Marius  the  younger, 
and  Norbanus  the  consul,  attacked  him  with  two 
great  armies,  without  prescribing  the  order  of  battle, 
or  arranging  his  men  according  to  their  divisions,  by 

^*  The  mountain  of  Hephceus  in  Campania  seems  to  be  quite 
unknown.  It  has  been  thought  that  Tifata  (Tiphata  in  Greek) 
may  have  been  the  name  originally  written. 


192  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  sway  only  of  one  common  alacrity  and  transport 
of  courage,  he  overthrew  the  enemy,  and  shut  up 
Norbanus  into  the  city  of  Capua,  with  the  loss  of 
seven  thousand  of  his  men.  And  this  was  the  reason, 
he  says,  that  the  soldiers  did  not  leave  him  and  dis- 
perse into  the  different  towns,  but  held  fast  to  him, 
and  despised  the  enemy,  though  infinitely  more  in 
number. 

At  Silvium,  (as  he  himself  relates  it,)  there  met 
him  a  servant  of  Pontius,  in  a  state  of  divine  posses- 
sion, saying  that  he  brought  him  the  power  of  the 
sword  and  victory  from  Bellona,  the  goddess  of  war, 
and  if  he  did  not  make  haste,  that  the  capitol  would 
be  burnt,  which  fell  out  on  the  same  day  the  man 
foretold  it,  namely,,  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  month 
Quintilis,  which  we  now  call  July. 

At  Fidentia,  also,  Marcus  Lucullus,  one  of  Sylla's 
commanders,  reposed  such  confidence  in  the  forward- 
ness of  the  soldiers,  as  to  dare  to  face  fifty  cohorts 
of  the  enemy,  with  only  sixteen  of  his  own;  but  be- 
cause many  of  them  were  unarmed,  delayed  the  on- 
set. As  he  stood  thus  waiting,  and  considering  with 
himself,  a  gentle  gale  of  wind,  bearing  along  with  it 
from  the  neighboring  meadows  a  quantity  of  flowers, 
scattered  them  down  upon  the  army,  on  whose  shields 
and  helmets  they  settled,  and  arranged  themselves 
spontaneously,  so  as  to  give  the  soldiers,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  enemy,  the  appearance  of  being  crowned  with 
chaplets.  Upon  this,  being  yet  further  animated, 
they  joined  battle,  and  victoriously  slaying  eight 
thousand  men,  took  the  camp.  This  Lucullus  was 
brother  to  that  Lucullus  who  in  after-times  conquered 
Mithridates  and  Tigranes. 

Sylla,  seeing  himself  still  surrounded  by  so  many 
armies,  and  such  mighty  hostile  powers,  had  recourse 
to  art,  inviting  Scipio,  the  other  consul,  to  a  treaty  of 


SYLLA 


193 


peace.  The  motion  was  willingly  embraced,  and  sev- 
eral meetings  and  consultations  ensued,  in  all  which 
Sylla,  still  interposing  matter  of  delay  and  new  pre- 
tences, in  the  meanwhile  debauched  Scipio's  men  by 
means  of  his  own,  who  were  as  well  practised  as  the 
general  himself,  in  all  the  artifices  of  inveigling.  For 
entering  into  the  enemy's  quarters  and  joining  in  con- 
versations, they  gained  some  by  present  money,  some 
by  promises,  others  by  fair  words  and  persuasions;  so 
that  in  the  end,  when  Sylla  with  twenty  cohorts  drew 
near,  on  his  men  saluting  Scipio's  soldiers,  they  re- 
turned the  greeting  and  came  over,  leaving  Scipio 
behind  them  in  his  tent,  where  he  was  found  all  alone 
and  dismissed.  And  having  used  his  twenty  cohorts 
as  decoys  to  ensnare  the  forty  of  the  enemy,  he  led 
them  all  back  into  the  camp.  On  this  occasion,  Carbo 
was  heard  to  say,  that  he  had  both  a  fox  and  a  lion  in 
the  breast  of  Sylla  to  deal  with,  and  was  most  trou- 
bled with  the  fox. 

Some  time  after,  at  Signia,  Marius  the  younger, 
with  eighty-five  cohorts,  offered  battle  to  Sylla,  who 
was  extremely  desirous  to  have  it  decided  on  that  very 
day;  for  the  night  before  he  had  seen  a  vision  in  his 
sleep,  of  Marius  the  elder,  who  had  been  some  time 
dead,  advising  his  son  to  beware  of  the  following  day, 
as  of  fatal  consequence  to  him.  For  this  reason,  Sylla, 
longing  to  come  to  a  battle,  sent  off  for  Dolabella, 
w^ho  lay  encamped  at  some  distance.  But  because  the 
enemy  had  beset  and  blocked  up  the  passes,  his  sol- 
diers got  tired  with  skirmishing  and  marching  at  once. 
To  these  difficulties  was  added,  moreover,  tempestu- 
ous rainy  weather,  which  distressed  them  most  of  all. 
The  principal  officers  therefore  came  to  Sylla,  and 
besought  him  to  defer  the  battle  that  day,  showing 
him  how  the  soldiers  lay  stretched  on  the  ground, 
where  they  had  thrown  themselves  down  in  their 


194  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


weariness,  resting  their  heads  upon  their  shields  to 
gain  some  repose.  When,  with  much  reluctance,  he 
had  yielded,  and  given  order  for  pitching  the  camp, 
they  had  no  sooner  begun  to  cast  up  the  rampart  and 
draw  the  ditch,  but  Marius  came  riding  up  furiously 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  in  hopes  to  scatter  them  in 
that  disorder  and  confusion.  Here  the  gods  fulfilled 
Sylla's  dream.  For  the  soldiers,  stirred  up  with 
anger,  left  off  their  work,  and  sticking  their  javelins 
into  the  bank,  with  drawn  swords  and  a  courageous 
shout,  came  to  blows  with  the  enemy,  who  made  but 
small  resistance,  and  lost  great  numbers  in  the  flight. 
Marius  fled  to  Prseneste,  but  finding  the  gates  shut, 
tied  himself  round  by  a  rope  that  was  thrown  down 
to  him,  and  was  taken  up  on  the  walls.  Some  there 
are  (as  Fenestella  for  one)  who  affirm  that  Marius 
knew  nothing  of  the  fight,  but,  overwatched  and  spent 
with  hard  duty,  had  reposed  himself,  when  the  signal 
was  given,  beneath  some  shade,  and  was  hardly  to 
be  awakened  at  the  flight  of  his  men.  Sylla,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  account,  lost  only  twenty-three  men  in 
this  fight,  having  killed  of  the  enemy  twenty  thou- 
sand, and  taken  alive  eight  thousand. 

The  like  success  attended  his  lieutenants,  Pompey, 
Crassus,  IMetellus,  Servilius,  who  with  little  or  no  loss 
cut  off  vast  numbers  of  the  enemy,  insomuch  that 
Carbo,  the  prime  supporter  of  the  cause,  fled  by  night 
from  his  charge  of  the  army,  and  sailed  over  into 
Libya. 

In  the  last  struggle,  however,  the  Samnite  Telesi- 
nus,  like  some  champion,  whose  lot  it  is  to  enter  last 
of  all  into  the  lists  and  take  up  the  wearied  conqueror, 
came  nigh  to  have  foiled  and  overthrown  Sylla  be- 
fore the  gates  of  Rome.  For  Telesinus  with  his  sec- 
ond, Lamponius  the  Lucanian,  having  collected  a 
large  force,  had  been  hastening  towards  Prseneste,  to. 


SYLLA 


195 


relieve  Marius  from  the  siege;  but  perceiving  Sylla 
ahead  of  him,  and  Pompey  behind,  both  hurrying  up 
against  him,  straitened  thus  before  and  behind,  as  a 
vaHant  and  experienced  soldier,  he  arose  by  night, 
and  marching  directly  with  his  whole  army,  was  with- 
in a  little  of  making  his  way  unexpectedly  into  Rome 
itself.  He  lay  that  night  before  the  city,  at  ten  fur- 
longs distance  from  the  Colline  gate,  elated  and  full 
of  hope,  at  having  thus  outgeneralled  so  many  emi- 
nent commanders.  At  break  of  day,  being  charged 
by  the  noble  youth  of  the  city,  among  many  others  he 
overthrew  Appius  Claudius,  renowned  for  high  birth 
and  character.  The  city,  as  is  easy  to  imagine,  was 
all  in  an  uproar,  the  women  shrieking  and  running 
about,  as  if  it  had  already  been  entered  forcibly  by 
assault,  till  at  last  Balbus,  sent  forward  by  Sylla,  was 
seen  riding  up  with  seven  hundred  horse  at  full  speed. 
Halting  only  long  enough  to  wipe  the  sweat  from  the 
horses,  and  then  hastily  bridling  again,  he  at  once 
attacked  the  enemy.  Presently  Sylla  himself  ap- 
peared, and  commanding  those  who  were  foremost  to 
take  immediate  refreshment,  proceeded  to  form  in 
order  for  battle.  Dolabella  and  Torquatus  were  ex- 
tremely earnest  with  him  to  desist  awhile,  and  not 
with  spent  forces  to  hazard  the  last  hope,  having  be- 
fore them  in  the  field,  not  Carbo  or  Marius,  but  two 
warlike  nations  bearing  immortal  hatred  to  Rome, 
the  Samnites  and  Lucanians,  to  grapple  with.  But 
he  put  them  by,  and  commanded  the  trumpets  to 
sound  a  charge,  when  it  was  now  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  In  the  conflict  which  followed,  as 
sharp  a  one  as  ever  was,  the  right  wing  where  Crassus 
was  posted  had  clearly  the  advantage;  the  left  suf- 
fered and  was  in  distress,  when  Sylla  came  to  its  suc- 
cor, mounted  on  a  white  courser,  full  of  mettle  and 
exceedingly  swift,  which  two  of  the  enemy  knowing 


196  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


him  by,  had  their  lances  ready  to  throw  at  him;  he 
himself  observed  nothing,  but  his  attendant  behind 
him  giving  the  horse  a  touch,  he  was,  unknown  to 
himself,  just  so  far  carried  forward,  that  the  points, 
falling  beside  the  horse's  tail,  stuck  in  the  ground. 
There  is  a  story  that  he  had  a  small  golden  image  of 
Apollo  from  Delphi,  which  he  was  always  wont  in 
battle  to  carry  about  him  in  his  bosom,  and  that  he 
then  kissed  it  with  these  words,  "O  Apollo  P}i;hius, 
who  in  so  man}^  battles  hast  raised  to  honor  and  great- 
ness the  Fortunate  Cornelius  Sylla,  wilt  thou  now 
cast  him  down,  bringing  him  before  the  gate  of  his 
country,  to  perish  shamefully  with  his  fellow- citi- 
zens?" Thus,  they  say,  addressing  himself  to  the  god, 
he  entreated  some  of  his  men,  threatened  some,  and 
seized  others  with  his  hand,  till  at  length  the  left  wing 
being  wholly  shattered,  he  was  forced,  in  the  general 
rout,  to  betake  himself  to  the  camp,  having  lost  many 
of  his  friends  and  acquaintance.  Many,  likewise,  of 
the  citj^  spectators  who  had  come  out,  were  killed"^  or 
trodden  underfoot.  So  that  it  was  generally  believed 
in  the  city  that  all  was  lost,  and  the  siege  of  Prseneste 
was  all  but  raised;  man3^  fugitives  from  the  battle 
making  their  way  thither,  and  urging  Lucretius 
O  fella,  who  was  appointed  to  keep  on  the  siege,  to 
rise  in  all  haste,  for  that  Sylla  had  perished,  and 
Rome  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

About  midnight  there  came  into  Sylla's  camp 
messengers  from  Crassus,  to  fetch  provision  for  him 
and  his  soldiers;  for  having  vanquished  the  enemy, 
they  had  pursued  him  to  the  walls  of  Antemna,  and 
had  sat  down  there.  Sylla,  hearing  this,  and  that 
most  of  the  enemy  were  destroyed,  came  to  Antemna 
by  break  of  day,  where  three  thousand  of  the  besieged 
having  sent  forth  a  herald,  he  promised  to  receive 
them  to  mercy,  on  condition  they  did  the  enemy 


SYLLA 


197 


some  mischief  in  their  coming  over.  Trusting  to  his 
word,  they  fell  foul  on  the  rest  of  their  companions, 
and  made  a  great  slaughter  one  of  another.  Never- 
theless, Sylla  gathered  together  in  the  circus,  as  well 
these  as  other  survivors  of  the  party,  to  the  number 
of  six  thousand,  and  just  as  he  commenced  speaking 
to  the  senate,  in  the  temple  of  Bellona,  proceeded  to 
cut  them  down,  by  men  appointed  for  that  service. 
The  cry  of  so  vast  a  multitude  put  to  the  sword,  in 
so  narrow  a  space,  was  naturally  heard  some  distance, 
and  startled  the  senators.  He,  however,  continuing 
his  speech  with  a  calm  and  unconcerned  countenance, 
bade  them  listen  to  what  he  had  to  say,  and  not  busy 
themselves  with  what  was  doing  out  of  doors ;  he  had 
given  directions  for  the  chastisement  of  some  offend- 
ers. This  gave  the  most  stupid  of  the  Romans  to 
understand,  that  they  had  merely  exchanged,  not 
escaped,  tyranny.  And  Marius,  being  of  a  naturally 
harsh  temper,  had  not  altered,  but  merely  continued 
what  he  had  been,  in  authority;  whereas  Sylla,  using 
his  fortune  moderately  and  unambitiously  at  first,  and 
giving  good  hopes  of  a  true  patriot,  firm  to  the  inter- 
ests both  of  the  nobility  and  commonalty,  being,  more- 
over, of  a  gay  and  cheerful  temper  from  his  youth, 
and  so  easily  moved  to  pity  as  to  shed  tears  readily, 
has,  perhaps  deservedly,  cast  a  blemish  upon  offices 
of  great  authority,  as  if  they  deranged  men's  former 
habits  and  character,  and  gave  rise  to  violence,  pride, 
and  inhumanity.  Whether  this  be  a  real  change  and 
revolution  in  the  mind,  caused  by  fortune,  or  rather 
a  lurking  viciousness  of  nature,  discovering  itself  in 
authority,  it  were  matter  of  another  sort  of  disquisi- 
tion to  decide. 

Sylla  being  thus  wholly  bent  upon  slaughter,  and 
filling  the  city  with  executions  without  number  or 
limit,  many  wholly  uninterested  persons  falling  a  sac- 


198       '      PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 

rifice  to  private  enmity,  through  his  permission  and 
indulgence  to  his  friends,  Caius  Metellus,  one  of  the 
younger  men,  made  bold  in  the  senate  to  ask  him  what 
end  there  was  of  these  evils,  and  at  what  point  he 
might  be  expected  to  stop?  "We  do  not  ask  you," 
said  he,  "to  pardon  any  whom  you  have  resolved  to 
destroy,  but  to  free  from  doubt  those  whom  you  are 
pleased  to  save."  Sylla  answering,  that  he  knew  not 
as  yet  whom  to  spare.  "Why  then,"  said  he,  "tell  us 
whom  you  will  punish."  This  Sylla  said  he  would  do. 
These  last  words,  some  authors  say,  were  spoken  not 
by  Metellus,  but  by  Afidius,'^  one  of  Sylla's  fawning 
companions.  Immediately  upon  this,  without  com- 
municating with  any  of  the  magistrates,  Sylla  pro- 
scribed eighty  persons,  and  notwithstanding  the  gen- 
eral indignation,  after  one  day's  respite,  he  posted 
two  hundred  and  twenty  more,  and  on  the  third  again, 
as  many.  In  an  address  to  the  people  on  this  occa- 
sion, he  told  them  he  had  put  up  as  many  names  as  he 
could  think  of ;  those  which  had  escaped  his  memory, 
he  would  publish  at  a  future  time.  He  issued  an 
edict  likewise,  making  death  the  punishment  of  hu- 
manity, proscribing  any  who  should  dare  to  receive 
and  cherish  a  proscribed  person,  without  exception  to 
brother,  son,  or  parents.  And  to  him  who  should 
slay  any  one  proscribed  person,  he  ordained  two  tal- 
ents reward,  even  were  it  a  slave  who  had  killed  his 
master,  or  a  son  his  father.  And  what  was  thought 
most  unjust  of  ail,  he  caused  the  attainder  to  pass 
upon  their  sons,  and  son's  sons,  and  made  open  sale 
of  all  their  property,  l^^or  did  the  proscription  pre- 
vail only  at  Home,  but  throughout  all  the  cities  of 
Italy  the  effusion  of  blood  was  such,  that  neither 

Afidius  is  probably  a  mistake  (of  Plutarch  or  of  a  tran- 
scriber) for  Fufidius. 


SYLLA 


199 


sanctuary  of  the  gods,  nor  hearth  of  hospitality,  nor 
ancestral  home  escaped.  Men  were  butchered  in  the 
embraces  of  their  wives,  children  in  the  arms  of  their 
mothers.  Those  who  perished  through  public  animos- 
ity, or  private  enmity,  were  nothing  in  comparison 
of  the  numbers  of  those  who  suffered  for  their  riches. 
Even  the  murderers  began  to  say,  that  "his  fine  house 
killed  this  man,  a  garden  that,  a  third,  his  hot  baths." 
Quintus  Aurelius,  a  quiet,  peaceable  man,  and  one 
who  thought  all  his  part  in  the  common  calamity  con- 
sisted in  condoling  with  the  misfortunes  of  others, 
coming  into  the  forum  to  read  the  list,  and  finding 
himself  among  the  proscribed,  cried  out,  "Woe  is  me, 
my  Alban  farm  has  informed  against  me."  He  had 
not  gone  far,  befare  he  was  dispatched  by  a  ruffian, 
sent  on  that  errand. 

^  In  the  mean  time,  Marius,  on  the  point  of  being 
taken,  killed  himself;  and  Sylla,  coming  to  Prgeneste, 
at  first  proceeded  judicially  against  each  particular 
person,  till  at  last,  finding  it  a  work  of  too  much  time, 
he  cooped  them  up  together  in  one  place,  to  the  num- 
ber of  twelve  thousand  men,  and  gave  order  for  the 
execution  of  them  all,  his  own  host  alone  excepted. 
But  he,  brave  man,  telling  him  he  could  not  accept 
the  obligation  of  life  from  the  hands  of  one  who  had 
been  the  ruin  of  his  country,  went  in  among  the  rest, 
and  submitted  willingly  to  the  stroke.  What  Lucius 
Catilina  did  was  thought  to  exceed  all  other  acts.  For 
having,  before  matters  came  to  an  issue,  made  away 
with  his  brother,  he  besought  Sylla  to  place  him  in 
the  list  of  proscription,  as  though  he  had  been  alive, 
which  was  done;  and  Catiline,  to  return  the  kind  of- 

The  friend,  that  is,  with  whom  he  always  stayed  when  he 
happened  to  be  at  Praeneste,  his  xenos:  a  relationship  much  re- 
garded in  the  Greek  and  Roman  world. 


200  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


fice,  assassinated  a  certain  Marcus  Marius,  one  of  the 
adverse  party,  and  brought  the  head  to  Sylla,  as  he 
was  sitting  in  the  forum,  and  then  going  to  the  holy 
water  of  Apollo,  which  was  nigh,  washed  his  hands. 

There  were  other  things,  besides  this  bloodshed, 
which  gave  offence.  For  Sylla  had  declared  himself 
dictator,  an  office  which  had  then  been  laid  aside  for 
the  space  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  years.  There 
was,  likewise,  an  act  of  grace  passed  on  his  behalf, 
granting  indemnity  for  what  was  passed,  and  for  the 
future  intrusting  him  with  the  power  of  life  and 
death,  confiscation,  division  of  lands,  erecting  and  de- 
molishing of  cities,  taking  away  of  kingdoms,  and  be- 
stowing them  at  pleasure.  He  conducted  the  sale  of 
confiscated  property  after  such  an  arbitrary,  imperi- 
ous way,  from  the  tribunal,  that  his  gifts  excited 
greater  odium  even  than  his  usurpations;  women, 
mimes,  and  musicians,  and  the  lowest  of  the  freed 
slaves  had  presents  made  them  of  the  territories  of 
nations,  and  the  revenues  of  cities;  and  women  of 
rank  were  married  against  their  will  to  some  of  them. 
Wishing  to  insure  the  fidelity  of  Pompey  the  Great, 
by  a  nearer  tie  of  blood,  he  bade  him  divorce  his  pres- 
ent wife,  and  forcing  iEmilia,  the  daughter  of  Scau- 
rus  and  Metella,  his  own  wife,  to  leave  her  husband, 
Manius  Glabrio,  he  bestowed  her,  though  then  with 
child,  on  Pompey,  and  she  died  in  childbirth  at  his 
house. 

When  Lucretius  O  fella,  the  same  who  reduced 
Marius  by  siege,  offered  himself  for  the  consulship, 
he  first  forbade  him;  then,  seeing  he  could  not  re- 
strain him,  on  his  coming  down  into  the  forum  with  a 
numerous  train  of  followers,  he  sent  one  of  the  cen- 
turions who  were  immediately  about  him,  and  slew 
him,  himself  sitting  on  the  tribunal  in  the  temple  of 
Castor,  and  beholding  the  murder  from  above.  The 


SYLLA 


201 


citizens  apprehending  the  centurion,  and  dragging 
him  to  the  tribunal,  he  bade  them  cease  their  clamoring 
and  let  the  centurion  go,  for  he  had  commanded  it. 

His  triumph  was,  in  itself,  exceedingly  splendid, 
and  distinguished  by  the  rarity  and  magnificence  of 
the  royal  spoils;  but  its  yet  greatest  glory  was  the 
noble  spectacle  of  the  exiles.  For  in  the  rear  followed 
the  most  eminent  and  most  potent  of  the  citizens, 
crowned  with  garlands,  and  calling  Sylla  savior  and 
father,  by  whose  means  they  were  restored  to  their 
own  country,  and  again  enjoyed  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren. When  the  solemnity  was  over,  and  the  time 
come  to  render  an  account  of  his  actions,  addressing 
the  public  assembly,  he  was  as  profuse  in  enumerating 
the  lucky  chances  of  war,  as  any  of  his  own  military 
merits.  And,  finally,  from  this  felicity,  he  requested 
to  receive  the  surname  of  Felix.  In  writing  and 
transacting  business  with  the  Greeks,  he  styled  him- 
self Epaphroditus,^^  and  on  his  trophies  which  are 
still  extant  with  us,  the  name  is  given  Lucius  Cor- 
nelius Sylla  Epaphroditus.  Moreover,  when  his  wife 
had  brought  him  forth  twins,  he  named  the  male 
Faustus,  and  the  female  Fausta,  the  Roman  words 
for  what  is  auspicious  and  of  happy  omen.  The  con- 
fidence which  he  reposed  in  his  good  genius,  rather 
than  in  any  abilities  of  his  own,  emboldened  him, 
though  deeply  involved  in  bloodshed,  and  though  he 
had  been  the  author  of  such  great  changes  and  revo- 
lutions of  State,  to  lay  down  his  authority,  and  place 

The  favored  of  Aphrodite  or  Venus,  the  preternatural  power 
and  divine  principle,  in  Greek  and  Roman  ideas,  of  all  that  is 
felicitous  and  beautiful, — of  every  happy  stroke  of  genius  alike 
and  fortune;  to  whom  would  be  referred  any  unaccountably  suc- 
cessful acts,  such  as  those  things  in  the  life  of  Sylla  which  it 
occurred  to  him,  he  knew  not  why,  he  says,  to  do,  and  led  him,  he 
knew  not  how,  to  the  most  successful  results. 


202 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  right  of  consular  elections  once  more  in  the  hands 
of  the  people.  And  when  they  were  held,  he  not  only 
declined  to  seek  that  office,  but  in  the  forum  exposed 
his  person  publicly  to  the  people,  walking  up  and 
down  as  a  private  man.  And  contrary  to  his  will,  a 
certain  bold  man  and  his  enemy,  Marcus  Lepidus, 
was  expected  to  become  consul,  not  so  much  by  his 
own  interest,  as  by  the  power  and  solicitation  of  Pom- 
pey,  whom  the  people  were  willing  to  oblige.  When 
the  business  was  over,  seeing  Pompey  going  home 
overjoyed  with  the  success,  he  called  him  to  him  and 
said,  "What  a  politic  act,  young  man,  to  pass  by  Cat- 
ulus,  the  best  of  men,  and  choose  Lepidus,  the  worst! 
It  will  be  well  for  you  to  be  vigilant,  now  that  you 
have  strengthened  your  opponent  against  yourself." 
Sylla  spoke  this,  it  may  seem,  by  a  prophetic  instinct, 
for,  not  long  after,  Lepidus  grew  insolent,  and  broke 
into  open  hostility  to  Pompey  and  his  friends. 

Sylla,  consecrating  the  tenth  of  his  whole  sub- 
.^tance  to  Hercules,  entertained  the  people  with  sump- 
tuous f eastings.  The  provision  was  so  much  above 
what  was  necessary,  that  they  were  forced  daily  to 
throw  great  quantities  of  meat  into  the  river,  and 
they  drank  wine  forty  years  old  and  upwards.  In  the 
midst  of  the  banqueting,  which  lasted  many  days, 
JMetella  died  of  a  disease.  And  because  that  the  priest 
forbade  him  to  visit  the  sick,  or  suffer  his  house  to  be 
polluted  with  mourning,  he  drew  up  an  act  of  di- 
vorce, and  caused  her  to  be  removed  into  another 
house  whilst  alive.  Thus  far,  out  of  religious  appre- 
hension, he  observed  the  strict  rule  to  the  very  letter, 
but  in  the  funeral  expenses  he  transgressed  the  law 
he  himself  had  made,  limiting  the  amount,  and  spared 
no  cost.  He  transgressed,  likewise,  his  own  sump- 
tuary laws  respecting  expenditure  in  banquets,  think- 


SYLLA 


203 


ing  to  allay  his  grief  by  luxurious  drinking  parties 
and  revellings  with  common  buffoons. 

Some  few  months  after,  at  a  show  of  gladiators, 
when  men  and  women  sat  promiscuously  in  the  the- 
atre, no  distinct  places  being  as  yet  appointed,  there 
sat  down  by  Sylla  a  beautiful  woman  of  high  birth, 
by  name  Valeria,  daughter  of  Messala,  and  sister  to 
Hortensius  the  orator.  Now  it  happened  that  she 
had  been  lately  divorced  from  her  husband.  Passing 
along  behind  Sylla,  she  leaned  on  him  with  her  hand, 
and  plucking  a  bit  of  wool  from  his  garment,  so 
proceeded  to  her  seat.  And  on  Sylla  looking  up  and 
wondering  what  it  meant,  "What  harm,  mighty  Sir," 
said  she,  "if  I  also  was  desirous  to  partake  a  little  in 
your  felicity?"  It  appeared  at  once  that  Sylla  was 
not  displeased,  but  even  tickled  in  his  fancy,  for  he 
sent  out  to  inquire  her  name,  her  birth,  and  past  life. 
From  this  time  there  passed  between  them  many  side 
glances,  each  continually  turning  round  to  look  at  the 
other,  and  frequently  interchanging  smiles.  In  the 
end,  overtures  were  made,  and  a  marriage  concluded 
on.  All  which  was  innocent,  perhaps,  on  the  lady's 
side,  but,  though  she  had  been  never  so  modest  and 
virtuous,  it  was  scarcely  a  temperate  and  worthy  occa- 
sion of  marriage  on  the  part  of  Sylla,  to  take  fire,  as 
a  boy  might,  at  a  face  and  a  bold  look,  incentives  not 
seldom  to  the  most  disorderly  and  shameless  passions. 

Notwithstanding  this  marriage,  he  kept  company 
with  actresses,  musicians,  and  dancers,  drinking  with 
them  on  couches  night  and  day.  His  chief  favorites 
were  Roscius  the  comedian,  Sorex  the  arch  mime,  and 
Metrobius  the  player,  for  whom,  though  past  his 
prime,  he  still  professed  a  passionate  fondness.  By 
these  courses  he  encouraged  a  disease  which  had  be- 
gun from  some  unimportant  cause;  and  for  a  long 
time  he  failed  to  observe  that  his  bowels  were  ulcer- 


204 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ated,  till  at  length  the  corrupted  flesh  broke  out  into 
lice.  Many  were  employed  day  and  night  in  destroy- 
ing them,  but  the  work  so  multiplied  under  their 
hands,  that  not  only  his  clothes,  baths,  basins,  but  his 
very  meat  was  polluted  with  that  flux  and  contagion, 
they  came  swarming  out  in  such  numbers.  He  went 
frequently  by  day  into  the  bath  to  scour  and  cleanse 
his  body,  but  all  in  vain;  the  evil  generated  too  rap- 
idly and  too  abundantly  for  any  ablutions  to  over- 
come it.  There  died  of  this  disease,  amongst  those  of 
the  most  ancient  times,  Acastus,  the  son  of  Pelias; 
of  later  date,  Alcman  the  poet,  Pherecydes  the  the- 
ologian, Callisthenes  the  Olynthian,  in  the  time  of  his 
imprisonment,  as  also  Mucins  the  lawyer;  and  if  we 
may  mention  ignoble,  but  notorious  names,  Eunus 
the  fugitive,  who  stirred  up  the  slaves  of  Sicily  to  re- 
bel against  their  masters,  after  he  was  brought  cap- 
tive to  Rome,  died  of  this  creeping  sickness. 

Sylla  not  only  foresaw  his  end,  but  may  be  also 
said  to  have  written  of  it.  For  in  the  two  and  twen- 
tieth book  of  his  Memoirs,  which  he  finished  two  days 
before  his  death,  he  writes  that  the  Chaldeans  fore- 
told him,  that  after  he  had  led  a  life  of  honor,  he 
should  conclude  it  in  fulness  of  prosperity.  He  de- 
clares, moreover,  that  in  a  vision  he  had  seen  his  son, 
who  had  died  not  long  before  Metella,  stand  by  in 
mourning  attire,  and  beseech  his  father  to  cast  off  fur- 
ther care,  and  come  along  with  him  to  his  mother 
Metella,  there  to  live  at  ease  and  quietness  with  her. 
However,  he  could  not  refrain  from  intermeddling  in 
public  affairs.  For,  ten  days  before  his  decease,  he 
composed  the  differences  of  the  people  of  Dicse- 
archia,^^  and  prescribed  laws  for  their  better  go vern- 

The  Greek  name  of  Puteoli,  the  modern  Pozzuoli,  which 
was  originally,  indeed,  a  Greek  town,  a  colony  like  Naples  itself. 


SYLLA 


205 


ment.  And  the  very  day  before  his  end,  it  being  told 
him  that  the  magistrate .  Granius  deferred  the  pay- 
ment of  a  public  debt,  in  expectation  of  his  death,  he 
sent  for  him  to  his  house,  and  placing  his  attendants 
about  him,  caused  him  to  be  strangled;  but  through 
the  straining  of  his  voice  and  body,  the  imposthume 
breaking,  he  lost  a  great  quantity  of  blood.  Upon 
this,  his  strength  failing  him,  after  spending  a  trou- 
blesome night,  he  died,  leaving  behind  him  two  young 
children  by  Metella.  Valeria  was  afterwards  deliv- 
ered of  a  daughter,  named  Posthuma;  for  so  the 
Romans  call  those  who  are  born  after  the  father's 
death. 

Many  ran  tumultuously  together,  and  joined  with 
Lepidus,  to  deprive  the  corpse  of  the  accustomed  sol- 
emnities; but  Pompey,  though  offended  at  Sylla,  (for 
he  alone  of  all  his  friends,  was  not  mentioned  in  his 
will,)  having  kept  off  some  by  his  interest  and  en- 
treaty, others  by  menaces,  conveyed  the  body  to 
Rome,  and  gave  it  a  secure  and  honorable  burial.  It 
is  said  that  the  Roman  ladies  contributed  such  vast 
heaps  of  spices,  that  besides  what  was  carried  on  two 
hundred  and  ten  litters,  there  was  sufficient  to  form 
a  large  figure  of  Sylla  himself,  and  another,  repre- 
senting a  lictor,  out  of  the  costly  frankincense  and 
cinnamon.  The  day  being  cloudy  in  the  morning, 
they  deferred  carrying  forth  the  corpse  till  about 
three  in  the  afternoon,  expecting  it  would  rain.  But 
a  strong  wind  blowing  full  upon  the  funeral  pile,  and 
setting  it  all  in  a  bright  flame,  the  body  was  con- 
sumed so  exactly  in  good  time,  that  the  pyre  had  be-, 
gun  to  smoulder,  and  the  fire  was  upon  the  point  of 
expiring,  when  a  violent  rain  came  down,  which  con- 

from  the  neighboring  and  ancient  Greek  settlement,  Cumae.  Sylla 
M^as  residing  here. 


206  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


tinned  till  night.  So  that  his  good  fortune  was  firm 
even  to  the  last,  and  did  as  it  were  officiate  at  his  fu- 
neral. His  monument  stands  in  the  Campus  Martins, 
with  an  epitaph  of  his  own  writing;  the  substance  of 
it  being,  that  he  had  not  been  outdone  by  any  of  his 
friends  in  doing  good  turns,  nor  by  any  of  his  foes  in 
doing  bad. 


COMPARISON  OF  LYSANDER 
WITH  SYLLA. 

Having  completed  this  Life  also,  come  we  now 
to  the  comparison.  That  which  was  common  to  them 
both,  was  that  they  were  founders  of  their  own  great- 
ness, with  this  difference,  that  Lysander  had  the  con- 
sent of  his  fellow-citizens,  in  times  of  sober  judgment, 
for  the  honors  he  received;  nor  did  he  force  any  thing 
from  them  against  their  good- will,  nor  hold  any 
power  contrary  to  the  laws. 

In  civil  strife  e'en  villians  rise  to  fame. 

And  so  then  at  Rome,  when  the  people  were  distem- 
pered, and  the  government  out  of  order,  one  or  other 
was  still  raised  to  despotic  power;  no  wonder,  then, 
if  Sylla  reigned,  when  the  Glaucise  and  Saturnini 
drove  out  the  Metelli,  when  sons  of  consuls  were  slain 
in  the  assemblies,  when  silver  and  gold  purchased  men 
and  arms,  and  fire  and  sword  enacted  new  laws,  and 
put  down  lawful  opposition.  Nor  do  I  blame  any 
one,  in  such  circumstances,  for  working  himself  into 
supreme  power,  only  I  would  not  have  it  thought  a 
sign  of  great  goodness,  to  be  head  of  a  State  so 
wretchedly  discomposed.  Lysander,  being  employed 
in  the  greatest  commands  and  affairs  of  State,  by  a 
sober  and  well-governed  city,  may  be  said  to  have 
had  repute  as  the  best  and  most  virtuous  man,  in  the 
best  and  most  virtuous  commonwealth.  And  thus, 
often  returning  the  government  into  the  hands  of  the 
citizens,  he  received  it  again  as  often,  the  superiority 
of  his  .merit  still  awarding  him  them  first  place.  Sylla, 

(807) 


208  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


on  the  other  hand,  when  he  had  once  made  himself 
general  of  an  army,  kept  his  command  for  ten  years 
together,  creating  himself  sometimes  consul,  some- 
times proconsul,  and  sometimes  dictator,  but  always 
remaining  a  tyrant. 

It  is  true  Lysander,  as  was  said,  designed  to  in- 
troduce a  new  form  of  government;  by  milder  meth- 
ods, however,  and  more  agreeably  to  law  than  Sylla, 
not  by  force  of  arms,  but  persuasion,  nor  by  subvert- 
ing the  whole  State  at  once,  but  simply  by  amending 
the  succession  of  the  kings ;  in  a  way,  moreover,  which 
seemed  the  naturally  just  one,  that  the  most  deserv- 
ing should  rule,  especially  in  a  city  which  itself  exer- 
cised command  in  Greece,  upon  account  of  virtue,  not 
nobility.  For  as  the  hunter  considers  the  whelp  itself, 
not  the  bitch,  and  the  horse-dealer  the  foal,  not  the 
mare,  (for  what  if  the  foal  should  prove  a  mule?)  so 
likewise  were  that  politician  extremely  out,  who,  in 
the  choice  of  a  chief  magistrate,  should  inquire,  not 
what  the  man  is,  but  how  descended.  The  very  Spar- 
tans themselves  have  deposed  several  of  their  kings 
for  want  of  kingly  virtues,  as  degenerated  and  good 
for  nothing.  As  a  vicious  nature,  though  of  an  an- 
cient stock,  is  dishonorable,  it  must  be  virtue  itself, 
and  not  birth,  that  makes  virtue  honorable.  Further- 
more, the  one  committed  his  acts  of  injustice  for  the 
sake  of  his  friends;  the  other  extended  his  to  his 
friends  themselves.  It  is  confessed  on  all  hands,  that 
Lysander  offended  most  commonly  for  the  sake  of 
his  companions,  committing  several  slaughters  to  up- 
hold their  power  and  dominion;  but  as  for  Sjdla,  he, 
out  of  envy,  reduced  Pompey's  command  by  land,  and 
Dolabella's  by  sea,  although  he  himself  had  given 
them  those  places;  and  ordered  Lucretius  Ofella,  who 
sued  for  the  consulship  as  the  reward  of  many  great 
services,  to  be  slain  before  his  eyes,  exciting  horror 


LYSANDER  AND  SYLLA  209 


and  alarm  in  the  minds  of  all  men,  by  his  cruelty  to 
his  dearest  friends. 

As  regards  the  pursuit  of  riches  and  pleasures,  we 
yet  further  discover  in  one  a  princely,  in  the  other  a 
tyrannical  disposition.  Lysander  did  nothing  that 
was  intemperate  or  licentious,  in  that  full  command 
of  means  and  opportunity,  but  kept  clear,  as  much  ai? 
ever  man  did,  of  that  trite  saying, 

Lions  at  home,  but  foxes  out  of  doors  ;^ 

and  ever  maintained  a  sober,  truly  Spartan,  and  well- 
disciplined  course  of  conduct.  Whereas  Sylla  could 
never  moderate  his  unruly  affections,  either  by  pov- 
erty when  young,  or  by  years  when  grown  old,  but 
would  be  still  prescribing  laws  to  the  citizens  con- 
cerning chastity  and  sobriety,  himself  living  all  that 
time,  as  Sallust  affirms,  in  lewdness  and  adultery.  By 
these  ways  he  so  impoverished  and  drained  the  city  of 
her  treasures,  as  to  be  forced  to  sell  privileges  and 
immunities  to  allied  and  friendly  cities  for  money, 
although  he  daily  gave  up  the  wealthiest  and  greatest 
families  to  public  sale  and  confiscation.  There  was 
no  end  of  his  favors  vainly  spent  and  thrown  away  on 
flatterers;  for  what  hope  could  there  be,  or  what  like- 
lihood of  forethought  or  economy,  in  his  more  pri- 
vate moments  over  wine,  when,  in  the  open  face  of  the 
people,  upon  the  auction  of  a  large  estate,  which  he 
would  have  passed  over  to  one  of  his  friends  at  a  small 
price,  because  another  bid  higher,  and  the  officer  an- 
nounced the  advance,  he  broke  out  into  a  passion, 

^  The  proverb  Lions  at  home  occurs  in  verse,  but  not  in  the 
same  form,  in  Aristophanes's  play  of  the  Peace  (1189)-  The 
scholiast,  in  his  note  on  the  passage,  says  it  was  originally  said  of 
the  Spartans  after  some  mishap  in  Ionia,  *'Lions  at  home,  but  in 
Ephesus — mere  Laconians."  Sallust's  affirmation  about  Sylla  was 
probably  made  in 'one  of  his  lost  Histories. 


210  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


saying,  "What  a  strange  and  unjust  thing  is  this,  O 
citizens,  that  I  cannot  dispose  of  my  own  booty  as  I 
please!"  But  Lysander,  on  the  contrary,  with  the  rest 
of  the  spoil,  sent  home  for  public  use  even  the  presents 
which  were  made  him.  Nor  do  I  commend  him  for  it, 
for  he,  perhaps,  by  excessive  liberality,  did  Sparta 
more  harm,  than  ever  the  other  did  Rome  by  rapine; 
I  only  use  it  as  an  argument  of  his  indifference  to 
riches.  They  exercised  a  strange  influence  on  their 
respective  cities.  Sylla,  a  profuse  debauchee,  endeav- 
ored to  restore  sober  living  amongst  the  citizens ;  Ly- 
sander, temperate  himself,  filled  Sparta  with  the  lux- 
ury he  disregarded.  So  that  both  were  blameworthy, 
the  one  for  raising  himself  above  his  own  laws,  the 
other  for  causing  his  fellow-citizens  to  fall  beneath 
his  own  example.  He  taught  Sparta  to  want  the 
very  things  which  he  himself  had  learned  to  do  with- 
out.  And  thus  much  of  their  civil  administration. 

As  for  feats  of  arms,  wise  conduct  in  war,  innu- 
merable victories,  perilous  adventures,  Sylla  was  be- 
yond compare.  Lysander,  indeed,  came  off  tv/ice  vic- 
torious in  two  battles  by  sea;  I  shall  add  to  that  the 
siege  of  Athens,  a  work  of  greater  fame,  than  diffi- 
culty. What  occurred  in  Bceotia,  and  at  Haliartus, 
was  the  result,  perhaps,  of  ill  fortune;  yet  it  certainly 
looks  like  ill  counsel,  not  to  wait  for  the  king's  forces, 
which  had  all  but  arrived  from  Platsea,  but  out  of 
ambition  and  eagerness  to  fight,  to  approach  the  walls 
at  disadvantage,  and  so  to  be  cut  off  by  a  sally  of  in- 
considerable men.  He  received  his  death-wound,  not 
as  Cleombrotus  at  Leuctra,  resisting  manfully  the  as- 
sault of  an  enemy  in  the  field;  not  as  Cyrus  or  Epam- 
inondas,  sustaining  the  declining  battle,  or  making 
sure  the  victory;  all  these  died  the  death  of  kings  and 
generals;  but  he,  as  it  had  been  some  common  skirm- 
isher or  scout,  cast  away  his  life  ingloriously,  giving 


LYSANDER  AND  SYLLA  211 


testimony  to  the  wisdom  of  the  ancient  Spartan 
maxim,  to  avoid  attacks  on  walled  cities,  in  which  the 
stoutest  warrior  may  chance  to  fall  by  the  hand,  not 
only  of  a  man  utterly  his  inferior,  but  by  that  of  a  boy 
or  woman,  as  Achilles,  they  say,  was  slain  by  Paris 
in  the  gates.  As  for  Sylia,  it  were  hard  to  reckon  up 
how  many  set  battles  he  won,  or  how  many  thousands 
he  slew;  he  took  Rome  itself  twice,  as  also  the  Athe- 
nian Pirseus,  not  by  famine,  as  Lysander  did,  but  by 
a  series  of  great  battles,  driving  Archelaus  into  the 
sea.  And  what  is  most  important,  there  was  a  vast 
difference  between  the  commanders  they  had  to  deal 
with.  For  I  look  upon  it  as  an  easy  task,  or  rather 
sport,  to  beat  Antiochus,  Alcibiades's  pilot,  or  to  cir- 
cumvent Philocles,  the  Athenian  demagogue. 

Sharp  only  at  the  inglorious  point  of  tongue,^ 

whom  Mithridates  would  have  scorned  to  compare 
with  his  groom,  or  Marius  with  his  lictor.  But  of  the 
potentates,  consuls,  commanders,  and  demagogues, 
to  pass  by  all  the  rest  who  opposed  themselves  to 
Sylla,  who  amongst  the  Romans  so  formidable  as 
Marius?  what  king  more  powerful  than  Mithridates? 
who  of  the  Italians  more  warlike  than  Lamponius  and 
Telesinus  ?  yet  of  these,  one  he  drove  into  banishment, 
one  he  quelled,  and  the  others  he  slew. 

And  what  is  more  important,  in  my  judgment, 
than  any  thing  yet  adduced,  is  that  Lysander  had  the 
assistance  of  the  State  in  all  his  achievements ;  where- 
as Sylla,  besides  that  he  was  a  banished  person,  and 
overpowered  by  a  faction,  at  a  time  when  his  wife 
was  driven  from  home,  his  houses  demolished,  and 
adherents  slain,  himself  then  in  Boeotia,  stood  embat- 
tled against  countless  numbers  of  the  public  enemy, 

^  A  verse  of  which  nothing  is  known. 


212  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


and  endangering  himself  for  the  sake  of  his  country, 
raised  a  trophy  of  victor}^ ;  and  not  even  when  Mithri- 
dates  came  with  proposals  of  alliance  and  aid  against 
his  enemies,  would  he  show  any  sort  of  compliance,  or 
even  clemency;  did  not  so  much  as  address  him,  or 
vouchsafe  him  his  hand,  until  he  had  it  from  the  king's 
own  mouth,  that  he  was  willing  to  quit  Asia,  surren- 
der the  navy,  and  restore  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia 
to  the  two  kings.  Than  which  action,  Sylla  never 
performed  a  braver,  or  with  a  nobler  spirit,  when, 
preferring  the  public  good  to  the  private,  and  like 
good  hounds,  where  he  had  once  fixed,  never  letting 
go  his  hold,  till  the  enemy  yielded,  then,  and  not  until 
then,  he  set  himself  to  revenge  his  own  private  quar- 
rels. We  may  perhaps  let  ourselves  be  influenced, 
moreover,  in  our  comparison  of  their  characters,  by 
considering  their  treatment  of  Athens.  Sylla,  when 
he  had  made  himself  master  of  the  city,  which  then 
upheld  the  dominion  and  power  of  Mithridates  in  op- 
position to  him,  restored  her  to  liberty  and  the  free 
exercise  of  her  own  laws ;  Lysander,  on  the  contrary, 
Vv^hen  she  had  fallen  from  a  vast  height  of  dignity  and 
rule,  showed  her  no  compassion,  but  abolishing  her 
democratic  government,  imposed  on  her  the  most 
cruel  and  lawless  tyrants.  We  are  now  qualified  to 
consider,  whether  we  should  go  far  from  the  truth  or 
no,  in  pronouncing  that  Sylla  performed  the  more 
glorious  deeds,  but  Lysander  committed  the  fewer 
faults,  as,  likewise,  by  giving  to  one  the  preeminence 
for  moderation  and  self-control,  to  the  other,  for  con- 
duct and  valor. 


CIMON^ 


Translated  by  Mat.  Morgan,  A.  M.,  or 
St.  John^s  College^  Oxford. 

Peripoltas^  the  prophet  having  brought  the  king 
OpheltaSj  and  those  under  his  command,  from  Thes- 
saly  into  Boeotia,  left  there  a  family,  which  flourished 
a  long  time  after;  the  greatest  part  of  them  inhabiting 
Cheeronea,  the  first  city  out  of  which  they  expelled  the 
barbarians.  The  descendants  of  this  race,  being  men 
of  bold  attempts  and  warlike  habits,  exposed  them- 
selves to  so  many  dangers,  in  the  invasions  of  the 
Mede,  and  in  battles  against  the  Gauls,  that  at  last 
they  were  almost  wholly  consumed. 

There  was  left  one  orphan  of  this  house,  called 
Damon,  surnamed  Peripoltas,  in  beauty  and  great- 
ness of  spirit  surpassing  all  of  his  age,  but  rude  and 
undisciplined  in  temper.  A  Roman  captain  of  a  com- 
pany that  wintered  in  Chaeronea  became  passionately 
fond  of  this  youth,  who  was  now  pretty  nearly  grown 
a  man.  And  finding  all  his  approaches,  his  gifts,  and 
his  entreaties  alike  repulsed,  he  showed  violent  inclina- 
tions to  assault  Damon.  Our  native  Chseronea  was 
then  in  a  distressed  condition,  too  small  and  too  poor 
to  meet  with  any  thing  but  neglect.  Damon,  being 
sensible  of  this,  and  looking  upon  himself  as  injured 

^  Born  504  B.  C.  His  most  brilliant  success  was  in  466,  when 
he  defeated  the  Persian  fleet.  The  death  of  Aristides  and  the 
banishment  of  Themistocles  left  Cimon  without  a  rival  at  Athens 
for  some  years  but  his  influence  gradually  declined  as  that  of 
Pericles  increased.    He  died  in  449- — Dr.  William  Smith. 

(213)- 


214 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


already,  resolved  to  inflict  punishment.  Accordingly, 
he  and  sixteen  of  his  companions  conspired  against 
the  captain;  but  that  the  design  might  be  managed 
without  any  danger  of  being  discovered,  they  all 
daubed  their  faces  at  night  with  soot.  Thus  disguised 
and  inflamed  with  wine,  they  set  upon  him  by  break 
of  day,  as  he  was  sacrificing  in  the  market-place;  and 
having  killed  him,  and  several  others  that  were  with 
him,  they  fled  out  of  the  city,  which  was  extremely 
alarmed  and  troubled  at  the  murder.  The  council 
assembled  immediately,  and  pronounced  sentence  of 
death  against  Darhon  and  his  accomplices.  This  they 
did  to  justify  the  city  to  the  Romans.  But  that  even- 
ing, as  the  magistrates  were  at  supper  together,  ac- 
cording to  the  custom,  Damon  and  his  confederates 
breaking  into  the  hall,  killed  them,  and  then  again  fled 
out  of  the  town.  About  this  time,  Lucius  Lucullus 
chanced  to  be  passing  that  way  with  a  body  of  troops, 
upon  some  expedition,  and  this  disaster  having  but 
recently  happened,  he  stayed  to  examine  the  matter. 
Upon  inquiry,  he  found  the  city  was  in  nowise  faulty, 
but  rather  that  they  themselves  had  s-uffered;  there- 
fore he  drew  out  the  soldiers,  and  carried  them  away 
with  him.  Yet  Damon  continuing  to  ravage  the  coun- 
try all  about,  the  citizens,  by  messages  and  decrees, 
in  appearance  favorable,  enticed  him  into  the  city,  and 
upon  his  return,  made  him  Gymnasiarch  ;^  but  after- 
wards as  he  was  anointing  himself  in  the  vapor  baths, 
they  set  upon  him  and  killed  him.  For  a  long  while 
after  apparitions  continuing  to  be  seen,  and  groans 
to  be  heard  in  that  place,  so  our  fathers  have  told  us, 
they  ordered  the  gates  of  the  baths  to  be  built  up ;  and 

^  Superintendent  of  the  public  gymnasia  and  palaestrae,  gym- 
nastic schools  and  exercising  grounds;  undoubtedly  a  public  of- 
fice^ and  regarded,  most  likely,  as  a  considerable  honor. 


CIMON 


215 


even  to  this  day  those  who  live  in  the  neighborhood 
believe  that  they  sometimes  see  spectres,  and  hear 
alarming  sounds.  The  posterity  of  Damon,  of  whom 
some  still  remain,  mostly  in  Phocis,  near  the  town  of 
Stiris,  are  called  Asbolomeni,  that  is,  in  the  ^olian 
idiom,  men  daubed  with  soot;  because  Damon  was 
thus  besmeared  when  he  committed  this  murder. 

But  there  being  a  quarrel  between  the  people  of 
Ch^eronea  and  the  Orchomenians,  their  neighbors, 
these  latter  hired  an  informer,  a  Roman,  to  accuse  the 
community  of  Chseronea,  as  if  it  had  been  a  single  per- 
son, of  the  murder  of  the  Romans,  of  which  only 
Damon  and  his  companions  were  guilty ;  accordingly, 
the  process  was  commenced,  and  the  cause  pleaded  be  - 
fore the  Praetor  of  Macedon,  since  the  Romans  as 
yet  had  not  sent  governors  into  Greece. 

The  advocates  who  defended  the  inhabitants  ap- 
pealed to  the  testimony  of  Lucullus,  who,  in  answer 
to  a  letter  the  Prsetor  wrote  to  him,  returned  a  true 
account  of  the  matter-of-fact.  By  this  means  the 
town  obtained  its  acquittal,  and  escaped  a  most  serious 
danger.  The  citizens  thus  preserved  erected  a  statue 
to  Lucullus  in  the  market-place,  near  that  of  the  god 
Bacchus. 

We  also  have  the  same  impressions  of  gratitude; 
and  though  removed  from  the  events  by  the  distance 
of  several  generations,  we  yet  feel  the  obligation  to 
extend  to  ourselves;  and  as  we  think  an  image  of  the 
character  and  habits,  to  be  a  greater  honor  than  one 
merely  representing  the  face  and  the  person,  we  will 
put  Lucullus's  life  amongst  our  parallels  of  illustrious 
men,  and  without  swerving  from  the  truth,  will  re- 
cord his  actions.  The  commemoration  will  be  itself  a 
sufficient  proof  of  our  grateful  feeling,  and  he  him- 
self would  not  thank  us,  if  in  recompense  for  a  serv- 
ice, which  consisted  in  speaking  the  truth,  we  should 


216  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


abuse  his  memory  with  a  false  and  counterfeit  nar- 
ration. For  as  we  would  wish  that  a  painter  who  is 
to  draw  a  beautiful  face,  in  which  there  is  yet  some  im- 
perfection, should  neither  wholly  leave  out,  nor  yet 
too  pointedly  express  what  is  defective,  because  this 
would  deform  it,  and  that  spoil  the  resemblance;  so, 
since  it  is  hard,  or  indeed  perhaps  impossible,  to  show 
the  life  of  a  man  wholly  free  from  blemish,  in  all  that 
is  excellent  we  must  follow  truth  exactly,  and  give  it 
fully;  any  lapses  or  faults  that  occur,  through  human 
passions  or  political  necessities,  we  may  regard  rather 
as  the  short-comings  of  some  particular  virtue,  than 
as  the  natural  effects  of  vice;  and  may  be  content 
without  introducing  them,  curiously  and  officiously, 
into  our  narrative,  if  it  be  but  out  of  tenderness  to  the 
weakness  of  nature,  which  has  never  succeeded  in  pro- 
ducing any  human  character  so  perfect  in  virtue,  as  to 
be  pure  from  all  admixture,  and  open  to  no  criticism. 
On  considering  with  myself  to  whom  I  should  com- 
pare Lucullus,  I  find  none  so  exactly  his  parallel  as 
Cimon. 

They  were  both  valiant  in  war,  and  successful 
against  the  barbarians;  both  gentle  in  political  life, 
and  more  than  any  others  gave  their  countrymen  a 
respite  from  civil  troubles  at  home,  while  abroad,  each 
of  them  raised  trophies  and  gained  famous  victories. 
No  Greek  before  Cimon,  nor  Roman  before  Lucullus, 
ever  carried  the  scene  of  war  so  far  from  their  own 
country;  putting  out  of  the  question  the  acts  of  Bac- 
chus and  Hercules,  and  any  exploit  of  Perseus 
against  the  Ethiopians,  Medes,  and  Armenians,  or 
again  of  Jason,  of  which  any  record  that  deserves 
credit  can  be  said  to  have  come  down  to  our  days. 
Moreover  in  this  they  were  alike,  that  they  did  not 
finish  the  enterprises  they  undertook.  They  brought 
their  enemies  near  their  ruin,  but  never  entirely  con- 


CIMON  217 

quered  them.  There  was  yet  a  greater  conformity  in 
the  free  good-will  and  lavish  abundance  of  their  en- 
tertainments and  general  hospitalities,  and  in  the 
youthful  laxity  of  their  habits.  Other  points  of  re- 
semblance, which  we  have  failed  to  notice,  may  be 
easily  collected  from  our  narrative  itself. 

Cimon  was  the  son  of  Miltiades  and  Hegesipyle, 
who  was  by  birth  a  Thracian,  and  daughter  to  the 
king.  Olorus,  as  appears  from  the  poems  of  Melan- 
thius  and  Archelaus,  written  in  praise  of  Cimon.  By 
this  means  the  historian  Thucydides  was  his  kinsman 
by  the  mother's  side;  for  his  father's  name  also,  in 
remembrance  of  this  common  ancestor,  was  Olorous, 
and  he  was  the  owner  of  gold  mines  in  Thrace,  and 
met  his  death,  it  is  said,  by  violence,  in  Scapte  Hyle, 
a  district  of  Thrace;  and  his  remains  having  after- 
wards been  brought  into  Attica,,  a  monument  is  shown 
as  his  among  those  of  the  family  of  Cimon,  near  the 
tomb  of  Elpinice,  Cimon's  sister.  But  Thucydides 
was  of  the  township  of  Halimus,  and  Miltiades  and 
his  family  were  Laciadae.^  Miltiades,  being  condemned 
in  a  fine  of  fifty  talents  to  the  State,  and  unable  to 
pay  it,  was  cast  into  prison,  and  there  died.  Thus 
Cimon  was  left  an  orphan  very  young,  with  his  sister 
Elpinice,  who  was  also  young  and  unmarried.  And 
at  first  he  had  but  an  indifferent  reputation,  being 
looked  upon  as  disorderly  in  his  habits,  fond  of  drink- 
ing, and  resembling  his  grandfather,  also  called  Ci- 
mon, in  character,  whose  simplicity  got  him  the  sur- 

^  Miltiades  and  his  family  were  Laciadce,  or  Laciads,  this 
being  the  name  of  the  members  of  the  township  or  demus  of 
Lacia,  which  itself  was  more  commonly  thus  called,  the  township 
Laciadae  or  the  Laciads.  For  the  quotation  Rude  and  unre- 
finedy  see  a  note  on  the  life  of  Marcellus  at  the  end  of  Vol.  II. 


218  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


name  of  Coalemus.*  Stesimbrotus  of  Thasos,  who 
lived  near  about  the  same  time  with  Cimon,  reports 
of  him  that  he  had  little  acquaintance  either  with 
music,  or  any  of  the  other  liberal  studies  and  accom- 
plishments, then  common  among  the  Greeks;  that  he 
had  nothing  whatever  of  the  quickness  and  the  ready 
speech  of  his  countrymen  in  Attica ;  that  he  had  great 
nobleness  and  candor  in  his  disposition,  and  in  his 
character  in  general,  resembled  rather  a  native  of 
Peloponnesus,  than  of  Athens ;  as  Euripides  describes 
Hercules, 

  Rude 

And  unrefined^  for  great  things  well-endued; 

for  this  may  fairly  be  added  to  the  character  which 
Stesimbrotus  has  given  of  him. 

They  accused  him,  in  his  younger  years,  of  cohabit- 
ing with  his  own  sister  Elpinice,  who,  indeed,  other- 
wise had  no  very  clear  reputation,  but  was  reported 
to  have  been  over  intimate  with  Polygnotus,  the 
painter;  and  hence,  when  he  painted  the  Trojan  wom- 
en in  the  porch,  then  called  the  Plesianactium,  and  now 
the  Poecile,  he  made  Laodice  ^  a  portrait  of  her.  Polyg- 
notus was  not  an  ordinary  mechanic,  nor  was  he 
paid  for  this  work,  but  out  of  a  desire  to  please  the 
Athenians,  painted  the  portico  for  nothing.  So  it  is 
stated  by  the  historians,  and  in  the  following  verses 
by  the  poet  Melanthius : — 

Wrought  by  his  hand  the  deeds  of  heroes  grace 
At  his  own  charge  our  temples  and  our  Place.^ 

*  The  simpleton. 

^  Laodice,  of  the  daughters  of  Priam  the  best  in  appearance, 
occurs  in  the  third  Iliad  (124).  Iris  took  her  form  when  she 
went  to  summon  Helen  to  the  walls,  in  the  interval  before  the 
combat  between  Paris  and  Menelaus. 

^  The  agora,  the  public  meeting  or  market-place ;  the  place 


CIMON 


219 


Some  affirm  that  Elpinice  lived  with  her  brother, 
not  secretly,  but  as  his  married  wife,  her  poverty  ex- 
cluding her  from  any  suitable  match.  But  afterward, 
when  Callias,  one  of  the  richest  men  of  Athens,  fell 
in  love  with  her,  and  proffered  to  pay  the  fine  the 
father  was  condemned  in,  if  he  could  obtain  the  daugh- 
ter in  marriage,  with  Elpinice's  own  consent,  Cimon 
betrothed  her  to  Callias.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that 
Cimon  was,  in  general,  of  an  amorous  temper.  For 
Melanthius,  in  his  elegies,  rallies  him  on  his  attachment 
for  Asteria  of  Salamis,  and  again  for  a  certain  Mnes- 
tra.  And  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his  unusually  pas- 
sionate affection  for  his  lawful  wife  Isodice,  the 
daughter  of  Euryptolemus,  the  son  of  Megacles;  nor 
of  his  regret,  even  to  impatience,  at  her  death,  if  any 
conclusion  may  be  drawn  from  those  elegies  of  con- 
»  dolence,  addressed  to  him  upon  his  loss  of  her.  The 
philosopher  Pangetius  is  of  opinion,  that  Archelaus, 
the  writer  on  physics,  was  the  author  of  them,  and  in- 
deed the  time  seems  to  favor  that  conjecture.  All  the 
other  points  of  Cimon's  character  were  noble  and 
good.  He  was  as  daring  as  Miltiades,  and  not  infe- 
rior to  Themistocles  in  judgment,  and  was  incompara- 
bly more  just  and  honest  than  either  of  them.  Fully 
their  equal  in  all  military  virtues,  in  the  ordinary  du- 
ties of  a  citizen  at  home  he  was  immeasurably  their 
superior.  And  this,  too,  when  he  was  very  young,  his 
years  not  yet  strengthened  by  any  experience.  For 

found  in  every  Greek  town,  where,  as  the  Persian  noble  scof- 
fingly  said,  "they  met  together  to  cheat  each  other";  the  scene, 
however,  not  of  business  only,  but  of  politics,  law,  and  amuse- 
ment. The  Place  of  the  cities  of  southern  Europe,  that  of  St. 
Mark,  for  example,  at  Venice,  still  gives  the  image  of  it.  In 
northern  towns,  shelter  from  the  weather  confines  within  doors 
much  that  in  Greece  was  done  under  the  open  sky,  or  under 
colonnades ;  yet  the  Exchange,  in  some  cases,  shows  a  resemblance. 


220  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


when  Themistocles,  upon  the  Median  invasion,  ad- 
vised the  Athenians  to  forsake  their  city  and  their 
country,  and  to  carry  all  their  arms  on  shipboard,  and 
fight  the  enemy  by  sea,  in  the  straits  of  Salamis ;  when 
all  the  people  stood  amazed  at  the  confidence  and 
rashness  of  this  advice,  Cimon  was  seen,  the  first  of 
all  men,  passing  with  a  cheerful  countenance  through 
the  Ceramicus,  on  his  way  with  his  companions  to  the 
citadel,  carrying  a  bridle  in  his  hand  to  offer  to  the 
goddess,  intimating  that  there  was  no  more  need  of 
horsemen  now,  but  of  mariners.  There,  after  he  had 
paid  his  devotions  to  the  goddess,  and  offered  up  the 
bridle,  he  took  down  one  of  the  bucklers  that  hung 
upon  the  walls  of  the  temple,  and  went  down  to  the 
port;  by  this  example  giving  confidence  to  many  of 
the  citizens.  He  was  also  of  a  fairly  handsome  per- 
son, according  to  the  poet  Ion,  tall  and  large,  and  let 
his  thick  and  curly  hair  grow  long.  After  he  had  ac- 
quitted himself  gallantly  in  this  battle  of  Salamis,  he 
obtained  great  repute  among  the  Athenians,  and  was 
regarded  with  affection,  as  well  as  admiration.  He 
had  many  who  followed  after  him,  and  bade  him  aspire 
to  actions  not  less  famous  than  his  father's  battle  of 
Marathon.  And  when  he  came  forward  in  political 
life,  the  people  welcomed  him  gladly,  being  now  weary 
of  Themistocles;  in  opposition  to  whom,  and  because 
of  the  frankness  and  easiness  of  his  temper,  which 
was  agreeable  to  every  one,  they  advanced  Cimon  to 
the  highest  employments  in  the  government.  The 
man  that  contributed  most  to  his  promotion  was  Aris- 
tides,  who  early  discerned  in  his  character  his  natural 
capacity,  and  purposly  raised  him,  that  he  might  be 
a  counterpoise  to  the  craft  and  boldness  of  Themisto- 
cles. 

After  the  Medes  had  been  driven  out  of  Greece, 
Cimon  was  sent  out  as  admiral,  when  the  Athenians 


CIMON 


221 


had  not  yet  attained  their  dominion  by  sea,  but  still 
followed  Pausanias  and  the  Lacedagmonians ;  and  his 
fellow-citizens  under  his  command  were  highly  dis- 
tinguished, both  for  the  excellence  of  their  discipline, 
and  for  their  extraordinary  zeal  and  readiness.  And 
further,  perceiving  that  Pausanias  was  carrying  on 
secret  communications  with  the  barbarians,  and  writ- 
ing letters  to  the  king  of  Persia  to  betray  Greece,  and, 
puffed  up  with  authority  and  success,  was  treating 
the  allies  haughtily,  and  committing  many  wanton  in- 
justices, Cimon,  taking  this  advantage,  by  acts  of 
kindness  to  those  who  were  suffering  wrong,  and  by 
his  general  humane  bearing,  robbed  him  of  the  com- 
mand of  the  Greeks,  before  he  was  aware,  not  by 
arms,  but  by  his  mere  language  and  character.  The 
greatest  part  of  the  allies,  no  longer  able  to  endure  the 
harshness  and  pride  of  Pausanias,  revolted  from  him 
to  Cimon  and  Aristides,  who  accepted  the  duty,  and 
wrote  to  the  Ephors  of  Sparta,  desiring  them  to  re- 
call a  man  who  was  causing  dishonor  to  Sparta,  and 
trouble  to  Greece.  They  tell  of  Pausanias,  that  when 
he  was  in  Byzantium,  he  solicited  a  young  lady  of  a 
noble  family^  in  the  city,  whose  name  was  Cleonice,  to 
debauch  her.  Her  parents,  dreading  his  cruelty,  were 
forced  to  consent,  and  so  abandoned  their  daughter  to 
his  wishes.  The  daughter  asked  the  servants  outside 
the  chamber  to  put  out  all  the  lights ;  so  that  approach- 
ing silently  and  in  the  dark  toward  his  bed,  she  stum- 
bled upon  the  lamp,  which  she  overturned.  Pausanias, 
who  was  fallen  asleep,  awakened  and  startled  with  the 
noise,  thought  an  assassin  had  taken  that  dead  time 
of  night  to  murder  him,  so  that  hastily  snatching  up 
his  poniard  that  lay  by  him,  he  struck  the  girl,  who 
fell  with  the  blow,  and  died.  After  this,  he  never  had 
rest,  but  was  continually  haunted  by  her,  and  saw  an 


222  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


apparition  visiting  him  in  his  sleep,  and  addressing 
him  with  these  angry  words : — 

Go  on  thy  way,  unto  the  evil  end, 
That  doth  on  lust  and  violence  attend. 

This  was  one  of  the  chief  occasions  of  indignation 
against  him  among  the  confederates,  who  now  joining 
their  resentments  and  forces  with  Cimon's,  besieged 
him  in  Byzantium.  He  escaped  out  of  their  hands, 
and,  continuing,  as  it  is  said,  to  be  disturbed  by  the 
apparition,  fled  to  the  oracle  of  the  dead  at  Heraclea, 
raised  the  ghost  of  Cleonice,  and  entreated  her  to  be 
reconciled.  Accordingly  she  appeared  to  him,  and 
answered,  that  as  soon  as  he  came  to  Sparta,  he  should 
speedily  be  freed  froni  all  evils ;  obscurely  foretelling, 
it  would  seem,  his  imminent  death.  This  story  is  re- 
lated by  many  authors. 

Cimon,  strengthened  with  the  accession  of  the  al- 
lies, went  as  general  into  Thrace.  For  he  was  told 
that  some  great  men  among  the  Persians,  of  the  king's 
kindred,  being  in  possession  of  Eion,  a  city  situated 
upon  the  river  Strymon,  infested  the  neighboring 
Greeks.  First  he  defeated  these  Persians  in  battle, 
and  shut  them  up  within  the  walls  of  their  town.  Then 
he  fell  upon  the  Thracians  of  the  country  beyond 
the  Strymon,  because  they  supplied  Eion  with  victuals, 
and  driving  them  entirely  out  of  the  country,  took  pos- 
session of  it  as  conqueror,  by  which  means  he  reduced 
the  besieged  to  such  straits,  that  Butes,  who  com- 
manded there  for  the  king,  in  desperation  set  fire  to 
the  town,  and  burned  himself,  his  goods,  and  all  his 
relations,  in  one  common  flame.  By  this  means,  Ci- 
mon got  the  town,  but  no  great  booty ;  as  the  barbari- 
ans had  not  only  consumed  themselves  in  the  fire,  but 
the  richest  of  their  effects.  However,  he  put  the 
country  about  into  the  hands  of  the  Athenians,  a  most 


CIMON 


223 


advantageous  and  desirable  situation  for  a  settlement. 
For  this  action,  the  people  permitted  him  to  erect  the 
stone  Mercuries,  upon  the  first  of  which  was  this  in- 
scription : — 

Of  bold  and  patient  spirit,  too,  were  those. 
Who,  where  the  Strymon  under  Eion  flows. 
With  famine  and  the  sword,  to  utmost  need 
Reduced  at  last  the  children  of  the  Mede. 

Upon  the  second  stood  this : — 

The  Athenians  to  their  leaders  this  reward 
For  great  and  useful  service  did  accord; 
Others  hereafter,  shall,  from  their  applause. 
Learn  to  be  valiant  in  their  country's  cause. 

and  upon  the  third,  the  following : — 

With  Atreus'  sons,  this  city  sent  of  yore 

Divine  Menestheus  to  the  Trojan  shore; 

Of  all  the  Greeks,  so  Homer's  verses  say. 

The  ablest  man  an  army  to  array: 

So  old  the  title  of  her  sons  the  name 

Of  chiefs  and  champions  in  the  field  to  claim  J 

Though  the  name  of  Cimon  is  not  mentioned  in 
these  inscriptions,  yet  his  contemporaries  considered 
them  to  be  the  very  highest  honors  to  him ;  as  neither 
Miltiades  nor  Themistocles  ever  received  the  like. 
When  Miltiades  claimed  a  garland,  Sochares  of  De- 
celea,  stood  up  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly  and  op- 
posed it,  using  words  which,  though  ungracious,  were 
received  with  applause  by  the  people.  "When  you  have 
gained  a  victory  by  yourself,  Miltiades,  then  you  may 

These  inscriptions  are  quoted  by  ^schines  {In  Ctesiphont., 
p.  573),  in  his  speech  on  the  Crown;  the  simple  honors  of  old 
times  contrasting  favorably  for  his  purpose  with  those  now  of- 
fered to  Demosthenes.  Butes  is  Boges  in  Herodotus,  and 
Sochares  (p.  208)  in  Sophanes. 


224  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ask  to  triumph  so  too."  What  then  induced  them  so 
particularly  to  honor  Cimon?  Was  it  that  under  other 
commanders  they  stood  upon  the  defensive?  but  by  his 
conduct,  they  not  only  attacked  their  enemies,  but  in- 
vaded them  in  their  own  country,  and  acquired  new 
territory,  becoming  masters  of  Eion  and  Amphipolis, 
where  they  planted  colonies,  as  also  they  did  in  the 
isle  of  Scyros,  which  Cimon  had  taken  on  the  follow- 
ing occasion.  The  Dolopians  were  the  inliabitants  of 
this  isle,  a  people  who  neglected  all  husbandry,  and 
had,  for  many  generations,  been  devoted  to  piracy; 
this  they  practised  to  that  degree,  that  at  last  they 
began  to  plunder  foreigners  that  brought  merchan- 
dise into  their  ports.  Some  merchants  of  Thessaly, 
who  had  come  to  shore  near  Ctesium,  were  not  only 
spoiled  of  their  goods,  but  themselves  put  into  con- 
finement. These  men  afterwards  escaping  from  their 
prison,  went  and  obtained  sentence  against  the  Scyri- 
ans  in  a  court  of  Amphictyons,  and  when  the  Scyrian 
people  declined  to  make  public  restitution,  and 
called  upon  the  individuals  who  had  got  the  plunder 
to  give  it  up,  these  persons,  in  alarm,  wrote  to  Cimon 
to  succor  them  with  his  fleet,  and  declared  themselves 
ready  to  deliver  the  town  into  his  hands.  Cimon,  by 
these  means,  got  the  town,  expelled  the  Dolopian 
pirates,  and  so  opened  the  traffic  of  the  j^jgean  sea. 
And,  understanding  that  the  ancient  Theseus,  the  son 
of  Ml  gens,  when  he  fled  from  Athens  and  took  refuge 
in  this  isle,  was  here  treacherously  slain  by  king  Ly- 
comedes,  who  feared  him,  Cimon  endeavored  to  find 
out  where  he  was  buried.  For  an  oracle  had  com- 
manded the  Athenians  to  bring  home  his  ashes,  and 
pay  him  all  due  honors  as  a  hero;  but  hitherto  they 
had  not  been  able  to  learn  where  he  was  interred,  as 
the  people  of  Scyros  dissembled  the  knowledge  of  it, 
and  were  not  willing  to  allow  a  search.    But  now, 


CIMON 


225 


great  inquiry  being  made,  with  some  difficulty  he 
found  out  the  tomb,  and  carried  the  rehcs  into  his 
own  galley,  and  with  great  pomp  and  show  brought 
them  to  Athens,  four  hundred  years,  or  thereabouts, 
after  his  expulsion.  This  act  got  Cimon  great  favor 
with  the  people,  one  mark  of  which  was  the  judgment, 
afterwards  so  famous,  upon  the  tragic  poets.  Sopho- 
cles, still  a  young  nian,  had  just  brought  forward  his 
first  plays ;  opinions  were  much  divided,  and  the  spec- 
tators had  taken  sides  with  some  heat.  So,  to  de- 
termine the  case,  Apsephion,  who  was  at  that  time 
archon,  would  not  cast  lots  who  should  be  judges;  but 
when  Cimon,  and  his  brother  commanders  with  him, 
came  into  the  theatre,  after  they  had  performed  the 
usual  rites  to  the  god  of  the  festival,  he  would  not 
allow  them  to  retire,  but  came  forward  and  made  them 
swear,  (being  ten  in  all,  one  from  each  tribe,)  the 
usual  oath;  and  so  being  sworn  judges,  he  made  them 
sit  down  to  give  sentence.  The  eagerness  for  victory 
grew  all  the  warmer,  from  the  ambition  to  get  the 
suffrages  of  such  honorable  judges.  And  the  victory 
was  at  last  adjudged  to  Sophocles,  which  ^schylus  is 
said  to  have  taken  so  ill,  that  he  left  Athens  shortly 
after,  and  went  in  anger  to  Sicily,  where  he  died,  and 
was  buried  near  the  city  of  Gela. 

Ion  relates  that  when  he  was  a  young  man,  and 
recently  come  from  Chios  to  Athens,  he  chanced  to 
sup  with  Cimon,  at  Laomedon's  house.  After  sup- 
per, when  they  had,  according  to  custom,  poured  out 
wine  to  the  honor  of  the  gods,  Cimon  was  desired  by 
the  company  to  give  them  a  song,  which  he  did  with 
sufficient  success,  and  received  the  commendations  of 
the  company,  who  remarked  on  his  superiority  to 
Themistocles,  who,  on  a  like  occasion,  had  declared  he 
had  never  learnt  to  sing,  nor  to  play,  and  only  knew 
how  to  make  a  city  rich  and  powerful.   After  talking 


226  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


of  things  incident  to  such  entertainments,  they  entered 
upon  the  particulars  of  the  several  actions  for  which 
Cimon  had  been  famous.  And  when  they  were  men- 
tioning the  most  signal,  he  told  them  they  had  omitted 
one,  upon  which  he  valued  himself  most  for  address 
and  good  contrivance.  He  gave  this  account  of  it. 
When  the  allies  had  taken  a  great  number  of  the  bar- 
barians prisoners  in  Sestos  and  Byzantium,  they  gave 
him  the  preference  to  divide  the  booty;  he  accordingly 
put  the  prisoners  in  one  lot,  and  the  spoils  of  their 
rich  attire  and  jewels  in  the  other.  This  the  allies 
complained  of  as  an  unequal  division;  but  he  gave 
them  their  choice  to  take  which  lot  they  would,  for 
that  the  Athenians  should  be  content  with  that  which 
they  refused.  Herophytus  of  Samos  advised  them  to 
take  the  ornaments  for  their  share,  and  leave  the  slaves 
to  the  Athenians;  and  Cimon  went  away,  and  was 
much  laughed  at  for  his  ridiculous  division.  For  the 
allies  carried  away  the  golden  bracelets,  and  armlets, 
and  collars,  and  purple  robes,  and  the  Athenians  had 
only  the  naked  bodies  of  the  captives,  which  they 
could  make  no  advantage  of,  being  unused  to  labor. 
But  a  little  while  after,  the  friends  and  kinsmen  of 
the  prisoners  coming  from  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  re- 
deemed every  one  his  relations  at  a  high  ransom;  so 
that  by  this  means  Cimon  got  so  much  treasure  that  he 
maintained  his  whole  fleet  of  galleys  with  the  money 
for  four  months;  and  yet  there  was  some  left  to  lay 
up  in  the  treasury  at  Athens. 

Cimon  now  grew  rich,  and  what  he  gained  from  the 
barbarians  with  honor,  he  spent  yet  more  honorably 
upon  the  citizens.  For  he  pulled  down  all  the  en- 
closures of  his  gardens  and  grounds,  that  strangers, 
and  the  needy  of  his  follow-citizens,  might  gather  of 
his  fruits  freely.  At  home,  he  kept  a  table,  plain,  but 
sufficient  for  a  considerable  number ;  to  which  any  poor 


CIMON  227 

townsman  had  free  access,  and  so  might  support  him- 
self without  labor,  with  his  whole  time  left  free  for 
public  duties.  Aristotle  states,  however,  that  this  re- 
ception did  not  extend  to  all  the  Athenians,  but  only 
to  his  own  fellow  townsmen,  the  Laciadse.^  Besides 
this,  he  always  went  attended  by  two  or  three  young 
companions,  very  well  clad;  and  if  he  met  with  an 
elderly  citizen  in  a  poor  habit,  one  of  these  would 
change  clothes  with  the  decayed  citizen,  which  was 
looked  upon  as  very  nobly  done.  He  enjoined  them, 
likewise,  to  carry  a  considerable  quantity  of  coin  about 
them,  which  they  were  to  convey  silently  into  the  hands 
of  the  better  class  of  poor  men,  as  they  stood  by 
them  in  the  market-place.  This,  Cratinus  the  poet 
speaks  of  in  one  of  his  comedies,  the  Archilochi : — 

For  I,  Metrobius  too,  the  scrivener  poor. 
Of  ease  and  comfort  in  my  age  secure, 
By  Greece's  noblest  son  in  life's  decline, 
Cimon,  the  generous-hearted,  the  divine. 
Well-fed  and  feasted  hoped  till  death  to  be, 
Death  which,  alas !  has  taken  him  ere  me. 

Gorgias  the  Leontine  gives  him  this  character,  that 
he  got  riches  that  he  might  use  them,  and  used  them 
that  he  might  get  honor  by  them.  And  Critias,  one  of 

^  Every  Athenian  citizen  belonged,  as  such,  to  a  particular 
town  or  township,  one  of  the  demi,  of  which  there  were  above 
a  hundred  in  Attica,  in  the  latest  times  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
four,  all  distinct  localities;  but,  as  a  man,  wherever  he  lived,  con- 
tinued to  belong  to  his  father's  township,  the  relation  was  not 
strictly  a  local,  but  rather  a  personal  one.  The  town-meetings 
were  all  held  in  Athens.  Politically,  the  demi  were,  perhaps, 
hardly  more  than  wards  for  registration,  but  socially,  by  con- 
necting every  man  with  a  particular  district,  the  institution  seems 
to  have  exercised  a  good  deal  of  practical  influence.  Cimon's 
town,  Lacia,  or  the  Laciadse,  was  just  out  of  Athens,  on  the 
road  to  Eleusis. 


228  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  thirty  tyrants,  makes  it,  in  his  elegies,  his  wish 
to  have 

The  Scopads'  wealth,  and  Cimon's  nobleness. 
And  king  Agesilaus's  success.^ 

Lichas,  we  know,  became  famous  in  Greece,  only 
because  on  the  days  of  the  sports,  when  the  young 
boys  run  naked,  he  used  to  entertain  the  strangers  that 
came  to  see  these  diversions.  But  Cimon's  generosity 
outdid  all  the  old  Athenian  hospitality  and  good- 
nature. For  though  it  is  the  city's  just  boast  that  their 
forefathers  taught  the  rest  of  Greece  to  sow  corn,  and 
how  to  use  springs  of  water,^^  and  to  kindle  fire,  yet 
Cimon,  by  keeping  "  open  house  for  his  fellow-citizens, 
and  giving  travellers  liberty  to  eat  the  fruits  which  the 
several  seasons  produced  in  his  land,  seemed  to  restore 
to  the  world  that  community  of  goods,  which  mythol- 
ogy says  existed  in  the  reign  of  Saturn.  Those  who 
object  to  him  that  he  did  this  to  be  popular,  and  gain 
the  applause  of  the  vulgar,  are  confuted  by  the  con- 
stant tenor  of  the  rest  of  his  actions,  which  all  tended 
to  uphold  the  interests  of  the  nobility  and  the  Spartan 
policy,  of  which  he  gave  instances,  when  together  with 

^  King  Agesilaus  is  a  doubtful  reading;  Agesilas  or  Arcesilas 
is  more  probable. 

"Ont  aussi  inonstre  Vusage  des  fonteines,  and  comment  il 
faloit  allumer  et  entretenir  le  feu/'  is  Amyot's  version.  The  word 
immediately  preceding  ^'springs  of  water"  has  apparently  been 
lost  in  the  present  Greek  text,  and  it  is  hard  to  say  what  it  was. 
The  mere  use  of  springs  seems  too  obvious  a  thing  to  have  been 
intended. 

11  Literally,  "making  his  house  a  sort  of  private  prytaneum, 
for  his  fellow-citizens."  The  prytaneum,  or  state-house,  being 
frequently  used  for  entertaining  distinguished  citizens,  as  well 
as  strangers.  Compare  in  the  Life  of  Lucullus,  the  passage 
where  his  house  is  called  a  prytaneum  for  Greek  visitors  at  Rome, 


CIMON 


229 


Aristides,  he  opposed  Themistocles,  who  was  advanc- 
ing the  authority  of  the  people  beyond  its  just  limits, 
and  resisted  Ephialtes,  who  to  please  the  multitude, 
was  for  abolishing  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  of 
Areopagus.  And  when  all  of  his  time,  except  Aristi- 
des and  Ephialtes,  enriched  themselves  out  of  the  pub- 
lic money,  he  still  kept  his  hands  clean  and  untainted, 
and  to  his  last  day  never  acted  or  spoke  for  his  own 
private  gain  or  emolument.  They  tell  us  that  Rhce- 
saces,  a  Persian,  who  had  traitorously  revolted  from 
the  king  his  master,  fled  to  Athens,  and  there,  being 
harassed  by  sycophants,  who  were  still  accusing  him 
to  the  people,  he  applied  himself  to  Cimon  for  redress, 
and  to  gain  his  favor,  laid  down  in  his  doorway  two 
cups,  the  one  full  of  gold,  and  the  other  of  silver 
Darics.  Cimon  smiled  and  asked  him  whether  he 
wished  to  have  Cimon's  hired  service  or  his  friendship. 
He  replied,  his  friendship.  "If  so,"  said  he,  "take  away 
these  pieces,  for  being  your  friend,  when  I  shall  have 
occasion  for  them,  I  will  send  and  ask  for  them." 

The  allies  of  the  Athenians  began  now  to  be  weary 
of  war  and  military  service,  willing  to  have  repose, 
and  to  look  after  their  husbandry  and  traffic.  For  they 
saw  their  enemies  driven  out  of  the  country,  and  did 
not  fear  any  new  vexations  from  them.  They  still 
paid  the  tax  they  were  assessed  at,  but  did  not  send 
men  and  galleys,  as  they  had  done  before.  This  the 
other  Athenian  generals  wished  to  constrain  them  to, 
and  by  judicial  proceedings  against  defaulters,  and 
penalties  which  they  inflicted  on  them,  made  the  gov- 
ernment uneasy,  and  even  odious.  But  Cimon  prac- 
tised a  contrary  method;  he  forced  no  man  to  go  that 
was  not  willing,  but  of  those  that  desired  to  be  ex- 
cused from  service  he  took  money  and  vessels  un- 
manned, and  let  them  yield  to  the  temptation  of  stay- 
ing at  home,  to  attend  to  their  private  business.  Thus 


230  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


they  lost  their  military  habits,  and  luxury,  and  their 
o^yn  folly  quickly  changed  them  into  unwarlike  hus- 
bandmen and  traders,  wliile  Cimon,  continually  em- 
barking large  numbers  of  Athenians  on  board  his  gal- 
leys, thoroughly  disciplined  them  in  his  expeditions, 
and  ere  long  made  them  the  lords  of  their  own  pay- 
masters. The  allies,  whose  indolence  maintained  them, 
while  they  thus  went  sailing  about  everywhere,  and 
incessantly  bearing  arms  and  acquiring  skill,  began 
to  fear  and  flatter  them,  and  found  themselves  after 
a  while  allies  no  longer,  but  unwittingly  become  tribu- 
taries and  slaves. 

Nor  did  any  man  ever  do  more  than  Cimon  did 
to  humble  the  pride  of  the  Persian  king.  He  was 
not  content  with  getting  rid  of  him  out  of  Greece ;  but 
following  close  at  his  heels,  before  the  barbarians  could 
take  breath  and  recover  themselves,  he  was  already  at 
work,  and  what  with  his  devastations,  and  his  forcible 
reduction  of  some  places,  and  the  revolts  and  volun- 
tary accession  of  others,  in  the  end,  from  Ionia  to 
Pamphylia,  all  Asia  was  clear  of  Persian  soldiers. 
Word  being  brought  him  that  the  royal  commanders 
were  lying  in  w^ait  upon  the  coast  of  Pamphylia,  with 
a  numerous  land  army,  and  a  large  fleet,  he  determined 
to  make  the  w^hole  sea  on  this  side  the  Chelidonian 
islands  so  formidable  to  them  that  they  should  never 
dare  to  show  themselves  in  it;  and  setting  off  from 
Cnidos  and  the  Triopian  headland,  with  two  hundred 
galleys,  which  had  been  originally  built  with  particular 
care  by  Themistocles,  for  speed  and  rapid  evolutions, 
and  to  which  he  now  gave  greater  width  and  roomier 
decks  along  the  sides  to  move  to  and  fro  upon,  so  as 
to  allow  a  great  number  of  full-armed  soldiers  to  take 
part  in  the  engagements  and  fight  from  them,  he 
shaped  his  course  first  of  all  against  the  town  of  Pha- 
selis,  which,  though  inhabited  by  Greeks,  yet  would 


w 

CIMON  231 

not  quit  the  interests  of  Persia,  but  denied  his  galleys 
entrance  into  their  port.  Upon  this  he  wasted  the 
country,  and  drew  up  his  army  to  their  very  walls; 
but  the  soldiers  of  Chios,  who  were  then  serving  under 
him,  being  ancient  friends  to  the  Phaselites,  endeavor- 
ing to  propitiate  the  general  in  their  behalf,  at  the 
same  time  shot  arrows  into  the  town,  to  which  were 
fastened  letters  conveying  intelligence.  At  length  he 
concluded  peace  with  them,  upon  the  conditions  that 
they  should  pay  down  ten  talents  and  follow  him 
against  the  barbarians.  Ephorus  says  the  admiral  of 
the  Persian  fleet  was  Tithraustes,  and  the  general  of 
the  land  army  Pherendates;  but  Callisthenes  is  pos- 
itive that  Ariomandes,  the  son  of  Gobryas,  had  the 
supreme  command  of  all  the  forces.  He  lay  waiting 
with  the  whole  fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Euryme- 
don,  with  no  design  to  fight,  but  expecting  a  reinforce- 
ment of  eighty  Phoenician  ships  on  their  way  from 
Cyprus.  Cimon,  aware  of  this,  put  out  to  sea,  re- 
solved, if  they  would  not  fight  a  battle  willingly,  to 
force  them  to  it.  The  barbarians,  seeing  this,  retired 
within  the  mouth  of  the  river  to  avoid  being  attacked ; 
but  when  they  saw  the  Athenians  come  upon  them, 
notwithstanding  their  retreat,  they  met  them  with  six 
hundred  ships,  as  Phanodemus  relates,  but  according 
to  Ephorus,  only  with  three  hundred  and  fifty.  How- 
ever, they  did  nothing  worthy  such  mighty  forces,  but  / 
immediately  turned  the  prows  of  their  galleys  toward 
the  shore,  where  those  that  came  first  threw  themselves 
upon  the  land,  and  fled  to  their  army  drawn  up  there-, 
about,  while  the  rest  perished  with  their  vessels,  or 
were  taken.  By  this,  one  may  guess  at  their  number, 
for  though  a  great  many  escaped  out  of  the  fight,  and 
a  great  many  others  were  sunk,  yet  two  hundred  gal- 
leys were  taken  by  the  Athenians. 

When  their  land  army  drew  toward  the  seaside. 


232  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Cimon  was  in  suspense  whether  he  should  venture  to  j 
try  and  force  his  way  on  shore;  as  he  should  thus  ex- 
pose his  Greeks,  wearied  with  slaughter  in  the  first 
engagement,  to  the  swords  of  the  barbarians,  who  were 
all  fresh  men,  and  many  times  their  number.  But 
seeing  his  men  resolute,  and  flushed  with  victory,  he 
bade  them  land,  though  they  were  not  yet  cool  from 
their  first  battle.  As  soon  as  they  touched  ground, 
they  set  up  a  shout  and  ran  upon  the  enemy,  who  stood 
firm  and  sustained  the  first  shock  with  great  courage, 
so  that  the  fight  was  a  hard  one,  and  some  principal 
men  of  the  Athenians  in  rank  and  courage  were  slain. 
At  length,  though  with  much  ado,  they  routed  the 
barbarians,  and  killing  some,  took  others  prisoners, 
and  plundered  all  their  tents  and  pavilions,  which 
\  were  full  of  rich  spoil.  Cimon,  like  a  skilled  athlete 
at  the  games,  having  in  one  day  carried  off  two  victor- 
ies, wherein  he  surpassed  that  of  Salamis  by  sea,  and 
that  of  Platasa  by  land,  was  encouraged  to  try  for 
yet  another  success.  News  being  brought  that  the 
Phoenician  succors,  in  number  eighty  sail,  had  come 
in  sight  of  Hydrum,  he  set  off  with  all  speed  to  find 
them,  while  they  as  yet  had  not  received  any  certain 
account  of  the  larger  fleet,  and  were  in  doubt  what  to 
think;  so  that  thus  surprised,  they  lost  all  their  ves- 
sels, and  most  of  their  men  with  them.  This  success 
of  Cimon  so  daunted  the  king  of  Persia,  that  he  pres- 
ently made  that  celebrated  peace,  by  which  he  en- 
gaged that  his  armies  should  come  no  nearer  the  Gre- 
cian sea  than  the  length  of  a  horse's  course;  and  that 
none  of  his  galleys  or  vessels  of  war  should  appear 
between  the  Cyanean  and  Chelidonian  isles.  Callis- 
thenes,  however,  says  that  he  did  not  agree  to  any  such 
articles,  but  that  upon  the  fear  this  victory  gave  him, 
he  did  in  reality  thus  act,  and  kept  off  so  far  from 
Greece,  that  when  Pericles  with  fifty,  and  Ephialtes 


CIMON 


233 


with  thirty  galleys,  cruised  beyond  the  Chelidonian 
isles,  they  did  not  discover  one  Persian  vessel.  But 
in  the  collection  which  Craterus  made  of  the  public 
acts  of  the  people,  there  is  a  draft  of  this  treaty  given. 
And  it  is  told,  also,  that  at  Athens  they  erected  the 
altar  of  Peace  upon  this  occasion,  and  decreed  par- 
ticular honors  to  Callias,  who  was  employed  as  am- 
bassador to  procure  the  treaty. 

The  people  of  Athens  raised  so  much  money  from 
the  spoils  of  this  war,  which  were  publicly  sold,  that, 
besides  other  expenses,  and  raising  the  south  wall  of 
the  citadel,  they  laid  the  foundation  of  the  long  walls, 
not,  indeed,  finished  till  at  a  later  time,  which  were 
called  the  Legs.  And  the  place  where  they  built  them 
being  soft  and  marshy  ground,  they  were  forced  to 
sink  great  weights  of  stone  and  rubble  to  secure  the 
foundation,  and  did  all  this  out  of  the  money  Cimon 
supplied  them  with.  It  was  he,  likewise,  who  first  em- 
bellished the  upper  city  with  those  fine  and  ornament- 
al places  of  exercise  and  resort,  which  they  afterward 
so  much  frequented  and  delighted  in.  He  set  the 
market-place  with  plane  trees;  and  the  Academy, 
which  was  before  a  bare,  dry,  and  dirty  spot,  he  con- 
verted into  a  well-watered  grove,  with  shady  alleys 
to  walk  in,  and  open  courses  for  races. 

When  the  Persians  who  had  made  themselves  mas- 
ters of  the  Chersonese,  so  far  from  quitting  it,  called 
in  the  people  of  the  interior  of  Thrace  to  help  them 
again  Cimon,  whom  they  despised  for  the  smallness 
of  his  forces,  he  set  upon  them  with  only  four  galleys, 
and  took  thirteen  of  theirs ;  and  having  driven  out  the 
Persians,  and  subdued  the  Thracians,  he  made  the 
whole  Chersonese  the  property  of  Athens.  ISText,  he 
attacked  the  people  of  Thasos,  who  had  revolted  from 
the  Athenians;  and,  having  defeated  them  in  a  fight 
at  sea,  where  he  took  thirty-three  of  their  vessels,  he 


234  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


took  their  town  by  siege,  and  acquired  for  the  Athe- 
nians all  the  mines  of  gold  on  the  opposite  coast, 
and  the  territory  dependent  on  Thasos.  This  opened 
him  a  fair  passage  into  Macedon,  so  that  he  might,  it 
was  thought,  have  acquired  a  good  portion  of  that 
country;  and  because  he  neglected  the  opportunity, 
he  was  suspected  of  corruption,  and  of  having  been 
bribed  off  by  king  Alexander.  So,  by  the  combina- 
tion of  his  adversaries,  he  was  accused  of  being  false  to 
his  country.  In  his  defence  he  told  the  judges,  that 
he  had  always  shown  himself  in  his  public  life  the 
friend,  not,  like  other  men,  of  rich  lonians  and  Thes- 
salians,  to  be  courted,  and  to  receive  presents,  but  of 
the  Lacedaemonians;  for  as  he  admired,  so  he  wished 
to  imitate  the  plainness  of  their  habits,  their  temper- 
ance, and  simplicity  of  living,  which  he  preferred  to 
any  sort  of  riches;  but  that  he  always  had  been,  and 
still  was  proud  to  enrich  his  country  with  the  spoils 
of  her  enemies.  Stesimbrotus,  maldng  mention  of 
this  trial,  states  that  Elpinice,  in  behalf  of  her  brother, 
addressed  herself  to  Pericles,  the  most  vehement  of 
his  accusers,  to  whom  Pericles  answered,  with  a  smile, 
"You  are  old,  Elpinice,  to  meddle  with  affairs  of  this 
nature."  However,  he  proved  the  mildest  of  his  prose- 
cutors, and  rose  up  but  once  all  the  while,  almost  as 
a  matter  of  form,  to  plead  against  him.  Cimon  was 
acquitted. 

In  his  public  life  after  this,  he  continued,  whilst  at 
home,  to  control  and  restrain  the  common  people, 
who  would  have  trampled  upon  the  nobility,  and 
drawn  all  the  power  and  sovereignty  to  themselves. 
"But  when  he  afterwards  was  sent  out  to  war,  the  mul- 
titude broke  loose,  as  it  were,  and  overthrew  all  the 
ancient  laws  and  customs  they  had  hitherto  observed, 
and,  chiefly  at  the  instigation  of  Ephialtes,  withdrew 
the  cognizance  of  almost  all  causes  from  the  Areo- 


CIMOlSr  235 

pagiis;  so  that  all  jurisdiction  now  being  transferred 
to  them,  the  government  was  reduced  to  a  perfect 
democracy,  and  this  by  the  help  of  Pericles,  who  was 
already  powerful,  and  had  pronounced  in  favor  of 
I  the  common  people.  Cimon,  when  he  returned,  see- 
ing the  authority  of  this  great  council  so  upset,  was 
exceedingly  troubled,  and  endeavored  to  remedy 
these  disorders  by  bringing  the  courts  of  law  to 
their  former  state,  and  restoring  the  old  aristocracy 
of  the  time  of  Clisthenes.  This  the  others  declaimed 
against  with  all  the  vehemence  possible,  and  began  to 
revive  those  stories  concerning  him  and  his  sister, 
and  cried  out  against  him  as  the  partisan  of  the 
Lacedeemonians.  To  these  calumnies  the  famous 
verses  of  Eupolis,  the  poet,  upon  Cimon  refer: — 

He  was  as  good  as  others  that  one  sees. 
But  he  was  fond  of  drinking  and  of  ease; 
And  would  at  nights  to  Sparta  often  roam, 
Leaving  his  sister  desolate  at  home. 

But  if,  though  slothful  and  a  drunkard,  he  could 
capture  so  many  towns,  and  gain  so  many  victories, 
certainly  if  he  had  been  sober  and  minded  his  busi- 
ness, there  had  been  no  Grecian  commander,  either 
before  or  after  him,  that  could  have  surpassed  him 
for  exploits  of  war. 

He  was,  indeed,  a  favorer  of  the  Lacedaemonians 
even  from  his  youth,  and  he  gave  the  names  of  Lace- 
deemonius  and  Eleus  to  two  sons,  twins,  whom  he 
had,  as  Stesimbrotus  says,  by  a  woman  of  Clitorium, 
whence  Pericles  often  upbraided  them  with  their 
mother's  blood.  But  Diodorus,  the  geographer,  as- 
serts that  both  these,  and  another  son  of  Cimon's, 
whose  name  was  Thessalus,  were  born  of  Isodice,  the 
daughter  of  Euryptolemus,  the  son  of  Megacles. 

However,  this  is  certain,  that  Cimon  was  counte- 


236  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


nanced  by  the  Lacedaemonians  in  opposition  to 
Themistocles,  whom  they  disliked;  and  while  he  was 
yet  very  young,  they  endeavored  to  raise  and  increase 
his  credit  in  Athens.  This  the  Athenians  perceived 
at  first  with  pleasure,  and  the  favor  the  Lacedsemo- 
nians  showed  him  was  in  various  ways  advantageous 
to  them  and  their  affairs;  as  at  that  time  they  were 
just  rising  to  power,  and  were  occupied  in  winning 
the  allies  to  their  side.  So  they  seemed  not  at  all 
offended  with  the  honor  and  kindness  shown  to 
Cimon,  who  then  had  the  chief  management  of  all 
the  affairs  of  Greece,  and  was  acceptable  to  the 
Laceda3monians,  and  courteous  to  the  allies.  But 
afterwards  the  Athenians,  grown  more  powerful, 
when  they  saw  Cimon  so  entirely  devoted  to  the 
Lacedsemonians,  began  to  be  angry,  for  he  would 
always  in  his  speeches  prefer  them  to  the  Athenians, 
and  upon  every  occasion,  when  he  would  reprimand 
them  for  a  fault,  or  incite  them  to  emulation,  he 
would  exclaim,  "The  Lacedaemonians  would  not  do 
thus."  This  raised  the  discontent,  and  got  him  in 
some  degree  the  hatred  of  the  citizens ;  but  that  which 
ministered  chiefly  to  the  accusation  against  him  fell 
out  upon  the  following  occasion. 

In  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Archidamus,  the 
son  of  Zeuxidamus,  king  of  Sparta,  there  happened 
in  the  country  of  Laceda^mon,  the  greatest  earth- 
quake that  was  known  in  the  memory  of  man;  the 
earth  opened  into  chasms,  and  the  mountain  Taygetus 
was  so  shaken,  that  some  of  the  rocky  points  of  it 
fell  down,  and  except  five  houses,  all  the  town  of 
Sparta  was  shattered  to  pieces.  They  say,  that  a 
little  before  any  motion  was  perceived,  as  the  young 
men  and  the  boys  just  grown  up  were  exercising 
themselves  together  in  the  middle  of  the  portico,  a 
hare,  of  a  sudden,  started  out  just  by  them,  which 


CIMON 


237 


the  young  men,  though  all  naked  and  daubed  with 
oil,  ran  after  for  sport.  No  sooner  were  they  gone 
from  the  place,  than  the  gymnasium  fell  down  upon 
the  boys  who  had  stayed  behind,  and  killed  them  all. 
Their  tomb  is  to  this  day  called  Sismatias.^^  Archi- 
damus,  by  the  present  danger  made  apprehensive  of 
what  might  follow,  and  seeing  the  citizens  intent 
upon  removing  the  most  valuable  of  their  goods  out 
of  their  houses,  commanded  an  alarm  to  be  sounded, 
as  if  an  enemy  were  coming  upon  them,  in  order  that 
they  should  collect  about  him  in  a  body,  with  arms. 
It  was  this  alone  that  saved  Sparta  at  that  time,  for 
the  Helots  were  got  together  from  the  country  about, 
with  design  to  surprise  the  Spartans,  and  overpower 
those  whom  the  earthquake  had  spared.  But  finding 
them  armed  and  well  prepared,  they  retired  into  the 
towns  and  openly  made  war  with  them,  gaining  over 
a  number  of  the  Laconians  of  the  country  districts; 
while  at  the  same  time  the  Messenians,  also,  made  an 
attack  upon  the  Spartans,  who  therefore  despatched 
Periclidas  to  Athens  to  solicit  succors,  of  whom 
Aristophanes  says  in  mockery  that  he  came  and 

In  a  red  jacket,  at  the  altars  seated, 

With  a  white  face,  for  men  and  arms  entreated.^^ 

This  Ephialtes  opposed,  protesting  that  they 
ought  not  to  raise  up  or  assist  a  city  that  was  a  rival 
to  Athens;  but  that  being  down,  it  were  best  to  keep 
her  so,  and  let  the  pride  and  arrogance  of  Sparta 
be  trodden  under.  But  Cimon,  as  Critias  says,  pre- 
ferring the  safety  of  Lacedsemon  to  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  his  own  country,  so  persuaded  the  people. 

From  Seismos,  or  as  it  is  written  in  Latin,  Sismus,  an  earth- 
quake. 

^3  From  the  Lysistrata  (1138). 


238  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


that  he  soon  marched  out  with  a  large  army  to  their 
relief.  Ion  records,  also,  the  most  successful  ex- 
pression which  he  used  to  move  the  Athenians.  "They 
ought  not  to  suffer  Greece  to  be  lamed,  nor  their 
own  city  to  be  deprived  of  her  yoke-fellow." 
\  In  his  return  from  aiding  the  Lacedaemonians,  he 
[passed  with  his  army  through  the  territory  of  Corinth ; 
[whereupon  Lachartus  reproached  him  for  bringing 
Ihis  army  into  the  country,  without  first  asking  leave 
iof  the  people.  For  he  that  knocks  at  another  man's 
Sdoor  ought  not  to  enter  the  house  till  the  master  gives 
him  leave.  "But  you,  Corinthians,  O  Lachartus," 
said  Cimon,  "did  not  knock  at  the  gates  of  the  Cle- 
on^eans  and  Megarians,  but  broke  them  down,  and 
entered  by  force,  thinking  that  all  places  should  be 
open  to  the  stronger."  And  having  thus  rallied  the 
Corinthian,  he  passed  on  with  his  army.  Some  time 
after  this,  the  Lacedaemonians  sent  a  second  time  to 
desire  succors  of  the  Athenians  against  the  Messe- 
nians  and  Helots,  who  had  seized  upon  Ithome.  But 
when  they  came,  fearing  their  boldness  and  gallantry, 
of  all  that  came  to  their  assistance,  they  sent  them 
only  back,  alleging  they  were  designing  innovations. 
The  Athenians  returned  home,  enraged  at  this  usage, 
and  vented  their  anger  upon  all  those  who  were  favor- 
jers  of  the  Lacedgemonians ;  and  seizing  some  slight 
toccasion,  they  banished  Cimon  for  ten  years,  which 
is  the  time  prescribed  to  those  that  are  banished  by  the 
ostracism.  In  the  meantime,  the  Lacedsemonians,  on 
Itheir  return  after  freeing  Delhi  from  the  Phocians, 
iencamped  their  army  at  Tanagra,  whither  the  Athe- 
nians presently  marched  with  design  to  fight  them. 

Cimon,  also,  came  thither  armed,  and  ranged  him- 
self among  those  of  his  own  tribe,  which  was  the 
CEneis,  desirous  of  fighting  with  the  rest  against  the 
Spartans;  but  the  council  of  five  hundred  being  in- 


CIMON 


239 


formed  of  this,  and  frighted  at  it,  his  adversaries  cry- 
ing out  he  would  disorder  the  army,  and  bring  the 
Lacedaemonians  to  Athens,  commanded  the  officers 
not  to  receive  him.  Wherefore  Cimon  left  the  army, 
conjuring  Euthippus,  the  Anaphlystian,  and  the  rest 
of  his  companions,  who  were  most  suspected  as  favor- 
ing the  Lacedsemonians,  to  behave  themselves  bravely 
against  their  enemies,  and  by  their  actions  make  their 
innocence  evident  to  their  countrymen.  These,  being 
in  all  a  hundred,  took  the  arms  of  Cimon,  and  fol- 
lowed his  advice;  and  making  a  body  by  themselves, 
fought  so  desperately  with  the  enemy,  that  they  were 
all  cut  off,  leaving  the  Athenians  deep  regret  for  the 
loss  of  such  brave  men,  and  repentance  for  having  so 
unjustly  suspected  them.  Accordingly,  they  did  not 
long  retain  their  severity  toward  Cimon,  partly  upon 
remembrance  of  his  former  services,  and  partly,  per- 
haps, induced  by  the  juncture  of  the  times.  For 
being  defeated  at  Tanagra  in  a  great  battle,  and 
fearing  the  Peloponnesians  would  come  upon  them 
at  the  opening  of  the  spring,  they  recalled  Cimon  by 
a  decree,  of  which  Pericles  himself  was  author. 
So  reasonable  were  men's  resentments  in  those  times, 
and  so  moderate  their  anger,  that  it  always  gave  way 
to  the  public  good.  Even  ambition,  the  least  govern- 
able of  all  human  passions,  could  then  yield  to  the 
necessities  of  the  State. 

Cimon,  as  soon  as  he  returned,  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  and  reconciled  the  two  cities.  Peace  thus  estab- 
lished, seeing  the  Athenians  impatient  of  being  idle, 
and  eager  after  the  honor  and  aggrandizement  of 
war,  lest  they  should  set  upon  the  Greeks  themselves, 
or  with  so  many  ships  cruising  about  the  isles  and 
Peloponnesus,  they  should  give  occasions  to  intestine 
wars,  or  complaints  of  their  allies  against  them,  he 
equipped  two  hundred  galleys,  with  design  to  make 


240  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


an  attempt  upon  Egypt  and  Cyprus ;  purposing,  by 
this  means,  to  accustom  the  Athenians  to  fight 
against  the  barbarians,  and  enrich  themselves  hon- 
estly by  spoiling  those  who  were  the  natural  enemies 
to  Greece.  But  when  all  things  were  prepared,  and 
the  army  ready  to  embark,  Cimon  had  this  dream.  It 
seemed  to  him  that  there  was  a  furious  bitch  barking 
at  him,  and,  mixed  with  the  barking,  a  kind  of  human 
voice  uttered  these  words : — 

Come  on,  for  thou  shalt  shortly  be, 
A  pleasure  to  my  whelps  and  me. 

This  dream  was  hard  to  interpret,  yet  Astyphilus  of 
Posidonia,^*  a  man  skilled  in  divinations,  and  intimate 
with  Cimon,  told  him  that  his  death  was  presaged  by 
this  vision,  which  he  thus  explained.  A  dog  is  enemy 
to  him  he  barks  at ;  and  one  is  always  most  a  pleasure 
to  one's  enemies,  when  one  is  dead;  the  mixture  of 
human  voice  with  barking  signifies  the  Medes,  for 
the  army  of  the  Medes  is  mixed  up  of  Greeks  and  bar- 
barians. After  this  dream,  as  he  was  sacrificing  to 
Bacchus,  and  the  priest  cutting  up  the  victim,  a 
number  of  ants,  taking  up  the  congealed  particles  of 
the  blood,  laid  them  about  Cimon's  great  toe.  This 
was  not  observed  for  a  good  while,  but  at  the  very 
time  when  Cimon  spied  it,  the  priest  came  and  showed 
him  the  liver  of  the  sacrifice  imperfect,  wanting  that 
part  of  it  called  the  head.  But  he  could  not  then 
recede  from  the  enterprise,  so  he  set  sail.  Sixty  of 
his  ships  he  sent  toward  Egypt;  with  the  rest  he 
went  and  fought  the  king  of  Persia's  fleet,  composed 
of  Phoenician  and  Cilician  galleys,  recovered  all  the 
cities  thereabout,  and  threatened  Egypt;  designing 

^*  Posidonia  is  Paestum;  this  is  one  of  the  first  things  men- 
tioned of  it. 


CIMON 


241 


no  less  than  the  entire  ruin  of  the  Persian  empire. 
And  the  rather,  for  that  he  was  informed  Themis- 
tocles  was  in  great  repute  among  the  barbarians, 
having  promised  the  king  to  lead  his  army,  when- 
ever he  should  make  war  upon  Greece.  But  The- 
mistocles,  it  is  said,  abandoning  all  hopes  of  com- 
passing his  designs,  very  much  out  of  the  despair 
of  overcoming  the  valor  and  good-fortune  of  Cimon, 
died  a  voluntary  death.  Cimon,  intent  on  great  de- 
signs, which  he  was  now  to  enter  upon,  keeping  his 
navy  about  the  isle  of  Cyprus,  sent  messengers  to 
consult  the  oracle  of  Jupiter  Ammon  upon  some 
secret  matter.  For  it  is  not  known  about  what  they 
were  sent,  and  the  god  would  give  them  no  answer, 
but  commanded  them  to  return  again,  for  that 
Cimon  was  already  with  him.  Hearing  this,  they  re- 
turned to  sea,  and  as  soon  as  they  came  to  the  Grecian 
army,  which  was  then  about  Egypt,  they  understood 
that  Cimon  was  dead;  and  computing  the  time  of 
the  oracle,  they  found  that  his  death  had  been  sig- 
nified, he  being  then  already  with  the  gods. 

He  died,  some  say,  of  sickness,  while  besieging 
Citium  in  Cyprus;  according  to  others,  of  a  wound 
he  received  in  a  skirmish  with  the  barbarians.  When 
he  perceived  he  should  die,  he  commanded  those 
under  his  charge  to  return,  and  by  no  means  to  let 
the  news  of  his  death  be  known  by  the  way ;  this  they 
did  with  such  secrecy  that  they  all  came  home  safe, 
and  neither  their  enemies  nor  the  allies  knew  what 
had  happened.  Thus,  as  Phanodemus  relates,  the 
Grecian  army  was,  as  it  were,  conducted  by  Cimon, 
thirty  days  after  he  was  dead.  But  after  his  death 
there  was  not  one  commander  among  the  Greeks 
that  did  any  thing  considerable  against  the  bar- 
barians, and  instead  of  uniting  against  their  com- 
mon enemies,  the  popular  leaders  and  partisans  of 


242  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


war  animated  them  against  one  another  to  that  de- 
gree, that  none  could  interpose  their  good  oiiiees  to 
reconcile  them.  And  while,  by  their  mutual  discord, 
they  ruined  the  power  of  Greece,  they  gave  the  Per- 
sians time  to  recover  breath,  and  repair  all  their 
losses.  It  is  true,  indeed,  Agesilaus  carried  the  arms 
of  Greece  into  Asia,  but  it  w^as  a  long  time  after; 
there  were,  indeed,  some  brief  appearances  of  a  war 
against  the  king's  lieutenants  in  the  maritime  prov- 
inces, but  they  all  quickly  vanished;  before  he  could 
perform  any  thing  of  moment,  he  was  recalled  by 
fresh  civil  dissensions  and  disturbances  at  home.  So 
that  he  was  forced  to  leave  the  Persian  king's  offi- 
cers to  impose  what  tribute  they  pleased  on  the  Greek 
cities  in  Asia,  the  confederates  and  allies  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians. Whereas,  in  the  time  of  Cimon,  not  so 
much  as  a  letter-carrier,  or  a  single  horseman,  was 
ever  seen  to  come  within  four  hundred  furlongs  of 
the  sea. 

The  monuments,  called  Cimonian  to  this  day,  in 
Athens,  show  that  his  remains  were  conveyed  home, 
yet  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  Citium  pay  particular 
honor  to  a  certain  tomb  which  they  call  the  tomb  of 
Cimon,  according  to  Nausicrates  the  rhetorician,  who 
states  that  in  a  time  of  famine,  when  the  crops  of 
their  land  all  failed,  they  sent  to  the  oracle,  which 
commanded  them  not  to  forget  Cimon,  but  give  him 
the  honors  of  a  superior  being.  Such  was  the  Greek 
commander."^^ 

■^^  Such  was  the  GreeJc  commander  is  a  translation  that  has 
come  from  Amyot,  "telle  done  a  este  la  vie  du  capitaine  Grec." 
The  text,  as  we  have  it  (agon,  not  hegemon),  means  Such  is  the 
Greek  game,  i.  e.,  thus  much  is  to  be  said  for  the  Greek  competitor 
in  the  present  pair  of  lives. 


LUCULLUS' 


Translated  by  Giles  Thornburgh,  A.  M. 

LucuLLUs's  grandfather  had  been  consul;  his 
uncle  by  the  mother's  sister  was  Metellus,  surnamed 
Numidicus.  As  for  his  parents,  his  father  was  con- 
victed of  extortion,  and  his  mother  Csecilia's  reputa- 
tion was  bad.  The  first  thing  that  Lucullus  did  be- 
fore ever  he  stood  for  any  office,  or  meddled  with  the 
affairs  of  state,  being  then  but  a  youth,  was,  to  ac- 
cuse the  accuser  of  his  father,  Servilius  the  augur, 
having  caught  him  in  an  offence  against  the  state. 
This  thing  v/as  much  taken  notice  of  among  the  Ro- 
mans, who  commended  it  as  an  act  of  high  merit. 
Even  without  the  provocation,  the  accusation  was 
esteemed  no  unbecoming  action,  for  they  delighted  to 
see  young  men  as  eagerly  attacking  injustice,  as  good 
dogs  do  wild  beasts.  But  when  great  animosities  en- 
sued, insomuch  that  some  were  wounded  and  killed 
in  the  fray,  Servilius  escaped.  Lucullus  followed  his 
studies,  and  became  a  competent  speaker,  in  both 
Greek  and  Latin,  insomuch  that  Sylla,  when  com- 
posing the  commentaries  of  his  own  life  and  actions, 
dedicated  them  to  him,  as  one  who  could  have  per- 
formed the  task  better  himself.  His  speech  was  not 
only  elegant  and  ready  for  purposes  of  mere  business, 

^  He  was  born  probably,  about  110  B.  C.  Celebrated  as  the 
conqueror  of  Mithridates.  He  amassed  vast  treasures  in  Asia, 
supplying  himself  the  means,  after  his  return  to  Rome,  for 
gratifying  his  taste  for  luxury  and  magnificence.  He  died  in 
57  or  56  B.  C— Dr.  William  Smith. 

(843) 


244  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


like  the  ordinary  orator}^  which  will  in  the  public 
market-place. 

Lash  as  a  wounded  tunny  does  the  sea,^ 

but  on  every  other  occasion  shows  itself 

Dried  up  and  perished  with  the  want  of  wit; 

but  even  in  his  younger  days  he  addicted  himself  to 
the  study,  simply  for  its  own  sake,  of  the  liberal  arts; 
and  when  advanced  in  years,  after  a  life  of  conflicts, 
he  gave  his  mind,  as  it  were  its  liberty,  to  enjoy  in 
full  leisure  the  refreshment  of  philosophy;  and  sum- 
moning up  his  contemplative  faculties,  administered 
a  timely  check,  after  his  difference  with  Pompey,  to 
his  feelings  of  emulation  and  ambition.  Besides  what 
has  been  said  of  his  love  of  learning  already,  one  in- 
stance more  was,  that  in  his  youth,  upon  a  suggestion 
of  writing  the  3Iarsian  war  in  Greek  and  Latin  verse 
and  prose,  arising  out  of  some  pleasantry  that  passed 
into  a  serious  proposal,  he  agreed  vrith  Hortensius 
the  la^^yer,  and  Sisenna  the  historian,  that  he  would 
take  his  lot ;  and  it  seems  that  the  lot  directed  him  to 
the  Greek  tongue,  for  a  Greek  history  of  that  war  is 
still  extant. 

Among  the  many  signs  of  the  great  love  which  he 
bore  to  his  brother  ^larcus,  one  in.  particular  is  com- 
memorated by  the  Romans.  Though  he  was  elder 
brother,  he  would  not  step  into  authority  without  him, 
but  deferred  his  own  advance  until  his  brother  was 
qualified  to  bear  a  share  with  him,  and  so  won  upon 

^  Lash  as  a  rvounded  tunny  does  the  sea  is  quoted  again  in 
Plutarch's  Essay  on  the  Tardiness  of  the  Gods  in  inflicting  Pun- 
ishment (de  Sera  Xnminis  Vindicta).  where  Wyttenbach,  in  his 
note,  conjectures  merely  that  it  comes  from  a  lost  play  of  -^^^schy- 
lus  or  Sophocles,  and  the  fragment  following  from  a  Comic 
writer.    But  nothing  further  is  known. 


LUCULLUS  245 

the  people,  as  when  absent  to  be  chosen  ^dile 
with  him. 

He  gave  many  and  early  proofs  of  his  valor  and 
conduct,  in  the  Marsian  war,  and  was  admired  by 
Sylla  for  his  constancy  and  mildness,  and  always 
employed  in  affairs  of  importance,  especially  in  the 
mint;  most  of  the  money  for  carrying  on  the  Mithri- 
datic  war  being  coined  by  him  in  Peloponnesus, 
which,  by  the  soldiers'  wants,  was  brought  into  rapid 
circulation,  and  long  continued  current  under  the 
name  of  Lucullean  coin.  After  this,  when  Sylla  con- 
quered Athens,  and  was  victorious  by  land,  but  found 
the  supplies  for  his  army  cut  off,  the  enemy  being 
master  at  sea,  LucuUus  was  the  man  whom  he  sent 
in  Libya  and  Egypt,  to  procure  him  shipping.  It 
was  the  depth  of  winter  when  he  ventured  with  but 
three  small  Greek  vessels,  and  as  many  Rhodian  gal- 
leys, not  only  into  the  main  sea,  but  also  among  mul- 
titudes of  vessels  belonging  to  the  enemies,  who  were 
cruising  about  as  absolute  masters.  Arriving  at 
Crete,  he  gained  it;  and  finding  the  Cyrenians 
harassed  by  long  tyrannies  and  wars,  he  composed 
their  troubles,  and  settled  their  government;  putting 
the  city  in  mind  of  that  saying  which  Plato  once  had 
oracularly  uttered  of  them,  who,  being  requested  to 
prescribe  laws  to  them,  and  mould  them  into  some 
sound  form  of  government,  made  answer,  that  it  was 
a  hard  thing  to  give  laws  to  the  Cyrenians,  abound- 
ing, as  they  did,  in  wealth  and  plenty.  For  nothing 
is  more  intractable  than  man  when  in  felicity,  nor 
any  thing  more  docile,  when  he  has  been  reduced  and 
humbled  by  fortune.  This  made  the  Cyrenians  so 
willingly  submit  to  the  laws  which  Lucullus  imposed 
upon  them.  From  thence  sailing  into  Egypt,  and, 
pressed  by  pirates,  he  lost  most  of  his  vessels;  but  he 
himself  narrowly  escaping,  made  a  magnificent  entry 


246  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


into  Alexandria.  The  whole  fleet,  a  compliment  due 
only  to  royalty,  met  him  in  full  array,  and  the  young 
Ptolemy  showed  wonderful  kindness  to  him,  appoint- 
ing him  lodging  and  diet  in  the  palace,  where  no 
foreign  commander  before  him  had  been  received. 
Besides,  he  gave  him  gratuities  and  presents,  not  such 
as  were  usually  given  to  men  of  his  condition,  but 
four  times  as  much;  of  which,  however,  he  took 
nothing  more  than  served  his  necessity,  and  accepted 
of  no  gift,  though  what  was  worth  eighty  talents  was 
offered  him.  It  is  reported  he  neither  went  to  see 
Memphis,  nor  any  of  the  celebrated  wonders  of 
Egypt.  It  was  for  a  man  of  no  business  and  much 
curiosity  to  see  such  things,  not  for  him  who  had  left 
his  commander  in  the  field,  lodging  under  the  ram- 
parts of  his  enemies. 

Ptolemy,  fearing  the  issue  of  that  war,  deserted 
the  confederacy,  but  nevertheless  sent  a  convoy  with 
him  as  far  as  Cyprus,  and  at  parting,  with  much  cere- 
mony, wishing  him  a  good  voyage,  gave  him  a  very 
precious  emerald  set  in  gold.  Lucullus  at  first  re- 
fused it,  but  when  the  king  showed  him  his  own  like- 
ness cut  upon  it,  he  thought  he  could  not  persist  in  a 
denial,  for  had  he  parted  with  such  open  offence,  it 
might  have  endangered  his  passage.  Drawing  a  con- 
siderable squadron  together,  which  he  summoned,  as 
he  sailed  by,  out  of  all  the  maritime  towns,  except 
those  suspected  of  piracy,  he  sailed  for  Cyprus;  and 
there  understanding  that  the  enemy  lay  in  wait  under 
the  promontories  for  him,  he  laid  up  his  fleet,  and  sent 
to  the  cities  to  send  in  provisions  for  his  wintering 
among  them.  But  when  time  served,  he  launched  his 
ships  suddenly,  and  went  off,  and  hoisting  all  his  sails 
in  the  night,  while  he  kept  them  down  in  the  day, 
thus  came  safe  to  Rhodes.  Being  furnished  with 
ships  at  Rhodes,  he  also  prevailed  upon  the  inhabi- 


LUCULLUS 


247 


j  tants  of  Cos  and  Cnidus,  to  leave  the  king's  side,  and 
t  join  in  an  expedition  against  the  Samians.    Out  of 
Chios  he  himself  drove  the  king's  party,  and  set  the 
Colophonians  at  liberty,  having  seized  Epigonus  the 
tyrant,  who  oppressed  them. 

About  this  time  Mithridates  left  Pergamus,  and 
retired  to  Pitane,  where  being  closely  besieged  by 
Fimbria  on  the  land,  and  not  daring  to  engage  with 
so  bold  and  victorious  a  commander,  he  was  concert- 
ing means  for  escape  by  sea,  and  sent  for  all  his  fleets 
from  every  quarter  to  attend  him.  Which  when 
Fimbria  perceived,  having  no  ships  of  his  own,  he  sent 
to  Lucullus,  entreating  him  to  assist  him  with  his,  in 
subduing  the  most  odious  and  warlike  of  kings,  lest  the 
opportunity  of  humbling  Mithridates,  the  prize  which 
the  Romans  had  pursued  with  so  much  blood  and 
trouble,  should  now  at  last  be  lost,  when  he  was 
within  the  net,  and  easily  to  be  taken.  And  were  he 
caught,  no  one  would  be  more  highly  commended  than 
Lucullus,  who  stopped  his  passage  and  seized  him  in 
his  flight.  Being  driven  from  the  land  by  the  one,  and 
met  in  the  sea  by  the  other,  he  would  give  matter  of 
renown  and  glory  to  them  both,  and  the  much  ap- 
plauded actions  of  Sylla  at  Orchomenus  and  about 
Chaeronea,  would  no  longer  be  thought  of  by  the 
Romans.  The  proposal  was  no  unreasonable  thing; 
it  being  obvious  to  all  men,  that  if  Lucullus  had  bark- 
ened to  Fimbria,  and  with  his  navy,  which  was  then 
near  at  hand,  had  blocked  up  the  haven,  the  war  soon 
had  been  brought  to  an  end,  and  infinite  numbers  of 
mischiefs  prevented  thereby.  But  he,  whether  from  the 
sacredness  of  friendship  between  himself  and  Sylla, 
reckoning  all  other  considerations  of  public  or  of 
private  advantage  inferior  to  it,  or  out  of  detestation 
of  the  wickedness  of  Fimbria,  whom  he  abhorred  for 
advancing  himself  by  the  late  death  of  his  friend  and 


248  PLUTARCH  S  LIVES 


the  general  of  the  army,  or  by  a  divine  fortune  spar- 
ing Mithridates  then,  that  he  might  have  him  for  an 
adversary  for  a  time  to  come,  for  whatever  reason, 
refused  to  comply,  and  suffered  Mithridates  to  escape 
and  laugh  at  the  attempts  of  Fimbria.  He  himself 
alone  first,  near  Lectum  in  Troas,  in  a  sea-fight,  over- 
came the  king's  ships;  and  afterwards,  discovering 
Neoptolemus  lying  in  wait  for  him  near  Tenedos, 
with  a  greater  fleet,  he  went  aboard  a  Khodian  quin- 
quereme  galley,  commanded  by  Damagoras,  a  man 
of  great  experience  at  sea,  and  friendly  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and  sailed  before  the  rest.  Neoptolemus  made 
up  furiously  at  him,  and  commanded  the  master,  with^ 
all  imaginable  might,  to  charge;  but  Damagoras, 
fearing  the  bulk  and  massy  stem  of  the  admiral, 
thought  it  dangerous  to  meet  him  prow  to  prow,  and, 
rapidly  wheeling  round,  bid  his  men  back  water,  and 
so  received  him  astern;  in  which  place,  though  vio- 
lently borne  upon,  he  received  no  manner  of  harm, 
the  blow  being  defeated  by  falling  on  those  parts  of 
the  ship  which  lay  under  water.  By  which  time,  the 
rest  of  the  fleet  coming  up  to  him,  Lucullus  gave 
order  to  turn  again,  and  vigorously  falling  upon  the 
enemy,  put  them  to  flight,  and  pursued  Neoptolemus. 
After  this  he  came  to  Sylla,  in  Chersonesus,  as  he 
was  preparing  to  pass  the  strait,  and  brought  timely 
assistance  for  the  safe  transportation  of  the  army. 

Peace  being  presently  made,  Mithridates  sailed 
off  to  the  Euxine  sea,  but  Sylla  taxed  the  inhabitants 
of  Asia  twenty  thousand  talents,  and  ordered  Lu- 
cullus to  gather  and  coin  the  money.  And  it  was  no 
small  comfort  to  the  cities  under  Sylla's  severity, 
that  a  man  of  not  only  incorrupt  and  just  behavior, 
but  also  of  moderation,  should  be  employed  in  so 
heavy  and  odious  an  office.  The  Mitylenseans,  who 
absolutely  revolted,  he  was  willing  should  return  to 


LUCULLUS 


249 


their  duty,  and  submit  to  a  moderate  penalty  for  the 
offence  they  had  given  in  the  ease  of  Marius.^  But, 
finding  them  bent  upon  their  own  destruction,  he 
came  up  to  them,  defeated  them  at  sea,  blocked  them 
up  in  their  city  and  besieged  them;  then  sailing  off 
from  them  openly  in  the  day  to  Eleea,  he  returned 
privately,  and  posting  an  ambush  near  the  city,  lay 
quiet  himself.  And  on  the  Mitylenseans  coming  out 
eagerly  and  in  disorder  to  plunder  the  deserted  camp, 
he  fell  upon  them,  took  many  of  them,  and  slew  five 
hundred,  who  stood  upon  their  defence.  He  gained 
six  thousand  slaves,  and  a  very  rich  booty. 

He  was  no  way  engaged  in  the  great  and  gen- 
eral troubles  of  Italy  which  Sylla  and  Marius  cre- 
ated, a  happy  providence  at  that  time  detaining  him 
in  Asia  upon  business.  He  was  as  much  in  Sylla's 
favor,  however,  as  any  of  his  other  friends;  Sylla,  as 
was  said  before,  dedicated  his  Memoirs  to  him  as  a 
token  of  kindness,  and  at  his  death,  passing  by 
Pompey,  made  him  guardian  to  his  son;  which  seems, 
indeed,  to  have  been  the  rise  of  the  quarrel  and  jeal- 
ousy between  them  two,  being  both  young  men,  and 
passionate  for  honor. 

A  little  after  Sylla's  death,  he  was  made  consul 
with  Marcus  Cotta,  about  the  one  hundred  and 
seventy-sixth  Olympiad.  The  Mithridatic  war  being 
then  under  debate,  Marcus  declared  that  it  was  not 
finished,  but  only  respited  for  a  time,  and  therefore, 
upon  choice  of  provinces,  the  lot  falling  to  Lucullus 
to  have  Gaul  within  the  Alps,  a  province  where  no 

^  Marius  should  in  correctness  be  Manius,  as  appears  from 
Velleius  Paterculus  (//.,  18),  who  relates  how  on  the  occupation 
of  the  coast  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor  by  Mithridates,  Manius 
Aquillius  and  other  Romans  were  handed  over  to  him  by  the 
Mitylenaeans. 


250  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


great  action  was  to  be  done,  he  was  ill-pleased.  But 
chiefly,  the  success  of  Pompey  in  Spain  fretted  him, 
as,  with  the  renown  he  got  there,  if  the  Spanish  war 
were  finished  in  time,  he  was  likely  to  be  chosen  gen- 
eral before  any  one  else  against  Mithridates.  So  that 
when  Pompey  sent  for  money,  and  signified  by  letter 
that,  unless  it  were  sent  him,  he  would  leave  the  coun- 
try and  Sertorius,  and  bring  his  forces  home  to  Italy, 
Lucullus  most  zealously  supported  his  request,  to  pre- 
vent any  pretence  of  his  returning  home  during  his 
own  consulship;  for  all  things  would  have  been  at  his 
disposal,  at  the  head  of  so  great  an  army.  For 
Cethegus,  the  most  influential  popular  leader  at  that 
time,  owing  to  his  always  both  acting  and  speaking  to 
please  the  people,  had,  as  it  happened,  a  hatred  to 
Lucullus,  who  had  not  concealed  his  disgust  at  his 
debauched,  insolent,  and  lawless  life.  Lucullus, 
therefore,  was  at  open  warfare  with  him.  And  Lucius 
Quintius,  also,  another  demagogue,  who  was  taking 
steps  against  Sylla's  constitution,  and  endeavoring  to 
put  things  out  of  order,  by  private  exhortations  and 
public  admonitions  he  checked  in  his  designs,  and  re- 
pressed his  ambition,  wisely  and  safely  remedying  a 
great  evil  at  the  very  outset. 

At  this  time  news  came  that  Octavius,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Cilicia,  was  dead,  and  many  were  eager  for 
the  place,  courting  Cethegus,  as  the  man  best  able  to 
serve  them.  Lucullus  set  little  value  upon  Cilicia 
itself,  no  otherwise  than  as  he  thought,  by  his  accept- 
ance of  it,  no  other  man  besides  himself  might  be 
employed  in  the  war  against  Mithridates,  by  reason 
of  its  nearness  to  Cappadocia.  This  made  him  strain 
every  effort  that  that  province  might  be  allotted  to 
himself,  and  to  none  other;  which  led  him  at  last 
into  an  expedient  not  so  honest  or  commendable,  as 
it  was  serviceable  for  compassing  his  design,  sub- 


LUCULLUS 


251 


mitting  to  necessity  against  his  own  inclination. 
There  was  one  Prgecia,  a  celebrated  wit  and  beauty, 
but  in  other  respects  nothing  better  than  an  ordinary- 
harlot;  who,  however,  to  the  charms  of  her  person 
adding  the  reputation  of  one  that  loved  and  served 
her  friends,  by  making  use  of  those  who  visited  her 
to  assist  their  designs  and  promote  their  interests,  had 
thus  gained  great  power.  She  had  seduced  Cethegus, 
the  first  man  at  that  time  in  reputation  and  authority 
of  all  the  city,  and  enticed  him  to  her  love,  and  so  had 
made  all  authority  follow  her.  For  nothing  of  mo- 
ment was  done  in  which  Cethegus  was  not  concerned, 
and  nothing  by  Cethegus  without  Prsecia.  This 
woman  LucuUus  gained  to  his  side  by  gifts  and  flat- 
tery, (and  a  great  price  it  was  in  itself  to  so  stately 
and  magnificent  a  dame,  to  be  seen  engaged  in  the 
same  cause  with  LucuUus,)  and  thus  he  presently 
found  Cethegus  his  friend,  using  his  utmost  interest 
to  procure  Cilicia  for  him;  which  when  once  obtained, 
there  was  no  more  need  of  applying  himself  either  to 
Prsecia,  or  Cethegus;  for  all  unanimously  voted  him 
to  the  Mithridatic  war,  by  no  hands  likely  to  be  so 
successfully  managed  as  his.  Pompey  was  still  con- 
tending with  Sertorius,  and  Metellus  by  age  unfit 
for  service;  which  two  alone  were  the  competitors  who 
could  prefer  any  claim  with  LucuUus  for  that  com- 
mand. Cotta,  his  colleague,  after  much  ado  in  the 
senate,  was  sent  away  with  a  fleet  to  guard  the  Pro- 
pontis,  and  defend  Bithynia. 

LucuUus  carried  with  him  a  legion  under  his  own 
orders,  and  crossed  over  into  Asia  and  took  the  com- 
mand of  the  forces  there,  composed  of  men  who  were 
all  thoroughly  disabled  by  dissoluteness  and  rapine, 
and  the  Fimbrians,  as  they  were  called,  utterly  un- 
manageable by  long  want  of  any  sort  of  discipline. 
For  these  were  they  who  under  Fimbria  had  slain 


252 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Flaccus,  the  consul  and  general,  and  afterwards  be- 
trayed Fimbria  to  Sylla;  a  wilful  and  lawless  set  of 
men,  but  warlike,  expert,  and  hardy  in  the  field.  Lu- 
cullus  in  a  short  time  took  down  the  courage  of  these, 
and  disciplined  the  others,  who  then  first,  in  all  prob- 
ability, knew  what  a  true  commander  and  governor 
was;  whereas  in  former  times  they  had  been  courted 
to  service,  and  took  up  arms  at  nobody's  command, 
but  their  own  wills. 

The  enemy's  provisions  for  war  stood  thus; 
Mithridates,  like  the  Sophists,*  boastful  and  haughty 
at  first,  set  upon  the  Romans,  with  a  very  inefficient 
army,  such,  indeed,  as  made  a  good  show,  but  was 
nothing  for  use;  but  being  shamefully  routed,  and 
taught  a  lesson  for  a  second  engagement,  he  reduced 
his  forces  to  a  proper,  serviceable  shape.  Dispensing 
with  the  mixed  multitudes,  and  the  noisy  menaces  of 
barbarous  tribes  of  various  languages,  and  with  the 
ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  a  greater 
temptation  to  the  victors  than  security  to  the  bearers, 
he  gave  his  men  broad  swords  like  the  Romans',  and 
massy  shields;  chose  horses  better  for  service  than 
show,  drew  up  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  foot 
in  the  figure  of  the  Roman  phalanx,  and  had  sixteen 
thousand  horse,  besides  chariots  armed  with  scythes, 
no  less  than  a  hundred.  Besides  which,  he  set  out  a 
fleet  not  at  all  cumbered  with  gilded  cabins,  luxurious 
baths,  and  women's  furniture,  but  stored  with  weap- 
ons and  darts,  and  other  necessaries,  and  thus  made 
a  descent  upon  Bithynia.  Not  only  did  these  parts 
willingly  receive  him  again,  but  almost  all  Asia  re- 

^  The  Sophists  in  Plato's  dialogues  always  begin  boldly  with 
any  showy,  blustering  piece  of  logic  that  occurs  to  them;  and 
it  is  only  when  Socrates  has  quietly  exposed  the  futility  of  this, 
that  they  bring  forward  something  less  pretentious  and  more  to 
the  point. 


LUCULLUS 


253 


garded  him  as  their  salvation  from  the  intolerable 
miseries  which  they  were  suffering  from  the  Roman 
money-lenders,  and  revenue  farmers.  These  after- 
wards, who  like  harpies  stole  away  their  very  nourish- 
ment, Lucullus  drove  away,  and  at  this  time  by  re- 
proving them,  did  what  he  could  to  make  them  more 
moderate,  and  to  prevent  a  general  secession,  then 
breaking  out  in  all  parts.  While  Lucullus  was  de- 
tained in  rectifying  these  matters,  Cotta,  finding  af- 
fairs ripe  for  action,  prepared  for  battle  with  Mithri- 
dates;  and  news  coming  from  all  hands  that  Lucullus 
had  already  entered  Phrygia,  on  his  march  against 
the  enemy,  he,  thinking  he  had  a  triumph  all  but  actu- 
ally in  his  hands,  lest  his  colleague  should  share  in  the 
glory  of  it,  hasted  to  battle  without  him.  But  being 
routed,  both  by  sea  and  land,  he  lost  sixty  ships  with 
their  men,  and  four  thousand  foot,  and  himself  was 
forced  into  and  besieged  in  Chalcedon,  there  wait- 
ing for  relief  from  Lucullus.  There  were  those  about 
Lucullus  who  would  have  had  him  leave  Cotta  and 
go  forward,  in  hope  of  surprising  the  defenceless  king- 
dom of  Mithridates.  And  this  was  the  feeling  of  the 
soldiers  in  general,  who  were  indignant  that  Cotta 
should  by  his  ill-counsel  not  only  lose  his  own  army, 
but  hinder  them  also  from  conquest,  which  at  that 
time,  without  the  hazard  of  a  battle,  they  might  have 
obtained.  But  Lucullus,  in  a  public  address,  declared 
to  them  that  he  would  rather  save  one  citizen  from  the 
enemy,  than  be  master  of  all  that  they  had. 

Archelaus,  the  former  commander  in  Boeotia  under 
Mithridates,  who  afterwards  deserted  him  and  accom- 
panied the  Romans,  protested  to  Lucullus  that,  upon 
his  bare  coming,  he  would  possess  himself  of  all  Pon- 
tus.  But  he  answered,  that  it  did  not  become  him  to 
be  more  cowardly  than  huntsmen,  to  leave  the  wild 
beasts  abroad,  and  seek  after  sport  in  their  deserted! 


254  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


dens.  Having  so  said,  he  made  towards  Mithridates 
with  thirty  thousand  foot,  and  two  thousand  five 
hundred  horse.  But  on  being  come  in  sight  of  his  ene- 
mies, he  was  astonished  at  their  numbers,  and  thought 
to  forbear  fighting,  and  wear  out  time.  But  Marius, 
whom  Sertorius  had  sent  out  of  Spain  to  Mithridates 
with  forces  under  him,  stepping  out  and  challenging 
him,  he  prepared  for  battle.  In  the  very  instant  be- 
fore joining  battle,  without  any  perceptible  alteration 
preceding,  on  a  sudden  the  sky  opened,  and  a  large 
luminous  body  fell  down  in  the  midst  between  the  ar- 
mies, in  shape  like  a  hogshead,  but  in  color  like  melted 
silver,  insomuch  that  both  armies  in  alarm  withdrew. 
This  wonderful  prodigy  happened  in  Phrygia,  near 
Otryse.  Lucullus  after  this  began  to  think  with  him- 
self that  no  human  power  and  wealth  could  suffice  to 
sustain  such  great  numbers  as  Mithridates  had,  for 
any  long  time  in  the  face  of  an  enemy,  and  commanded 
one  of  the  captives  to  be  brought  before  him,  and  first 
of  all  asked  him,  how  many  companions  had  been 
quartered  with  him,  and  how  much  provision  he  had 
left  behind  him,  and  when  he  had  answered  him,  com- 
manded him  to  stand  aside;  then  asked  a  second  and 
a  third  the  same  question;  after  which,  comparing  the 
quantity  of  provision  with  the  men,  he  found  that  in 
three  or  four  days'  time,  his  enemies  would  be  brought 
to  want.  This  all  the  more  determined  him  to  trust  to 
time,  and  he  took  measures  to  store  his  camp  with  all 
sorts  of  provision,  and  thus  living  in  plenty,  trusted 
to  watch  the  necessities  of  his  hungry  enemy. 

This  made  Mithridates  set  out  against  the  Cyzicen- 
ians,  miserably  shattered  in  the  fight  at  Chalcedon, 
where  they  lost  no  less  than  three  thousand  citizens  and 
ten  ships.  And  that  he  might  the  safer  steal  away 
unobserved  by  Lucullus,  immediately  after  supper,  by 
the  help  of  a  dark  and  wet  night,  he  went  off,  and  by 


LUCULLUS 


255 


the  morning  gained  the  neighborhood  of  the  city,  and 
sat  down  with  his  forces  upon  the  Adrastean  mount. 
Lucullus,  on  finding  him  gone,  pursued,  but  was  well 
pleased  not  to  overtake  him  with  his  own  forces  in 
disorder;  and  he  sat  down  near  what  is  called  the 
Thracian  village,  an  admirable  position  for  command- 
ing all  the  roads  and  the  places  whence,  and  through 
which  the  provisions  for  Mithridates's  camp  must  of 
necessity  come.  And  judging  now  of  the  event,  he 
no  longer  kept  his  mind  from  his  soldiers,  but  when 
the  camp  was  fortified  and  their  work  finished,  called 
them  together,  and  with  great  assurance  told  them 
that  in  a  few  days,  without  the  expense  of  blood,  he 
would  give  them  victory. 

Mithridates  besieged  the  Cyzicenians  with  ten 
camps  by  land,  and  with  his  ships  occupied  the  strait 
that  was  betwixt  their  city  and  the  main  land,  and  so 
blocked  them  up  on  all  sides;  they,  however,  were 
fully  prepared  stoutly  to  receive  him,  and  resolved  to 
endure  the  utmost  extremity,  rather  than  forsake  the 
Romans.  That  which  troubled  them  most  was,  that 
they  knew  not  where  Lucullus  was,  and  heard  nothing 
of  him,  though  at  that  time  his  army  was  visible  before 
them.  But  they  were  imposed  upon  by  the  Mithrida- 
tians,  who,  showing  them  the  Romans  encamped  on 
the  hills,  said,  "Do  ye  see  those?  Those  are  the  auxil- 
iary Armenians  and  Medes,  whom  Tigranes  has  sent 
to  Mithridates."  They  were  thus  overwhelmed  with 
thinking  of  the  vast  numbers  round  them,  and  could 
not  believe  any  way  of  relief  was  left  them,  even  if 
Lucullus  should  come  up  to  their  assistance.  Demo- 
nax,  a  messenger  sent  in  by  Archelaus,  was  the  first 
who  told  them  of  Lucullus's  arrival;  but  they  disbe- 
lieved his  report,  and  thought  he  came  with  a  story  in- 
vented merely  to  encourage  them.  At  which  time  it 
happened  that  a  boy,  a  prisoner  who  had  run  away 


256 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


from  the  enemy,  was  brought  before  them;  who,  being 
asked  where  Lucullus  was,  laughed  at  their  jesting, 
as  he  thought,  but,  finding  them  in  earnest,  with  his 
finger  pointed  to  the  Roman  camp;  upon  which  they 
took  courage.  The  lake  Dascylitis  was  navigated 
with  vessels  of  some  little  size;  one,  the  biggest  of 
them,  Lucullus  drew  ashore,  and  carrying  her  across 
in  a  wagon  to  the  sea,  filled  her  with  soldiers,  who 
sailing  along  unseen  in  the  dead  of  the  night,  came 
safe  into  the  city. 

The  gods  themselves,  too,  in  admiration  of  the  con- 
stancy of  the  Cyzicenians,  seem  to  have  animated 
them  with  manifest  signs,  more  especially  now  in  the 
festival  of  Proserpine,  where  a  black  heifer  being 
wanting  for  sacrifice,  they  supplied  it  by  a  figure 
made  of  dough,  which  they  set  before  the  altar.  But 
the  holy  heifer  set  apart  for  the  goddess,  and  at  that 
time  grazing  with  the  other  herds  of  the  Cyzicenians 
on  the  other  side  of  the  strait,  left  the  herd  and  swam 
over  to  the  city  alone,  and  offered  herself  for  sacrifice. 
By  night,  also,  the  goddess  appearing  to  Aristagoras, 
the  town  clerk,  "I  am  come,"  said  she,  "and  have 
brought  the  Libyan  piper  against  the  Pontic  trumpe- 
ter; bid  the  citizens,  therefore,  be  of  good  courage." 
While  the  Cyzicenians  were  wondering  what  the 
words  could  mean,  a  sudden  wind  sprung  up  and 
caused  a  considerable  motion  on  the  sea.  The  king's 
battering  engines,  the  wonderful  contrivance  of  Nico- 
nides  of  Thessaly,  then  under  the  walls,  by  their 
cracking  and  rattling,  soon  demonstrated  what  would 
follow;  after  which  an  extraordinarily  tempestuous 
south  wind  succeeding  shattered  in  a  short  space  of 
time  all  the  rest  of  the  works,  and  by  a  violent  con- 
cussion, threw  down  the  wooden  tower  a  hundred 
cubits  high.  It  is  said  that  in  Ilium  Minerva  appeared 
to  many  that  night  in  their  sleep,  with  the  sweat  run- 


LUCULLUS 


257 


ning  down  her  person,  and  showed  them  her  robe  torn 
in  one  place,  telling  them  that  she  had  just  arrived 
from  relieving  the  Cyzicenians;  and  the  inhabitants  to 
this  day  show  a  monument  with  an  inscription,  in- 
cluding a  public  decree,  referring  to  the  fact. 

Mithridates,  through  the  knavery  of  his  officers,  not 
knowing  for  some  time  .the  want  of  provision  in  his 
camp,  was  troubled  in  mind  that  the  Cyzicenians 
should  hold  out  against  him.  But  his  ambition  and 
anger  fell,  when  he  saw  his  soldiers  in  the  extremity 
of  want,  and  feeding  on  man's  flesh ;  as,  in  truth,  Lu- 
cullus  was  not  carrying  on  the  war  as  mere  matter  of 
show  and  stage-play,  but  according  to  the  proverb, 
made  the  seat  of  war  in  the  belly,  and  did  everything 
to  cut  off  their  supplies  of  food.  Mithridates,  there- 
fore, took  advantage  of  the  time,  while  Lucullus  was 
storming  a  fort,  and  sent  away  almost  all  his  horse  to 
Bithynia,  with  the  sumpter  cattle,  and  as  many  of 
the  foot  as  were  unfit  for  service.  On  intelligence  of 
which,  Lucullus,  while  it  was  yet  night,  came  to  his 
camp,  and  in  the  morning,  though  it  was  stormy 
weather,  took  with  him  ten  cohorts  of  foot,  and  the 
horse,  and  pursued  them  under  falling  snow  and  in 
cold  so  severe  that  many  of  his  soldiers  were  unable 
to  proceed ;  and  with  the  rest  coming  upon  the  enemy, 
near  the  river  Rhyndacus,  he  overthrew  them  with  so 
great  a  slaughter,  that  the  very  women  of  Apollonia 
came  out  to  seize  on  the  booty  and  strip  the  slain. 
Great  numbers,  as  we  may  suppose,  were  slain;  six 
thousand  horses  were  taken,  with  an  infinite  number 
of  beasts  of  burden,  and  no  less  than  fifteen  thousand 
men.  All  which  he  led  along  by  the  enemy's  camp.  I 
cannot  but  wonder  on  this  occasion  at  Sallust,  who 
says  that  this  was  the  first  time  camels  were  seen  by 
the  Romans,  as  if  he  thought  those  who,  long  before, 
under  Scipio,  defeated  Antiochus,  or  those  who  lately 


258  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


had  fought  against  Archelaus  near  Orchomenus  and 
Chseronea,  had  not  known  what  a  camel  was.  Mithri- 
dates,  himself  fully  determined  upon  flight,  as  mere 
delays  and  diversions  for  Lucullus,  sent  his  admiral 
Aristonicus  to  the  Greek  sea;  who,  however,  was  be- 
trayed in  the  very  instant  of  going  off,  and  Lucullus 
became  master  of  him,  and  ten  thousand  pieces  of 
gold  which  he  was  carrying  with  him  to  corrupt  some 
of  the  Roman  army.  After  which,  Mithridates  him- 
self made  for  the  sea,  leaving  the  foot  officers  to  con- 
duct the  army,  upon  whom  Lucullus  fell,  near  the 
river  Granicus,  where  he  took  a  vast  number  alive,  and 
slew  twenty  thousand.  It  is  reported  that  the  total 
number  killed,  of  fighting  men  and  of  others  who 
followed  the  camp,  amounted  to  something  not  far 
short  of  three  hundred  thousand. 

Lucullus  first  went  to  Cyzicus,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  all  the  joy  and  gratitude  suiting  the  occa- 
sion, and  then  collected  a  navy,  visiting  the  shores  of 
the  Hellespont.  And  arriving  at  Troas,  he  lodged 
in  the  temple  of  Venus,  where,  in  the  night,  he  thought 
he  saw  the  goddess  coming  to  him,  and  saying, 

Sleep'st  thou,  great  lion,  when  the  fawns  are  nigh? 

Rising  up  hereupon,  he  called  his  friends  to  him,  it 
being  yet  night,  and  told  them  his  vision;  at  which 
instant  some  Ilians  came  up  and  acquainted  him  that 
thirteen  of  the  king's  quinqueremes  were  seen  off  the 
Achaean  harbor,  sailing  for  Lemnos.  He  at  once  put 
to  sea,  took  these,  and  slew  their  admiral  Isidorus. 
And  then  he  made  after  another  squadron,  who  were 
just  come  into  port,  and  were  hauling  their  vessels 
ashore,  but  fought  from  the  decks,  and  sorely  galled 
Lucullus's  men;  there  being  neither  room  to  sail 
round  them,  nor  to  bear  upon  them  for  any  damage, 
his  ships  being  afloat,  while  theirs  stood  securq  and 


LUCULLUS 


259 


fixed  on  the  sand.  After  much  ado,  at  the  only  land- 
ing-place of  the  island,  he  disembarked  the  choicest 
of  his  men,  who,  falling  upon  the  enemy  behind,  killed 
some,  and  forced  others  to  cut  their  cables,  and  thus 
making  from  the  shore,  they  fell  foul  upon  one  an- 
other, or  came  v/ithin  the  reach  of  'Lucullus's  fleet. 
Many  were  killed  in  the  action.  Among  the  captives 
was  Marius,  the  commander  sent  by  Sertorius,  who 
had  but  one  eye.  And  it  was  Lucullus's  strict  com- 
mand to  his  men  before  the  engagement,  that  they 
should  kill  no  man  who  had  but  one  eye,  that  he  might 
rather  die  under  disgrace  and  reproach. 

This  being  over,  he  hastened  his  pursuit  after  Mith- 
ridates,  whom  he  hoped  to  find  still  in  Bithynia,  in- 
tercepted by  Voconius,  whom  he  sent  out  before  to 
Nicomedia  with  part  of  the  fleet,  to  stop  his  flight. 
But  Voconius,  loitering  in  Samothrace  to  get  initiated 
and  celebrate  a  feast,  let  slip  his  opportunity,  Mithri- 
dates  being  passed  by  with  all  his  fleet.  He,  hastening 
into  Pontus  before  Lucullus  should  come  up  to  him, 
was  caught  in  a  storm,  which  dispersed  his  fleet  and 
sunk  several  ships.  The  wreck  floated  on  all  the 
neighboring  shore  for  many  days  after.  The  mer- 
chant ship,  in  which  he  himself  was,  could  not  well  in 
that  heavy  swell  be  brought  ashore  by  the  masters  for 
its  bigness,  and  it  being  heavy  with  water  and  ready 
to  sink,  he  left  it  and  went  aboard  a  pirate  vessel,  de- 
livering himself  into  the  hands  of  pirates,  and  thus 
unexpectedly  and  wonderfully  came  safe  to  Heraclea, 
in  Pontus. 

Thus  the  proud  language  Lucullus  had  used  to  the 
senate,  ended  without  any  mischance.  For  they  hav- 
ing decreed  him  three  thousand  talents  to  furnish  out 
a  navy,  he  himself  was  against  it  and  sent  them  word 
that  without  any  such  great  and  costly  supplies,  by 
the  confederate  shipping  alone,  he  did  not  in  the  least 


260  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


doubt  but  to  rout  JNIithridates  from  the  sea.  And  so 
he  did,  by  divine  assistance,  for  it  is  said  that  the  wrath 
of  Diana  of  Priapus  brought  the  great  tempest  upon 
the  men  of  Pontus,  because  they  had  robbed  her  tem- 
ple, and  removed  her  image. 

]Many  were  persuading  LucuUus  to  defer  the  war, 
but  he  rejected  their  counsel,  and  marched  through 
Bithynia  and  Galatia  into  the  king's  country,  in  such 
great  scarcity  of  provision  at  first,  that  thirty  thou- 
sand Galatians  followed,  every  man  carrying  a  bushel 
of  wheat  at  his  back.  But  subduing  all  in  his  progress 
before  him,  he  at  last  found  himself  in  such  great 
plenty,  that  an  ox  was  sold  in  the  camp  for  a  single 
drachma,  and  a  slave  for  four.  The  other  booty  they 
made  no  account  of,  but  left  it  behind  or  destroyed  it; 
there  being  no  disposing  of  it,  where  all  had  such 
abundance.  But  when  they  had  made  frequent  incur- 
sions with  their  cavalry,  and  had  advanced  as  far  as 
Themiscyra,  and  the  plains  of  the  Thermodon,  merely 
laying  waste  the  country  before  them,  they  began  to 
find  fault  with  Lucullus,  asking  "why  he  took  so 
many  towns  by  surrender,  and  never  one  by  storm, 
which  might  enrich  them  with  the  plunder?  and  now, 
forsooth,  leaving  Amisus  behind,  a  rich  and  wealthy 
city,  of  easy  conquest,  if  closely  besieged,  he  will  carry 
us  into  the  Tibarenian  and  Chaldean  wilderness,  to 
fight  with  Mithridates."  Lucullus,  little  thinking 
this  would  be  of  such  dangerous  consequence  as  it 
afterwards  proved,  took  no  notice  and  slighted  it ;  and 
was  rather  anxious  to  excuse  himself  to  those  who 
blamed  his  tardiness,  in  losing  time  about  small  pitiful 
places  not  worth  the  while,  and  allowing  Mithridates 
opportunity  to  recruit.  "That  is  what  I  design,"  said 
he,  "and  sit  here  contriving  by  my  delay,  that  he  may 
grow  great  again,  and  gather  a  considerable  army, 
which  may  induce  him  to  stands  and  not  fly  away  be- 


LUCULLUS 


261 


fore  us.  For  do  you  not  see  the  wide  and  unknown 
wilderness  behind?  Caucasus  is  not  far  off,  and  a  mul- 
titude of  vast  mountains,  enough  to  conceal  ten  thou- 
sand kings  that  wished  to  avoid  a  battle.  Besides  this. 
It  a  journey  but  of  few  days  leads  from  Cabira  to  Ar- 
menia, where  Tigranes  reigns,  king  of  kings,  and  holds 
in  his  hands  a  power  that  has  enabled  him  to  keep  the 
Parthians  in  narrow  bounds,  to  remove  Greek  cities 
bodily  into  Media,  to  conquer  Syria  and  Palestine,  to 
put  to  death  the  kings  of  the  royal  line  of  Seleucus, 
and  carry  away  their  wives  and  daughters  by  violence. 
This  same  is  relation  and  son-in-law  to  Mithridates, 
and  cannot  but  receive  him  upon  entreaty,  and  enter 
into  war  with  us  to  defend  him;  so  that,  while  we  en- 
deavor to  depose  Mithridates,  we  shall  endanger  the 
bringing  in  of  Tigranes  against  us,  who  already  has 
sought  occasion  to  fall  out  with  us,  but  can  never  find 
one  so  justifiable  as  the  succor  of  a  friend  and  prince 
in  his  necessity.  Why,  therefore,  should  we  put  Mith- 
ridates upon  this  resource,  who  as  yet  does  not  see  how 
he  may  best  fight  with  us,  and  disdains  to  stoop  to 
Tigranes;  and  not  rather  allow  him  time  to  gather  a 
new  army  and  grow  confident  again,  that  we  may  thus 
fight  with  Colchians,  and  Tibarenians,  whom  we  have 
often  defeated  already,  and  not  with  Medes  and  Ar- 
menians." 

Upon  these  motives,  Lucullus  sat  down  before 
Amisus,  and  slowly  carried  on  the  siege.  But  the  win- 
ter being  well  spent,  he  left  Murena  in  charge  of  it, 
and  went  himself  against  Mithridates,  then  rendez- 
vousing at  Cabira,  and  resolving  to  await  the  Romans, 
with  forty  thousand  foot  about  him,  and  fourteen 
thousand  horse,  on  whom  he  chiefly  confided.  Passing 
the  river  Lycus,  he  challenged  the  Romans  into  the 
plains,  where  the  cavalry  engaged,  and  the  Romans 
were  beaten.   Pomponius,  a  man  of  some  note,  was 


262  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


taken  wounded ;  and  sore,  and  in  pain  as  he  was,  was 
carried  before  Mithridates,  and  asked  by  the  king,  if 
he  would  become  his  friend,  if  he  saved  his  hfe.  He 
answered,  ''yes,  if  you  become  reconciled  to  the  Ro- 
mans; if  not,  your  enemy."  Mithridates  wondered  at 
him,  and  did  him  no  hurt.  The  enemy  being  with 
their  cavalry  master  of  the  plains,  Lucullus  was  some- 
thing afraid,  and  hesitated  to  enter  the  mountains,  be- 
ing very  large,  woody,  and  almost  inaccessible,  when, 
by  good  luck,  some  Greeks)  who  had  fled  into  a  cave 
were  taken,  the  eldest  of  whom,  Artemidorus  by 
name,  promised  to  bring  Lucullus,  and  seat  him  in  a 
place  of  safety  for  his  army,  where  there  was  a  fort 
that  overlooked  Cabira.  Lucullus,  believing  him, 
lighted  his  fires,  and  marched  in  the  night ;  and  safely 
passing  the  defile,  gained  the  place,  and  in  the  morning 
was  seen  above  the  enemy,  pitching  his  camp  in  a  place 
advantageous  to  descend  upon  them  if  he  desired  to 
fight,  and  secure  from  being  forced,  if  he  preferred  to 
lie  still.  Neither  side  was  willing  to  engage  at  present. 
But  it  is  related  that  some  of  the  king's  party  were 
hunting  a  stag,  and  some  Romans  wanting  to  cut  them 
off,  came  out  and  met  them.  Whereupon  they  skir- 
mished, more  still  drawing  together  to  each  side,  and 
at  last  the  king's  party  prevailed,  on  which  the  Ro- 
mans, from  their  camp  seeing  their  companions  fly, 
were  enraged,  and  ran  to  Lucullus  with  entreaties  to 
lead  them  out,  demanding  that  the  sign  might  be  given 
for  battle.  But  he,  that  they  might  know  of  what 
consequence  the  presence  and  appearance  of  a  wise 
commander  is  in  time  of  conflict  and  danger,  ordered 
them  to  stand  still.  But  he  went  down  himself  into 
the  plains,  and  meeting  with  the  foremost  that  fled, 
commanded  them  to  stand  and  turn  back  with  him. 
These  obeying,  the  rest  also  turned  and  formed  again 
in  a  body,  and  thus,  with  no  great  difficulty,  drove 


LUCULLUS 


263 


back  the  enemies,  and  pursued  them  to  their  camp. 
After  his  return,  Lucullus  inflicted  the  customary 
punishment  upon  the  fugitives,  and  made  them  dig  a 
trench  of  twelve  foot,  working  in  their  frocks  unfas- 
tened, while  the  rest  stood  by  and  looked  on. 

There  was  in  Mithridates's  camp,  one  Olthacus  a 
chief  of  the  Dandarians,  a  barbarous  people  living 
near  the  lake  Mseotis,  a  man  remarkable  for  strength 
and  courage  in  fight,  wise  in  council,  and  pleasant  and 
ingratiating  in  conversation.  He,  out  of  emulation, 
and  a  constant  eagerness  which  possessed  him  to  outdo 
one  of  the  other  chiefs  of  his  country,  promised  a  great 
piece  of  service  to  Mithridates,  no  less  than  the  death 
of  Lucullus.  The  king  commended  his  resolution, 
and,  according  to  agreement,  counterfeited  anger,  and 
put  some  disgrace  upon  him ;  whereupon  he  took  horse, 
and  fled  to  Lucullus,  who  kindly  received  him,  being 
a  man  of  great  name  in  the  army.  After  some  short 
trial  of  his  sagacity  and  perseverance,  he  found  way 
to  LucuUus's  board  and  council.  The  Dandarian, 
thinking  he  had  a  fair  opportunity,  commanded  his 
servants  to  lead  his  horse  out  of  the  camp,  while  he 
himself,  as  the  soldiers  were  refreshing  and  resting 
themselves,  it  being  then  high  noon,  went  to  the  gen- 
eral's tent,  not  at  all  expecting  that  entrance  would 
be  denied  to  one  who  was  so  familiar  with  him,  and 
came  under  pretence  of  extraordinary  business  with 
him.  He  had  certainly  been  admitted,  had  not  sleep, 
which  has  destroyed  many  captains,  saved  Lucullus. 
For  so  it  was,  and  Menedemus,  one  of  the  bedcham- 
ber, was  standing  at  the  door,  who  told  Olthacus  that 
it  was  altogether  unseasonable  to  see  the  general,  since, 
ifter  long  watching  and  hard  labor,  he  was  but  just  be- 
fore laid  down  to  repose  himself.  Olthacus  would  not 
go  away  upon  this  denial,  but  still  persisted,  saying 
that  he  must  go  in  to  speak  of  some  necessary  affairs. 


264  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


whereupon  Menedemus  grew  angry,  and  replied  that 
nothing  was  more  necessary  than  the  safety  of  Lucul- 
lus,  and  forced  him  away  with  both  hands.  Upon 
which,  out  of  fear,  he  straightway  left  the  camp,  took 
horse,  and  without  effect  returned  to  Mithridates. 
Thus  in  action  as  in  physic,  it  is  the  critical  moment 
that  gives  both  the  fortunate  and  the  fatal  effect. 

After  this,  Sornatius  being  sent  out  with  ten  com- 
panies for  forage,  and  pursued  by  Menander,  one  of 
Mithridates's  captains,  stood  his  ground,  and  after  a 
sharp  engagement,  routed  and  slew  a  considerable 
number  of  the  enemy.  Adrianus  being  sent  afterward, 
with  some  forces,  to  procure  food  enough  and  to  spare 
for  the  camp,  Mithridates  did  not  let  the  opportunity 
slip,  but  despatched  Menemachus  and  Myro,  with  a 
great  force,  both  horse  and  foot,  against  him,  all  which 
except  two  men,  it  is  stated,  were  cut  off  by  the  Ro- 
mans. Mithridates  concealed  the  loss,  giving  it  out 
that  it  was  a  small  defeat,  nothing  near  so  great  as 
reported,  and  occasioned  by  the  unskilfulness  of  the 
leaders.  Bnt  Adrianus  in  great  pomp  passed  by  his 
camp,  having  many  wagons  full  of  corn  and  other 
booty,  filling  Mithridates  with  distress,  and  the  army 
with  confusion  and  consternation.  It  was  resolved, 
therefore,  to  stay  no  longer.  But  when  the  king's 
servants  sent  away  their  own  goods  quietly,  and  hin- 
dered others  from  doing  so  too,  the  soldiers  in  great 
fury  thronged  and  crowded  to  the  gates,  seized  on  the 
king's  servants  and  killed  them,  and  plundered  the 
baggage.  Dorylaus,  the  general,  in  his  confusion, 
having  nothing  else  besides  his  purple  cloak,  lost  his 
life  for  that,  and  Hermans,  the  priest,  was  trod  under- 
foot in  the  gate. 

Mithridates,  having  not  one  of  his  guards,  nor  even 
a  groom  remaining  with  him,  got  out  of  the  camp  in 
the  throng,  but  had  none  of  his  horses  with  him;  until 


LUCULLUS 


265 


Ptolemy,  the  eunuch,  some  little  time  after,  seeing 
him  in  the  press  making  his  way  among  the  others,  dis- 
mounted and  gave  his  horse  to  the  king.  The  Romans 
were  already  close  upon  him  in  their  pursuit,  nor  was 
it  through  want  of  speed  that  they  failed  to  catch  him, 
but  they  were  as  near  as  possible  doing  so.  But  greed- 
iness and  a  petty  military  avarice  hindered  them  from 
acquiring  that  booty,  which  in  so  many  fights  and  haz- 
ards they  had  sought  after,  and  lost  Lucullus  the  prize 
of  his  victory.  For  the  horse  which  carried  the  king 
was  within  reach,  but  one  of  the  mules  that  carried  the 
treasure  either  by  accident  stepping  in,  or  by  order  of 
the  king  so  appointed  to  go  between  him  and  the  pur- 
suers, they  seized  and  pilfered  the  gold,  and  falling 
out  among  themselves  about  the  prey,  let  slip  the  great 
prize.  Neither  was  their  greediness  prejudicial  to  Lu- 
cullus in  this  only,  but  also  they  slew  Callistratus,  the 
king's  confidential  attendant,  under  suspicion  of  hav- 
ing five  hundred  piece  of  gold  in  his  girdle;  whereas 
Lucullus  had  specially  ordered  that  he  should  be  con- 
veyed safe  into  the  camp.  Notwithstanding  all  which, 
he  gave  them  leave  to  plunder  the  camp. 

After  this,  in  Cabira,  and  other  strongholds  which 
he  took,  he  found  great  treasures,  and  private  prisons 
in  which  many  Greeks  and  many  of  the  king's  rela- 
tions had  been  confined,  who,  having  long  since  count- 
ed themselves  no  other  than  dead  men,  by  the  favor  of 
Lucullus,  met  not  with  relief  so  truly  as  with  a  new 
life  and  second  birth.  Nyssa,  also,  sister  of  Mithri- 
dates,  enjoyed  the  like  fortunate  captivity;  while 
those  who  seemed  to  be  most  out  of  danger,  his  wives 
and  sisters  at  Phernacia,  placed  in  safety,  as  they 
thought,  miserably  perished,  Mithridates  in  his  flight 
sending  Bacchides  the  eunuch  to  them.  Among  others 
there  were  two  sisters  of  the  king,  Roxana  and  Sta- 
t  tira,  unmarried  women  forty  years  old,  and  two  lo- 


266 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


nian  wives,  Berenice  of  Chios,  and  3Ionime  of  ]SIiletus. 
This  latter  was  the  most  celebrated  among  the  Greeks, 
because  she  so  long  withstood  the  king  in  iiis  courtsliip 
to  her,  though  he  presented  her  with  fifteen  thousand 
pieces  of  gold,  until  a  covenant  of  marriage  was  made, 
and  a  crown  was  sent  her,  and  she  was  saluted  queen. 
She  had  been  a  sorrowful  woman  before,  and  often  be- 
wailed her  beauty,  that  had  procured  her  a  keeper,  in- 
stead of  a  husband,  and  a  watch  of  barbarians,  in- 
stead of  the  home  and  attendance  of  a  wife;  and, 
removed  far  from  Greece,  she  enjoyed  the  pleasure 
which  she  proposed  to  herself,  only  in  a  dream,  being 
in  the  meantime  robbed  of  that  which  is  real.  And 
when  Bacchides  came  and  bade  them  prepare  for 
death,  as  every  one  thought  most  easy  and  painless, 
she  took  the  diadem  from  her  head,  and  fastening  the 
string  to  her  neck,  suspended  herself  with  it;  which 
soon  breaking,  "O  wretched  headband!"  said  she,  "not 
able  to  help  me  even  in  this  small  thing !"  And  throw- 
ing it  away  she  spat  on  it,  and  offered  her  throat  to 
Bacchides.  Berenice  had  prepared  a  potion  for  her- 
self, but  at  her  mother's  entreaty,  who  stood  by,  she 
gave  her  part  of  it.  Both  drank  of  the  potion,  which 
prevailed  over  the  weaker  body.  But  Berenice,  hav- 
ing drunk  too  little,  was  not  released  by  it,  but  linger- 
ing on  unable  to  die,  was  strangled  by  Bacchides  for 
haste.  It  is  said  that  one  of  the  unmarried  sisters 
drank  the  poison,  with  bitter  execrations  and  curses; 
but  Statira  uttered  nothing  ungentle  or  reproachful, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  conmiended  her  brother,  who  in 
his  own  danger  neglected  not  theirs,  but  carefully  pro- 
vided  that  they  might  go  out  of  the  world  without 
shame  or  disgrace. 

Lucullus,  being  a  good  and  humane  man,  was  con- 
cerned at  these  things.  However,  going  on  he  came 
to  Talaura,  from  whence  four  da^^s  before  his  arrival 


LUCULLUS 


267 


Mithridates  had  fled,  and  was  got  to  Tigranes  in  Ar- 
menia. He  turned  off,  therefore,  and  subdued  the 
Chaldeans  and  Tibarenians,  with  the  lesser  Armenia, 
and  having  reduced  all  their  forts  and  cities,  he  sent 
Appius  to  Tigranes  to  demand  Mithridates.  He  him- 
self went  to  Amisus,  which  still  held  out  under  the 
command  of  Callimachus,  who,  by  his  great  engineer- 
ing skill,  and  his  dexterity  at  all  the  shifts  and  subtle- 
ties of  a  siege,  had  greatly  incommoded  the  Romans. 
For  which  afterward  he  paid  dear  enough,  and  was 
now  out-manoeuvred  by  Lucullus,  who,  unexpectedly 
coming  upon  him  at  the  time  of  the  day  when  the 
soldiers  used  to  withdraw  and  rest  themselves,  gained 
part  of  the  wall,  and  forced  him  to  leave  the  city,  in 
doing  which  he  fired  it,  either  envying  the  Romans  the 
booty,  or  to  secure  his  own  escape  the  better.  No  man 
looked  after  those  who  went  off  in  the  ships,  but  as 
soon  as  the  fire  had  seized  on  most  part  of  the  wall, 
the  soldiers  prepared  themselves  for  plunder;  while 
Lucullus,  pitying  the  ruin  of  the  city,  brought  assist- 
ance from  without,  and  encouraged  his  men  to  extin- 
guish the  flames.  But  all,  being  intent  upon  the  prey, 
and  giving  no  heed  to  him,  with  loud  outcries,  beat 
and  clashed  their  arms  together,  until  he  was  com- 
pelled to  let  them  plunder,  that  by  that  means  he 
might  at  least  save  the  city  from  fire.  But  they  did  # 
quite  the  contrary,  for  in  searching  the  houses  with 
lights  and  torches  everywhere,  they  were  themselves 
the  cause  of  the  destruction  of  most  of  the  buildings, 
insomuch  that  when  Lucullus  the  next  day  went  in,  he 
shed  tears,  and  said  to  his  friends,  that  he  had  often 
before  blessed  the  fortune  of  Sylla,  but  never  so 
much  admired  it  as  then,  because  when  he  was  willing, 
he  was  also  able  to  save  Athens,  ''but  my  infelicity  is 
such,  that  while  I  endeavor  to  imitate  him,  I  become 
like  Mummius."  Nevertheless,  he  endeavored  to  save 


268  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


as  much  of  the  city  as  he  could,  and  at  the  same  time, 
also,  by  a  happy  providence,  a  fall  of  rain  concurred 
to  extinguish  the  fire.  He  himself  while  present  re- 
paired the  ruins  as  much  as  he  could,  receiving  back 
the  inhabitants  who  had  fled,  and  settling  as  many 
other  Greeks  as  were  willing  to  live  there,  adding  a 
hundred  and  twenty  furlongs  of  ground  to  the  place. 

This  city  was  a  colony  of  Athens,  built  at  that  time 
when  she  flourished  and  was  powerful  at  sea,  upon 
which  account  many  who  fled  from  Aristion's  tyranny 
settled  here,  and  were  admitted  as  citizens,  but  had 
the  ill-luck  to  fly  from  evils  at  home,  into  greater 
abroad.  As  many  of  these  as  survived,  Lucullus  fur- 
nished every  one  with  clothes,  and  two  hundred  drach- 
mas, and  sent  them  away  into  their  own  country.  On 
this  occasion,  Tyrannion  the  grammarian  was  taken. 
Murena  begged  him  of  Lucullus,  and  took  him  and 
made  him  a  freedman;  but  in  this  he  abused  Lucul- 
lus's  favor,  who,  by  no  means  liked  that  a  man  of  high 
repute  for  learning  should  be  first  made  a  slave,  and 
then  freed;  for  freedom  thus  speciously  granted 
again,  was  a  real  deprivation  of  what  he  had  before. 
But  not  in  this  case  alone  Murena  showed  himself  far 
inferior  in  generosity  to  the  general. 

Lucullus  was  now  busy  in  looking  after  the  cities  of 
Asia,  and  having  no  war  to  divert  his  time,  spent  it 
in  the  administration  of  law  and  justice,  the  want  of 
which  had  for  a  long  time  left  the  province  a  prey  to 
unspeakable  and  incredible  miseries ;  so  plundered  and 
enslaved  by  tax-farmers  and  usurers,  that  private  peo- 
ple were  compelled  to  sell  their  sons  in  the  flower  of 
their  youth,  and  their  daughters  in  their  virginity,  and 
the  States  publicly  to  sell  their  consecrated  gifts,  pic- 
tures, and  statues.  In  the  end  their  lot  was  to  yield 
themselves  up  slaves  to  their  creditors,  but  before  this, 
worse  troubles  befell  them,  tortures,  inflicted  with 


LUCULLUS 


269 


ropes  and  by  horses,  standing  abroad  to  be  scorched 
when  the  sun  was  hot,  and  being  driven  into  ice  and 
clay  in  the  cold;  insomuch  that  slavery  was  no  less 
than  a  redemption  and  joy  to  them.  Lucullus  in  a 
short  time  freed  the  cities  from  all  these  evils  and  op- 
pressions; for,  first  of  all,  he  ordered  there  should  be 
no  more  taken  than  one  per  cent.^  Secondly,  where 
the  interest  exceeded  the  principal,  he  struck  it  off. 
The  third,  and  most  considerable  order  was,  that  the 
creditor  should  receive  the  fourth  part  of  the  debtor's 
income ;  but  if  any  lender  had  added  the  interest  to  the 
principal,  it  was  utterly  disallowed.  Insomuch,  that 
in  the  space  of  four  years  all  debts  were  paid,  and 
lands  returned  to  their  right  owners.  The  public  debt 
was  contracted  when  Asia  was  fined  twenty  thousand 
talents  by  Sylla,  but  twice  as  much  was  paid  to  the 
collectors,  who  by  their  usury  had  by  this  time  ad- 
vanced it  to  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  talents. 
And  accordingly  they  inveighed  against  Lucullus  at 
Rome,  as  grossly  injured  by  him,  and  by  their  money's 
help  (as,  indeed,  they  were  very  powerful,  and  had 
many  of  the  statesmen  in  their  debt),  they  stirred  up 
several  leading  men  against  him.  But  Lucullus  was 
not  only  beloved  by  the  cities  which  he  obliged,  but 
was  also  wished  for  by  other  provinces,  who  blessed 
the  good-luck  of  those  who  had  such  a  governor  over 
them. 

Appius  Clodius,  who  was  sent  to  Tigranes  (the 
same  Clodius  was  brother  to  Lucullus's  wife),  being 
led  by  the  king's  guides,  a  roundabout  way,  unneces- 
sarily long  and  tedious,  through  the  upper  country, 
being  informed  by  his  freedman,  a  Syrian  by  nation, 
of  the  direct  road,  left  that  lengthy  and  fallacious 

^  One  per  cent,  per  month,  twelve  per  cent. ;  centesimae  usurse, 
a  very  general  rate. 


270  PLUTARCPI'S  LIVES 


one;  and  bidding  the  barbarians,  his  guides,  adieu,  in 
a  few  days  passed  over  Euphrates,  and  came  to  An- 
tioch  upon  Daphne.  There  being  commanded  to  wait 
for  Tigranes,  who  at  that  time  was  reducing  some 
towns  in  Phoenicia,  he  won  over  many  chiefs  to  his 
side,  who  unwilHngly  submitted  to  the  king  of  Arme- 
nia, among  whom  was  Zarbienus,  king  of  the  Gord- 
yenians;  also  many  of  the  conquered  cities  corre- 
sponded privately  with  him,  whom  he  assured  of  relief 
from  Lucullus,  but  ordered  them  to  lie  still  at  present. 
The  Armenian  government  was  an  oppressive  one, 
and  intolerable  to  the  Greeks,  especially  that  of  the 
present  king,  who,  growing  insolent  and  overbearing 
with  his  success,  imagined  all  things  valuable  and  es- 
teemed among  men  not  only  were  his  in  fact,  but  had 
been  purposely  created  for  him  alone.  From  a  small 
and  inconsiderable  beginning,  he  had  gone  on  to  be 
the  conqueror  of  many  nations,  had  humbled  the  Par- 
thian power  more  than  any  before  him,  and  filled  Mes- 
opotamia with  Greeks,  whom  he  carried  in  numbers 
out  of  Cilicia  and  Cappadocia.  He  transplanted  also 
the  Arabs,  who  lived  in  tents,  from  their  country  and 
home,  and  settled  them  near  him,  that  by  their  means 
he  might  carry  on  the  trade. 

He  had  many  kings  waiting  on  him,  but  four  he 
always  carried  with  him  as  servants  and  guards,  who, 
when  he  rode,  ran  by  his  horse's  side  in  ordinary  un- 
der-frocks,  and  attended  him,  when  sitting  on  his 
throne,  and  publishing  his  decrees  to  the  people,  with 
their  hands  folded  together,  which  posture  of  all  others 
was  that  which  most  expressed  slavery,  it  being  that 
of  men  who  had  bidden  adieu  to  liberty,  and  had  pre- 
pared their  bodies  more  for  chastisement,  than  the 
service  of  their  masters.  Appius,  nothing  dismayed 
or  surprised  at  this  theatrical  desplay,  as  soon  as 
audience  was  granted  him,  said  he  came  to  demand 


LUCULLUS 


271 


Mithridates  for  Lucullus's  triumph,  otherwise  to  de- 
nounce war  against  Tigranes,  insomuch  that  though 
Tigranes  endeavored  to  receive  him  with  a  smooth 
countenance  and  a  forced  smile,  he  could  not  dissem- 
ble his  discomposure  to  those  who  stood  about  him,  at 
the  bold  language  of  the  young  man;  for  it  was  the 
first  time,  perhaps,  in  twenty-five  years,  the  length  of 
his  reign,  or,  more  truly,  of  his  tyranny,  that  any  free 
speech  had  been  uttered  to  him.  However,  he  made 
answer  to  Appius,  that  he  would  not  desert  Mithri- 
dates, and  would  defend  himself,  if  the  Romans  at- 
tacked him.  He  was  angry,  also,  with  Lucullus  for 
calling  him  only  king  in  his  letter,  and  not  king  of 
kings,  and,  in  his  answer,  would  not  give  him  his  title 
of  imperator.  Great  gifts  were  sent  to  Appius,  which 
he  refused;  but  on  their  being  sent  again  and  aug- 
mented, that  he  might  not  seem  to  refuse  in  anger,  he 
took  one  goblet  and  sent  the  rest  back,  and  without 
delay  went  off  to  the  general. 

Tigranes  before  this  neither  vouchsafed  to  see  nor 
speak  with  Mithridates,  though  a  near  kinsman,  and 
forced  out  of  so  considerable  a  kingdom,  but  proudly 
and  scornfully  kept  him  at  a  distance,  as  a  sort  of  pris- 
oner, in  a  marshy  and  unhealthy  district;  but  now, 
with  much  profession  of  respect  and  kindness,  he  sent 
for  him,  and  at  a  private  conference  between  them  in 
the  palace,  they  healed  up  all  private  jealousies  be- 
tween them,  punishing  their  favorites,  who  bore  all 
the  blame;  among  whom  Metrodorus  of  Scepsis  was 
one,  an  eloquent  and  learned  man,  and  so  close  an 
intimate  as  commonly  to  be  called  the  king's  father. 
This  man,  as  it  happened,  being  employed  in  an  em- 
bassy by  Mithridates  to  solicit  help  against  the  Ro- 
mans, Tigranes  asked  him,  "what  would  you,  Metro- 
dorus, advise  me  to  in  this  affair?"  In  return  to  which, 
either  out  of  good- will  to  Tigranes,  or  a  want  of  solici- 


272  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


tude  for  Mithridates,  he  made  answer,  that  as  am- 
bassador he  counselled  him  to  it,  but  as  a  friend  dis- 
suaded him  from  it.  This  Tigranes  reported,  and  af- 
firmed to  Mithridates,  thinking  that  no  irreparable 
harm  would  come  of  it  to  Metrodorus.  But  upon  this 
he  was  presently  taken  off,  and  Tigranes  was  sorry 
for  what  he  had  done,  though  he  had  not,  indeed,  been 
absolutely  the  cause  of  his  death ;  yet  he  had  given  the 
fatal  turn  to  the  anger  of  Mithridates,  who  had  pri- 
vately hated  him  before,  as  appeared  from  his  cabinet 
papers  when  taken,  among  which  there  was  an  order 
that  Metrodorus  should  die.  Tigranes  buried  him 
splendidly,  sparing  no  cost  to  his  dead  body,  whom  he 
betrayed  when  alive.  In  Tigranes's  court  died,  also, 
Amphicrates  the  orator  (if,  for  the  sake  of  Athens, 
we  may  also  mention  him) ,  of  whom  it  is  told  that  he 
left  his  country  and  fled  to  Seleucia,  upon  the  river 
Tigris,  and,  being  desired  to  teach  logic  among  them, 
arrogantly  replied,  that  the  dish  was  too  little  to  hold 
a  dolphin.  He,  therefore,  came  to  Cleopatra,  daugh- 
ter of  Mithridates,  and  queen  to  Tigranes,  but  being 
accused  of  misdemeanors,  and  prohibited  all  commerce 
with  his  countrymen,  ended  his  days  by  starving  him- 
self. He,  in  like  manner,  received  from  Cleopatra  an 
honorable  burial,  near  Sapha,  a  place  so  called  in  that 
country. 

LucuUus,  when  he  had  reestablished  law  and  a  last- 
ing peace  in  Asia,  did  not  altogether  forget  pleasure 
and  mirth,  but,  during  his  residence  at  Ephesus,  grat- 
ified the  cities  with  sports,  festival  triumphs,  wrestling 
games,  and  single  combats  of  gladiators.  And  they, 
in  requital,  instituted  others,  called  Lucullean  games, 
in  honor  to  him,  thus  manifesting  their  love  to  him, 
which  was  of  more  value  to  him  than  all  the  honor. 
But  when  Appius  came  to  him,  and  told  him  he  must 
prepare  for  war  with  Tigranes,  he  went  again  into 


LUCULLUS 


273 


k  Pontus,  and,  gathering  together  his  army,  besieged 
1;  Sinope,  or  rather  the  Cihcians  of  the  king's  side  who 
held  it;  who  thereupon  killed  a  number  of  the  Sino- 
pians,  and  set  the  city  on  fire,  and  by  night  endeav- 
I  ored  to  escape.  Which  wlien  Lucullus  perceived,  he 
^  entered  the  city,  and  killed  eight  thousand  of  them 
who  were  still  left  behind;  but  restored  to  the  inhabi- 
tants what  was  their  own,  and  took  special  care  for 
the  welfare  of  the  city.  To  which  he  was  chiefly 
prompted  by  this  vision.  One  seemed  to  come  to  him 
in  his  slee]3,  and  say,  "Go  on  a  little  further,  Lucul- 
lus, for  Autolycus  is  coming  to  see  thee."  When  he 
arose,  he  could  not  imagine  what  the  vision  meant. 
The  same  day  he  took  the  city,  and  as  he  was  pursuing 
the  Cilicians,  who  were  flying  by  sea,  he  saw  a  statue 
lying  on  the  shore,  which  the  Cilicians  carried  so  far, 
but  had  not  time  to  carry  aboard.  It  was  one  of  the 
masterpieces  of  Sthenis.  And  one  told  him,  that  it 
was  the  statue  of  Autolycus,  the  founder  of  the  city. 
This  Autolycus  is  reported  to  have  been  son  to  Dei- 
machus,  and  one  of  those  who,  under  Hercules,  went 
on  the  expedition  out  of  Thessaly  against  the  Ama- 
zons; from  whence  in  his  return  with  Demoleon  and 
Phlogius,  he  lost  his  vessel  on  a  point  of  the  Cherso- 
nesus,^  called  Pedalium.  He  himself,  with  his  com- 
panions and  their  weapons,  being  saved,  came  to  Si- 
nope, and  dispossessed  the  Syrians  there.  The  Syr- 
ians held  it,  descended  from  Syrus,  as  is  the  story,  the 
son  of  Apollo,  and  Sinope  the  daughter  of  Asopus. 
Which  as  soon  as  Lucullus  heard,  he  remembered  the 
admonition  of  Sylla,  whose  advice  it  is  in  his  Memoirs, 
to  treat  nothing  as  so  certain  and  so  worthy  of  reliance 
as  an  intimation  given  in  dreams. 

*  The  chersonesus,  that  is,  or  the  peninsula,  upon  a  part  of 
which  the  modern  as  well  as  the  ancient  Sinope  stands. 


274  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


When  it  was  now  told  him  that  Mithridates  and 
Tigranes  were  just  ready  to  transport  their  forces 
into  Lycaonia  and  CiHcia,  with  the  object  of  entering* 
Asia  before  him,  he  wondered  much  why  the  Arme- 
nian, supposing  him  to  entertain  any  real  intention 
to  fight  with  the  Romans,  did  not  assist  Mithridates  in 
his  flourishing  condition,  and  join  forces  when  he  was 
fit  for  service,  instead  of  suffering  him  to  be  van- 
quished and  broken  in  pieces,  and  now  at  last  begin- 
ning the  war,  when  its  hopes  were  grown  cold,  and 
throwing  himself  down  headlong  with  them,  who  were 
irrecoverably  fallen  already.  But  when  Machares,  the 
son  of  Mithridates,  and  governor  of  Bosporus,  sent 
him  a  crown  valued  at  a  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  and 
desired  to  be  enrolled  as  a  friend  and  confederate  of 
the  Romans,  he  fairly  reputed  that  war  at  an  end,  and 
left  Sornatius,  his  deputy,  with  six  thousand  soldiers, 
to  take  care  of  Pontus.  He  himself  with  twelve  thou- 
sand foot,  and  a  little  less  than  three  thousand  horse, 
went  forth  to  the  second  war,  advancing,  it  seemed 
very  plain,  with  too  great  and  ill-advised  speed,  into 
the  midst  of  warlike  nations,  and  many  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  horse,  into  an  unknown  extent  of 
country,  every  way  inclosed  with  deep  rivers  and 
mountains,  never  free  from  snow;  which  made  the 
soldiers,  already  far  from  orderly,  follow  him  with 
great  unwillingness  and  opposition.  For  the  same 
reason,  also,  the  popular  leaders  at  home  publicly  in- 
veighed and  declaimed  against  him,  as  one  that  raised 
up  war  after  war,  not  so  much  for  the  interest  of  the 
republic,  as  that  he  himself,  being  still  in  commission, 
might  not  lay  down  arms,  but  go  on  enriching  him- 
self by  the  public  dangers.  These  men,  in  the  end, 
effected  their  purpose.  But  Lucullus  by  long  jour- 
neys came  to  the  Euphrates,  where,  finding  the  waters 
high  and  rough  from  the  winter,  he  was  much  troubled 


LUCULLUS 


275 


for  fear  of  delay  and  difficulty  while  he  should  pro- 
cure boats  and  make  a  bridge  of  them.  But  in  the 
evening  the  flood  beginning  to  retire,  and  decreasing 
all  through  the  night,  the  next  day  they  saw  the  river 
far  down  within  his  banks,  so  much  so  that  the  inhabit- 
ants, discovering  the  little  islands  in  the  river,  and  the 
water  stagnating  among  them,  a  thing  which  had  rare- 
ly happened  before,  made  obeisance  to  Lucullus,  be- 
fore whom  the  very  river  was  humble  and  submissive, 
and  jdelded  an  easy  and  swift  passage.  Making  use 
of  the  opportunity,  he  carried  over  his  army,  and  met 
with  a  lucky  sign  at  landing.  Holy  heifers  are  pas- 
tured on  purpose  for  Diana  Persia,  whom,  of  all  the 
gods,  the  barbarians  beyond  Euphrates  chiefly  adore. 
They  use  these  heifers  only  for  her  sacrifices.  At 
other  times  they  wander  up  and  down  undisturbed, 
with  the  mark  of  the  goddess,  a  torch,  branded  on 
them ;  and  it  is  no  such  light  or  easy  thing,  when  occa- 
sion requires,  to  seize  one  of  them.  But  one  of  these, 
when  the  army  had  passed  the  Euphrates,  coming  to  a 
rock  consecrated  to  the  goddess,  stood  upon  it,  and 
then  laying  down  her  neck,  like  others  that  are  forced 
down  with  a  rope,  offered  herself  to  Lucullus  for  sac- 
rifice. Besides  which,  he  offered  also  a  bull  to  Eu- 
phrates, for  his  safe  passage.  That  day  he  tarried 
there,  but  on  the  next,  and  those  that  followed,  he 
travelled  through  Sophene,  using  no  manner  of  vio- 
lence to  the  people  who  came  to  him  and  willing  re- 
ceived his  army.  And  when  the  soldiers  were  desir- 
ous to  plunder  a  castle  that  seemed  to  be  well  stored 
within,  "That  is  the  castle,"  said  he,  "that  we  must 
storm,"  showing  them  Taurus,  at  a  distance;  "the  rest 
is  reserved  for  those  who  conquer  there."  Wherefore 
hastening  his  march,  and  passing  the  Tigris,  he  came 
over  into  Armenia. 

The  first  messenger  that  gave  notice  of  Lucullus's 


276  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES' 


coming  was  so  far  from  pleasing  Tigranes,  that  he  had 
his  head  cut  off  for  his  pains;  and  no  man  daring  to 
bring  further  information,  without  any  intelligence  at 
all,  Tigranes  sat  while  war  was  already  blazing  around 
him,  giving  ear  only  to  those  who  flattered  him,  by 
saying  that  Lucullus  would  show  himself  a  great  com- 
mander, if  he  ventured  to  wait  for  Tigranes  at  Ephe- 
sus,  and  did  not  at  once  fly  out  of  Asia,  at  the  mere 
sight  of  the  many  thousands  that  were  come  against 
him.  He  is  a  man  of  a  strong  body  that  can  carry 
off  a  great  quantity  of  wine,  and  of  a  powerful  con- 
stitution of  mind  that  can  sustain  felicity.  Mithrobar- 
zanes,  one  of  his  chief  favorites,  first  dared  to  tell  him 
the  truth,  but  had  no  more  thanks  for  his  freedom  of 
speech,  than  to  be  immediately  sent  out  against  Lu- 
cullus with  three  thousand  horse,  and  a  great  number 
of  foot,  with  peremptory  commands  to  bring  him 
alive,  and  trample  down  his  army.  Some  of  Lucul- 
lus's  men  were  then  pitching  their  camp,  and  the  rest 
were  coming  up  to  them,  when  the  scouts  gave  notice 
that  the  enemy  was  approaching,  whereupon  he  was 
in  fear  lest  they  should  fall  upon  him,  while  his  men 
w^ere  divided  and  unarranged;  which  made  him  stay 
to  pitch  the  camp  himself,  and  send  out  Sextilius,  the 
legate,  with  sixteen  hundred  horse,  and  about  as  many 
heavy  and  light  arms,  with  orders  to  advance  towards 
the  enemy,  and  wait  until  intelligence  came  to  him  that 
the  camp  was  finished.  Sextilius  designed  to  have 
kept  this  order ;  but  Mithrobarzanes  coming  furiously 
upon  him,  he  was  forced  to  fight.  In  the  engagement 
Mithrobarzanes  himself  was  slain,  fighting,  and  all  his 
men,  except  a  few  who  ran  away,  were  destroyed. 
After  this  Tigranes  left  Tigranocerta,  a  great  city 
built  by  himself,  and  retired  to  Taurus,  and  called  all 
his  forces  about  him. 

But  Lucullus,  giving  him  no  time  to  rendezvous. 


LUCULLUS 


277 


sent  out  Murena  to  harass  and  cut  off  those  who 
marched  to  Tigranes,  and  SextiHus,  also,  to  disperse  a 
great  company  of  Arabians,  then  on  the  way  to  the 
king.  Sextihus  fell  upon  the  Arabians  in  their  camp, 
and  destroyed  most  of  them,  and  also  Murena,  in  his 
pursuit  after  Tigranes  through  a  craggy  and  narrow 
pass,  opportunely  fell  upon  him.  Upon  which  Ti- 
granes, abandoning  all  his  baggage,  fled ;  many  of  the 
Armenians  were  killed,  and  more  taken.  After  this 
success,  Lucullus  went  to  Tigranocerta,  and  sitting 
down  before  the  city,  besieged  it.  In  it  were  many 
Greeks  carried  away  out  of  Cilicia,  and  many  barbar- 
ians in  like  circumstances  with  the  Greeks,  Adiaben- 
ians,  Assyrians,  Gordyenians,  and  Cappadocians, 
whose  native  cities  he  had  destroyed,  and  forced  away 
the  inhabitants  to  settle  here.  It  was  a  rich  and  beau- 
tiful city ;  every  common  man,  and  every  man  of  rank, 
in  imitation  of  the  king,  studied  to  enlarge  and  adorn 
it.  This  made  Lucullus  more  vigorously  press  the 
siege,  in  the  belief  that  Tigranes  would  not  patiently 
endure  it,  but  even  against  his  own  judgment  would 
come  down  in  anger  to  force  him  away;  in  which  he 
was  not  mistaken.  Mithridates  earnestly  dissuaded 
him  from  it,  sending  messengers  and  letters  to  him  not 
to  engage,  but  rather  with  his  horse  to  try  and  cut  off 
the  supplies.  Taxiles,  also,  who  came  from  Mithri- 
dates, and  who  stayed  with  his  army,  very  much  en- 
treated the  king  to  forbear,  and  to  avoid  the  Roman 
arms,  things  it  was  not  safe  to  meddle  with.  To  this 
he  hearkened  at  first,  but  when  the  Armenians  and 
Gordyenians  in  a  full  body,  and  the  whole,  forces  of 
Medes  and  Adiabenians,  under  their  respective  kings, 
joined  him;  when  many  Arabians  came  up  from  the 
sea  beyond  Babylon,  and  from  the  Caspian  sea,  the 
Albanians  and  the  Iberians  their  neighbors,  and  not 
a  few  of  the  free  people,  without  kings,  living  about 


278 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  Araxes,  by  entreaty  and  hire  also  came  together 
to  him;  and  all  the  king's  feasts  and  councils  rang  of 
nothing  but  expectations,  boastings,  and  barbaric 
threatenings,  Taxiles  went  in  danger  of  his  life,  for 
giving  counsel  against  fighting,  and  it  v/as  imputed  to 
envy  in  Mithridates  thus  to  discourage  him  from  so 
glorious  an  enterprise.  Therefore  Tigranes  would  by 
no  means  tarrj^  for  him,  for  fear  he  should  share  in 
the  glory,  but  marched  on  with  all  his  army,  lamenting 
to  his  friends,  as  it  is  said,  that  he  should  fight  with 
Lucullus  alone,  and  not  with  all  the  Roman  generals 
together.  Neither  was  his  boldness  to  be  accounted 
wholly  frantic  or  unreasonable,  when  he  had  so  many 
nations  and  kings  attending  him,  and  so  many  tens  of 
thousands  of  well-armed  foot  and  horse  about  him. 
He  had  twenty  thousand  archers  and  slingers,  fifty- 
five  thousand  horse,  of  which  seventeen  thousand  were 
in  complete  armor,  as  Lucullus  wrote  to  the  senate,  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  heavy-armed  men,  drawn 
up  partly  into  cohorts,  partly  into  phalanxes,  besides 
various  divisions  of  men  appointed  to  make  roads  and 
lay  bridges,  to  drain  off  waters  and  cut  wood,  and  to 
perform  other  necessary  services,  to  the  number  of 
thirty-five  thousand,  who,  being  quartered  behind  the 
army,  added  to  its  strength,  and  made  it  the  more 
formidable  to  behold. 

As  soon  as  he  had  passed  Taurus,  and  appeared 
with  his  forces,  and  saw  the  Romans  beleaguering  Ti- 
granocerta,  the  barbarous  people  within  with  shout- 
ings and  acclamations  received  the  sight,  and  threat- 
ening the  Romans  from  the  wall,  pointed  to  the  Ar- 
menians. In  a  council  of  war,  some  advised  Lucullus 
to  leave  the  siege,  and  march  up  to  Tigranes,  others 
that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  leave  t'le  siege,  and  so 
many  enemies  behind.  He  answered  that  neither  side 
by  itself  was  right,  but  together  both  gave  sound  ad- 


LUCULLUS 


279 


vice;  and  accordingly  he  divided  his  army,  and  left 
Murena  with  six  thousand  foot  in  charge  of  the  siege, 
and  himself  went  out  with  twenty-four  cohorts,  in 
which  were  no  more  than  ten  thousand  men  at  arms, 
and  with  all  the  horse,  and  about  a  thousand  slingers 
and  archers;  and  sitting  down  by  the  river  in  a  large 
plain,  he  appeared,  indeed,  very  inconsiderable  to  Ti- 
granes,  and  a  fit  subject  for  the  flattering  wits  about 
him.  Some  of  whom  jeered,  others  cast  lots  for  the 
spoil,  and  every  one  of  the  kings  and  commanders 
came  and  desired  to  undertake  the  engagement  alone, 
and  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  sit  still  and  behold. 
Tigranes  himself,  wishing  to  be  witty  and  pleasant 
upon  the  occasion,  made  use  of  the  well-known  saying, 
that  they  were  too  many  for  ambassadors,  and  too  few 
for  soldiers.  Thus  they  continued  sneering  and  scof- 
fing. As  soon  as  day  came,  Lucullus  brought  out  his 
forces  under  arms.  The  barbarian  army  stood  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  river,  and  there  being  a  bend  of 
the  river  westward  in  that  part  of  it,  where  it  was 
easiest  forded,  Lucullus,  while  he  led  his  army  on  in 
haste,  seemed  to  Tigranes  to  be  flying ;  who  thereupon 
called  Taxiles,  and  in  derision  said,  "Do  you  not  see 
these  invincible  Romans  flying?"  But  Taxiles  replied, 
"Would,  indeed,  O  king,  that  some  such  unlikely  piece 
of  fortune  might  be  destined  you;  but  the  Romans  do 
not,  when  going  on  a  march,  put  on  their  best  clothes, 
nor  use  bright  shields,  and  naked  headpieces,  as  now 
you  see  them,  with  the  leathern  coverings  all  taken 
off,  but  this  is  a  preparation  for  war  of  men  just  ready 
to  engage  with  their  enemies."  While  Taxiles  was 
thus  speaking,  as  Lucullus  wheeled  about,  the  first 
eagle  appeared,  and  the  cohorts,  according  to  their 
divisions  and  companies,  formed  in  order  to  pass  over, 
when  with  much  ado,  and  like  a  man  that  is  just  re- 
covering from  a  drunken  fit,  Tigranes  cried  out  twice 


280  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


or  thrice,  "What,  are  they  upon  us?"  In  great  con- 
fusion, therefore,  the  army  got  in  array,  the  king  keep- 
ing the  main  body  to  himself,  wliile  the  left  wing  was 
given  in  charge  to  the  Adiabenian,  and  the  right  to 
the  ]Mede,  in  the  front  of  which  latter  were  posted  most 
of  the  heavy-armed  cavalry.  Some  officers  advised 
Lucullus,  just  as  he  was  going  to  cross  the  river,  to 
lie  still,  that  day  being  one  of  the  unfortunate  ones 
which  the}"  call  black  days,  for  on  it  the  army  under 
Csepio,  engaging  with  the  Cimbrians,  was  destroyed. 
But  he  returned  the  famous  answer,  "I  will  make  it 
a  happy  day  to  the  Romans."  It  was  the  day  before 
the  nones  of  October. 

Having  so  said,  he  bade  them  take  courage,  passed 
over  the  river,  and  himself  first  of  all  led  them  against 
the  enemy,  clad  in  a  coat  of  mail,  with  shining  steel 
scales  and  a  fringed  mantle;  and  his  sword  might  al- 
ready be  seen  out  of  the  scabbard,  as  if  to  signify"  that 
they  must  without  delay  come  to  a  hand-to-hand  com- 
bat with  an  enemy  whose  skill  was  in  distant  fighting, 
and  by  the  speed  of  their  advance  curtail  the  space 
that  exposed  them  to  the  archery.  But  when  he  saw 
the  heavy-armed  horse,  the  flower  of  the  army,  drawn 
up  under  a  hill,  on  the  top  of  which  was  a  broad  and 
open  plain  about  four  furlongs  distant,  and  of  no  very 
difficult  or  troublesome  access,  he  commanded  his 
Thracian  and  Galatian  horse  to  fall  upon  their  flank, 
and  beat  down  their  lances  with  their  swords.  The 
only  defence  of  these  horsemen-at-arms  are  their 
lances ;  they  have  nothing  else  that  they  can  use  to  pro- 
tect themselves,  or  annoy  their  enemy,  on  account  of 
the  weight  and  stiffness  of  their  armor,  with  which 
they  are,  as  it  were,  built  up.  He  himself,  with  two 
cohorts,  made  to  the  mountains,  the  soldiers  briskly 
following,  when  they  saw  him  in  arms  afoot  first  toil- 
ing and  climbing  up.   Being  on  the  top  and  standing 


LUCULLUS 


281 


in  an  open  place,  with  a  loud  voice  he  cried  out,  "We 
have  overcome,  we  have  overcome,  fellow-soldiers!" 
And  having  so  said,  he  marched  against  the  armed 
horsemen,  commanding  his  men  not  to  throw  their 
javelins,  but  coming  up  hand  to  hand  with  the  enemy, 
to  hack  their  shins  and  thighs,  which  parts  alone  were 
unguarded  in  these  heavy-armed  horsemen.  But 
there  was  no  need  of  this  way  of  fighting,  for  they 
stood  not  to  receive  the  Romans,  but  with  great  cla- 
mor and  worse  flight  they  and  their  heavy  horses 
threw  themselves  upon  the  ranks  of  the  foot,  before 
ever  these  could  so  much  as  begin  the  fight,  insomuch 
that  without  a  wound  or  bloodshed,  so  many  thousands 
were  overthrown.  The  greatest  slaughter  was  made 
in  the  flight,  or  rather  in  the  endeavoring  to  fly  away, 
which  they  could  not  well  do  by  reason  of  the  depth 
and  closeness  of  their  own  ranks,  which  hindered  them. 
Tigranes  at  first  fled  with  a  few,  but  seeing  his  son 
in  the  same  misfortune,  he  took  the  diadem  from  his 
head,  and  with  tears  gave  it  him,  bidding  him  save 
himself  by  some  other  road  if  he  could.  But  the  young 
man,  not  daring  to  put  it  on,  gave  it  to  one  of  his 
trustiest  servants  to  keep  for  him.  This  man,  as  it 
happened,  being  taken,  was  brought  to  Lucullus,  and 
so,  among  the  captives,  the  crown,  also,  of  Tigranes 
was  taken.  It  is  stated  that  above  a  hundred  thousand 
foot  were  lost,  and  that  of  the  horse  but  very  few  es- 
caped at  all.  Of  the  Romans,  a  hundred  were 
wounded,  and  five  killed.  Antiochus  the  philosopher, 
making  mention  of  this  fight  in  his  book  about  the 
gods,  says  that  the  sun  never  saw  the  like.  Strabo,  a 
second  philosopher,  in  his  historical  collection  says, 
that  the  Romans  could  not  but  blush  and  deride  them- 
selves for  putting  on  armor  against  such  pitiful  slaves. 
Livy  also  says,  that  the  Romans  never  fought  an  en- 
emy with  such  unequal  forces,  for  the  conquerors  were 


282  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


not  so  much  as  one  twentieth  part  of  the  number  of 
the  conquered.  The  most  sagacious  and  experienced 
Roman  commanders  made  it  a  chief  commendation  of 
Lucullus,  that  he  had  conquered  two  great  and  potent 
kings  by  two  most  opposite  ways,  haste  and  delay. 
For  he  wore  out  the  flourishing  power  of  Mithridates 
by  delay  and  time,  and  crushed  that  of  Tigranes  by 
haste ;  being  one  of  the  rare  examples  of  generals  who 
made  use  of  delay  for  active  achievement,  and  speed 
for  security. 

On  this  account  it  was  that  Mithridates  had  made  no 
haste  to  come  up  to  fight,  imagining  Lucullus  would, 
as  he  had  done  before,  use  caution  and  delay,  which 
made  him  march  at  his  leisure  to  join  Tigranes.  And 
first,  as  he  began  to  meet  some  straggling  Armenians 
in  the  way,  making  off  in  great  fear  and  consterna- 
tion, he  suspected  the  worst,  and  when  greater  num- 
bers of  stripped  and  wounded  men  met  him  and  as- 
sured him  of  the  defeat,  he  set  out  to  seek  for  Ti- 
granes. And  finding  him  destitute  and  humiliated, 
he  by  no  means  requited  him  with  insolence,  but  alight- 
ing from  his  horse,  and  condoling  with  him  on  their 
common  loss,  he  gave  him  his  own  royal  guard  to 
attend  him,  and  animated  him  for  the  future.  And 
they  together  gathered  fresh  forces  about  them.  In 
the  city  Tigranocerta,  the  Greeks  meantime,  dividing 
from  the  barbarians,  sought  to  deliver  it  up  to  Lucul- 
lus, and  he  attacked  and  took  it.  He  seized  on  the 
treasure  himself,  but  gave  the  city  to  be  plundred  by 
the  soldiers,  in  which  were  found,  amongst  other  prop- 
erty, eight  thousand  talents  of  coined  money.  Be- 
sides this,  also,  he  distributed  eight  hundred  drachmas 
to  each  man,  out  of  the  spoils.  When  he  understood 
that  many  players  were  taken  in  the  city,  whom  Ti- 
granes had  invited  from  all  parts  for  opening  the  the- 
atre which  he  had  built,  he  made  use  of  them  for  cele- 


LUCULLUS 


283 


brating  his  triumphal  games  and  spectacles.  The 
Greeks  he  sent  home,  allowing  them  money  for  their 
journey,  and  the  barbarians  also,  as  many  as  had  been 
forced  away  from  their  own  dwellings.  So  that  by 
this  one  city  being  dissolved,  many,  by  the  restitution 
of  their  former  inhabitants,  were  restored.  By  all  of 
which  LucuUus  was  beloved  as  a  benefactor  and 
founder.  Other  successes,  also,  attended  him,  such  as 
he  well  deserved,  desirous  as  he  was  far  more  of  praise 
for  acts  of  justice  and  clemency,  than  for  feats  in  war, 
these  being  due  partly  to  the  soldiers,  and  very  greatly 
to  fortune,  while  those  are  the  sure  proofs  of  a  gentle 
and  liberal  soul;  and  by  such  aids  Lucullus,  at  that 
time,  even  without  the  help  of  arms,  succeeded  in  re- 
ducing the  barbarians.  For  the  kings  of  the  Arabians 
came  to  him,  tendering  what  they  had,  and  with  them 
the  Sophenians  also  submitted.  And  he  so  dealt  with 
the  Gordyenians,  that  they  were  willing  to  leave  their 
own  habitations,  and  to  follow  him  with  their  wives 
and  children.  Which  was  for  this  cause.  Zarbienus, 
king  of  the  Gordyenians,  as  has  been  told,  being  im- 
patient under  the  tyranny  of  Tigranes,  had  by  Appius 
secretly  made  overtures  of  confederacy  with  Lucullus, 
but,  being  discovered,  was  executed,  and  his  wife  and 
children  with  him,  before  the  Romans  entered  Ar- 
menia. Lucullus  forgot  not  this,  but  coming  to  the 
Gordyenians  made  a  solemn  interment  in  honor  of 
Zarbienus,  and  adorning  the  funeral  pile  with  royal 
robes,  and  gold,  and  the  spoils  of  Tigranes,  he  him- 
self in  person  kindled  the  fire,  and  poured  in  per- 
fumes with  the  friends  and  relations  of  the  deceased, 
calling  him  his  companion  and  the  confederate  of  the 
Romans.  He  ordered,  also,  a  costly  monument  to  be 
built  for  him.  There  was  a  large  treasure  of  gold  and 
silver  found  in  Zarbienus's  palace,  and  no  less  than 
three  million  measures  of  corn,  so  that  the  soldiers  were 


284  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


provided  for,  and  LucuUus  had  the  high  commenda- 
tion of  maintaining  the  war  at  its  own  charge,  without 
receiving  one  drachma  from  the  pubHc  treasury. 

After  this  came  an  embassy  from  the  king  of  Par- 
thia  to  him,  desiring  amity  and  confederacy;  which 
being  readily  embraced  by  Lucullus,  another  was  sent 
by  him  in  return  to  the  Parthian,  the  members  of 
which  discovered  him  to  be  a  double-minded  man,  and 
to  be  dealing  privately  at  the  same  time  with  Tigranes, 
offering  to  take  part  with  him,  upon  condition  Meso- 
potamia were  delivered  up  to  him.  Which  as  soon  as 
Lucullus  understood,  he  resolved  to  pass  by  Tigranes 
and  Mithridates  as  antagonists  already  overcome,  and 
to  try  the  power  of  Parthia,  by  leading  his  army 
against  them,  thinking  it  would  be  a  glorious  result, 
thus  in  one  current  of  war,  like  an  athlete  in  the  games, 
to  throw  down  three  kings  one  after  another,  and  suc- 
cessively to  deal  as  a  conqueror  with  three  of  the  great- 
est powers  under  heaven.  He  sent,  therefore,  into 
Pontus  to  Sornatius  and  his  colleagues,  bidding  them 
bring  the  army  thence,  and  join  with  him  in  his  expe- 
dition out  of  Gordyene.  The  soldiers  there,  however, 
who  had  been  restive  and  unruly  before,  now  openly 
displayed  their  mutinous  temper.  No  manner  of  en- 
treaty or  force  availed  with  them,  but  they  protested 
and  cried  out  that  they  would  stay  no  longer  even 
there,  but  would  go  away  and  desert  Pontus.  The  news 
of  which,  when  reported  to  Lucullus,  did  no  small 
harm  to  the  soldiers  about  him,  who  were  already  cor- 
rupted with  wealth  and  plenty,  and  desirous  of  ease. 
And  on  hearing  the  boldness  of  the  others,  they  called 
them  men,  and  declared  they  themselves  ought  to  fol- 
low their  example,  for  the  actions  which  they  had  done 
did  now  well  deserve  release  from  service,  and  repose. 

Upon  these  and  worse  words,  Lucullus  gave  up  the 
thoughts  of  invading  Parthia,  and  in  the  height  of 


LUCULLUS 


285 


summer-time,  went  against  Tigranes.  Passing  over 
Taurus,  he  was  filled  with  apprehension  at  the  green- 
ness of  the  fields  before  him,  so  long  is  the  season  de- 
ferred in  this  region  by  the  coldness  of  the  air.  But, 
nevertheless,  he  went  down,  and  twice  or  thrice  put- 
ting to  flight  the  Armenians  who  dared  to  come  out 
against  him,  he  plundered  and  burnt  their  villages, 
and  seizing  on  the  provision  designed  for  Tigranes, 
reduced  his  enemies  to  the  necessity  which  he  had 
feared  for  himself.  But  when,  after  doing  all  he 
could  to  provoke  the  enemy  to  fight,  by  drawing 
entrenchments  round  their  camp  and  by  burning  the 
country  before  them,  he  could  by  no  means  bring 
them  to  venture  out,  after  their  frequent  defeats  be- 
fore, he  rose  up  and  marched  to  Artaxata,  the  royal 
city  of  Tigranes,  where  his  wives  and  young  children 
were  kept,  judging  that  Tigranes  would  never  suffer 
that  to  go  without  the  hazard  of  a  battle.  It  is  re- 
lated that  Hannibal,  the  Carthaginian,  after  the 
defeat  of  Antiochus  by  the  Romans,  coming  to  Ar- 
taxas,  king  of  Armenia,  pointed  out  to  him  many 
other  matters  to  his  advantage,  and  observing  the 
great  natural  capacities  and  the  pleasantness  of  the 
site,  then  lying  unoccupied  and  neglected,  drew  a 
model  of  a  city  for  it,  and  bringing  Artaxas  thither, 
showed  it  to  him  and  encouraged  him  to  build.  At 
which  the  king  being  pleased,  and  desiring  him  to 
oversee  the  work,  erected  a  large  and  stately  city, 
which  was  called  after  his  own  name,  and  made 
metropolis  of  Armenia. 

And  in  fact,  when  Lucullus  proceeded  against  it, 
Tigranes  no  longer  suffered  it,  but  came  with  his 
army,  and  on  the  fourth  day  sat  down  by  the  Romans, 
the  river  Arsanias  lying  between  them,  which  of  ne- 
cessity Lucullus  must  pass  in  his  march  to  Artaxata. 
Lucullus,  after  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  as  if  victory  were 


286  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


already  obtained,  carried  over  his  army,  having  twelve 
cohorts  in  the  first  division  in  front,  the  rest  being  dis- 
posed in  the  rear  to  prevent  the  enemy's  inclosing 
them.  For  there  were  many  choice  horse  drawn  up 
against  them;  in  the  front  stood  the  Mardian  horse- 
archers,  and  Iberians  with  long  spears,  in  whom,  being 
the  most  warlike,  Tigranes  more  confided  than  in  any 
other  of  his  foreign  troops.  But  nothing  of  moment 
was  done  by  them,  for  though  they  skirmished  with 
the  Roman  horse  at  a  distance,  they  were  not  able  to 
stand  when  the  foot  came  up  to  them;  but  being 
broken,  and  flying  on  both  sides,  drew  the  horse  in 
pursuit  after  them.  Though  these  were  routed,  yet 
Lucullus  was  not  without  alarm  when  he  saw  the  cav- 
alry about  Tigranes  with  great  bravery  and  in  large 
numbers  coming  upon  him ;  he  recalled  his  horse  from 
pursuing,  and  he  himself,  first  of  all,  with  the  best 
of  his  men,  engaged  the  Satrapenians  ^  who  were 
opposite  him,  and  before  ever  they  came  to  close  fight, 
routed  them  with  the  mere  terror.  Of  three  kings  in 
battle  against  him,  Mithridates  of  Pontus  fled  away 
the  most  shamefully,  being  not  so  much  as  able  to 
endure  the  shout  of  the  Romans.  The  pursuit 
reached  a  long  way,  and  all  through  the  night  the 
Romans  slew  and  took  prisoners,  and  carried  off  spoils 
and  treasure,  till  they  were  weary.  Livy  says  there 
were  more  taken  and  destroyed  in  the  first  battle,  but 
in  the  second,  men  of  greater  distinction. 

Lucullus,  flushed  and  animated  by  this  victory, 
determined  to  march  on  into  the  interior  and  there 
complete  his  conquests  over  the  barbarians;  but  win- 
ter weather  came  on,  contrary  to  expectation,  as  early 
as  the  autumnal  equinox,  with  storms  and  frequent 

^  Probably  a  corrupt  name ;  the  editors  correct  it  into  Atro- 
patenians  or  Sacapenians. 


LUCULLUS 


287 


snows  and,  even  in  the  most  clear  days,  hoar  frost  and 
ice,  which  made  the  waters  scarcely  drinkable  for  the 
horses  by  their  exceeding  coldness,  and  scarcely  pass- 
able through  the  ice  breaking  and  catting  the  horses' 
sinews.  The  country  for  the  most  part  being  quite 
uncleared,  with  difficult  passes,  and  much  wood,  kept 
them  continually  wet,  the  snow  falling  thickly  on  them 
as  they  marched  in  the  day,  and  the  ground  that  they 
lay  upon  at  night  being  damp  and  watery.  After  the 
battle  they  followed  not  Lucullus  many  days  before 
they  began  to  be  refractory,  first  of  all  entreating  and 
sending  the  tribunes  to  him,  but  presently  they  tu- 
multuously  gathered  together,  and  made  a  shouting 
all  night  long  in  their  tents,  a  plain  sign  of  a  mutinous 
army.  But  Lucullus  as  earnestly  entreated  them, 
desiring  them  to  have  patience  but  till  they  took  the 
Armenian  Carthage,  and  overturned  the  work  of  their 
great  enemy,  meaning  Hannibal.  But  when  he  could 
not  prevail,  he  led  them  back,  and  crossing  Taurus 
by  another  road,  came  into  the  fruitful  and  sunny 
country  of  Mygdonia,  where  was  a  great  and  popu- 
lous city,  by  the  barbarians  called  Nisibis,  by  the 
Greeks  Antioch  of  Mygdonia.  This  was  defended 
by  Guras,  brother  of  Tigranes,  with  the  dignity  of 
governor,  and  by  the  engineering  skill  and  dexterity 
of  Callimachus,  the  same  who  so  much  annoyed  the 
Romans  at  Amisus.  Lucullus,  however,  brought  his 
army  up  to  it,  and  laying  close  siege,  in  a  short  time 
tqok  it  by  storm.  He  used  Guras,  who  surrendered 
himself,  kindly,  but  gave  no  attention  to  Callimachus, 
though  he  offered  to  make  discovery  of  hidden  treas- 
ures, commanding  him  to  be  kept  in  chains,  to  be  pun- 
ished for  firing  the  city  of  Amisus,  which  had  disap- 
pointed his  ambition  of  showing  favor  and  kindness  to 
the  Greeks. 

Hitherto,  one  would  imagine  fortune  had  attended 


288  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


and  fought  with  Lucullus,  but  afterward,  as  if  the 
wind  had  failed  of  a  sudden,  he  did  all  things  by  force, 
and,  as  it  were,  against  the  grain;  and  showed  cer- 
tainly the  conduct  and  patience  of  a  wise  captain,  but 
in  the  results  met  with  no  fresh  honor  or  reputation; 
and,  indeed,  by  bad  success  and  vain  embarrassments 
with  his  soldiers,  he  came  within  a  little  of  losing  even 
what  he  had  before.  He  himself  was  not  the  least 
cause  of  all  this,  being  far  from  inclined  to  seek 
popularity  with  the  mass  of  the  soldiers,  and  more 
ready  to  think  any  indulgence  shown  to  them  an  in- 
vasion of  his  own  authority.  But  what  was  worst 
of  all,  he  was  naturally  unsociable  to  his  great  officers 
in  commission  with  him,  despising  others  and  thinking 
them  worthy  of  nothing  in  comparison  with  himself. 
These  faults,  we  are  told,  he  had  with  all  his  many 
excellences;  he  was  of  a  Imge  and  noble  person,  an 
eloquent  speaker  and  a  wise  counsellor,  both  in  the 
forum  and  the  camp.  Sallust  says,  the  soldiers  were 
ill  affected  to  him  from  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
because  they  were  forced  to  keep  the  field  two  winters 
at  Cyzicus,  and  afterwards  at  Amisus.  Their  other 
winters,  also,  vexed  them,  for  they  either  spent  them 
in  an  enemy's  country,  or  else  were  confined  to  their 
tents  in  the  open  field  among  their  confederates;  for 
Lucullus  not  so  much  as  once  went  into  a  Greek  con- 
federate town  with  his  army.  To  this  ill  affection 
abroad,  the  tribunes  yet  more  contributed  at  home, 
invidiously  accusing  Lucullus,  as  one  who  for  empire 
and  riches  prolonged  the  war,  holding,  it  might  almost 
be  said,  under  his  sole  power  Cilicia,  Asia,  Bithynia, 
Paphlagonia,  Pontus,  Armenia,  all  as  far  as  the  river 
Phasis ;  and  now  of  late  had  plundered  the  royal  city 
of  Tigranes,  as  if  he  had  been  commissioned  not  so 
much  to  subdue,  as  to  strip  kings.  This  is  what  we 
are  told  was  said  by  Lucius  Quintius,  one  of  the 


LUCULLUS 


289 


praetors,  at  whose  instance,  in  particular,  the  people 
determined  to  send  one  who  should  succeed  Lucullus 
in  his  province,  and  voted,  also,  to  relieve  many  of 
the  soldiers  under  him  from  further  service. 

Besides  these  evils,  that  which  most  of  all  preju- 
diced Lucullus,  was  Publius  Clodius,  an  insolent  man, 
very  vicious  and  bold,  brother  to  Lucullus's  wife,  a 
woman  of  bad  conduct,  with  whom  Clodius  was  him- 
self suspected  of  criminal  intercourse.  Being  then  in 
the  army  under  Lucullus,  but  not  in  as  great  author- 
ity as  he  expected,  (for  he  would  fain  have  been  the 
chief  of  all,  but  on  account  of  his  character  was  post- 
poned to  many,)  he  ingratiated  himself  secretly  with 
the  Fimbrian  troops,  and  stirred  them  up  against 
x^ucullus,  using  fair  speeches  to  them,  who  of  old  had 
been  used  to  be  flattered  in  such  a  manner.  These 
were  those  whom  Fimbria  before  had  persuaded  to 
kill  the  consul  Flaccus,  and  choose  him  their  leader. 
And  so  they  listened  not  unwillingly  to  Clodius,  and 
called  him  the  soldiers'  friend,  for  the  concern  he  pro- 
fessed for  them,  and  the  indignation  he  expressed  at 
the  prospect  that  "there  must  be  no  end  of  wars  and 
toils,  but  in  fighting  with  all  nations,  and  wandering 
throughout  all  the  world  they  must  wear  out  their 
lives,  receiving  no  other  reward  for  their  service  than 
to  guard  the  carriages  and  camels  of  Lucullus,  laden 
with  gold  and  precious  goblets;  while  as  for  Pom- 
pey's  soldiers,  they  were  all  citizens,  living  safe  at 
home  with  their  wives  and  children,  on  fertile  lands, 
or  in  towns,  and  that,  not  after  driving  Mithridates 
and  Tigranes  into  wild  deserts,  and  overturning  the 
royal  cities  of  Asia,  but  after  having  merely  reduced 
exiles  in  Spain,  or  fugitive  slaves  in  Italy.  Nay,  if 
indeed  we  must  never  have  an  end  of  fighting,  should 
we  not  rather  reserve  the  remainder  of  our  bodies 


290  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


and  souls  for  a  general  who  will  reckon  his  chiefest 
glory  to  be  the  wealth  of  his  soldiers." 

By  such  practices  the  army  of  LucuUus  being 
corrupted,  neither  followed  him  against  Tigranes, 
nor  against  Mithridates,  when  he  now  at  once  re- 
turned into  Pontus  out  of  Armenia,  and  was  recover- 
ing his  kingdom,  but  under  pretence  of  the  winter, 
sat  idle  in  Gordyene,  every  minute  expecting  either 
Pompey,  or  some  other  general,  to  succeed  LucuUus. 
But  when  news  came  that  Mithridates  had  defeated 
Fabius,  and  was  marching  against  Sornatius  and 
Triarius,  out  of  shame  they  followed  LucuUus.  Tria- 
rius,  ambitiously  aiming  at  victory,  before  ever  Lucul- 
lus  came  to  him,  though  he  was  then  very  near,  was 
defeated  in  a  great  battle,  in  which  it  is  said  that 
above  seven  thousand  Romans  fell,  among  whom  were 
a  hundred  and  fifty  centurions,  and  four  and  twenty 
tribunes,  and  that  the  camp  itself  was  taken.  Lucul- 
lus,  coming  up  a  few  days  after,  concealed  Triarius 
from  the  search  of  the  angry  soldiers.  But  when 
Mithridates  declined  battle,  and  waited  for  the  com- 
ing of  Tigranes,  who  was  then  on  his  march  vrith 
great  forces,  he  resolved  before  they  joined  their 
forces  to  turn  once  more  and  engage  with  Tigranes. 
But  in  the  way  the  mutinous  Fimbrians  deserted  their 
ranks,  professing  themselves  released  from  service  by 
a  decree,  and  that  LucuUus,  the  provinces  being  al- 
lotted to  others,  had  no  longer  any  right  to  command 
them.  There  was  nothing  beneath  the  dignity  of 
LucuUus  which  he  did  not  now  submit  to  bear,  en- 
treating them  one  by  one,  from  tent  to  tent,  going  up 
and  down  humbly  and  in  tears,  and  even  taking  some, 
like  a  suppliant,  by  the  hand.  But  they  turned 
away  from  his  salutes,  and  threw  down  their  empty 
purses,  bidding  him  engage  alone  with  the  enemy,  as 
he  alone  made  advantage  of  it.    At  length,  by  the  en- 


LUCULLUS 


291 


treaty  of  the  other  soldiers,  the  Fimbrians,  being  pre- 
vailed upon,  consented  to  tarry  that  summer  under 
him,  but  if  during  that  time  no  enemy  came  to  fight 
them,  to  be  free.  Lucullus  of  necessity  was  forced  to 
comply  with  this,  or  else  to  abandon  the  country  to 
the  barbarians.  He  kept  them,  indeed,  with  him,  but 
without  urging  his  authority  upon  them;  nor  did  he 
lead  them  out  to  battle,  being  contented  if  they  would 
but  stay  with  him,  though  he  then  saw  Cappadocia 
wasted  by  Tigranes,  and  Mithridates  again  triumph- 
ing, whom  not  long  before  he  reported  to  the  senate 
to  be  wholly  subdued;  and  commissioners  were  now 
arrived  to  settle  the  affairs  of  Pontus,  as  if  all  had 
been  quietly  in  his  possession.  But  when  they  came, 
they  found  him  not  so  much  as  master  of  himself, 
but  contemned  and  derided  by  the  common  soldiers, 
who  arrived  at  that  height  of  insolence  against  their 
general,  that  at  the  end  of  summer  they  put  on  their 
armor  and  drew  their  swords,  and  defied  their  ene- 
mies then  absent  and  gone  off  a  long  while  before, 
and  with  great  outcries  and  waving  their  swords  in 
the  air,  they  quitted  the  camp,  proclaiming  that  the 
time  was  expired  which  they  promised  to  stay  with 
Lucullus  The  rest  were,  summoned  by  letters  from 
Pompey  to  come  and  join  him;  he,  by  the  favor  of 
the  people  and  by  flattery  of  their  leaders,  having 
been  chosen  general  of  the  army  against  Mithridates 
and  Tigranes,  though  the  senate  and  the  nobility  all 
thought  that  Lucullus  was  injured,  having  those  put 
over  his  head  who  succeeded  rather  to  his  triumph, 
than  to  his  commission,  and  that  he  was  not  so  truly 
deprived  of  his  command,  as  of  the  glory  he  had 
deserved  in  his  command,  which  he  was  forced  to 
yield  to  another. 

It  was  yet  more  of  just  matter  of  pity  and  indig- 
nation to  those  who  were  present;  for  Lucullus  re- 


292 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


mained  no  longer  master  of  rewards  or  punislinients 
for  any  actions  done  in  the  war;  neither  would  Pom- 
pey  suffer  any  man  to  go  to  liim,  or  pay  any  respect 
to  the  orders  and  arrangements  he  made  with  advice 
of  his  ten  conmiissioners,  but  expressly  issued  edicts 
to  the  contrary,  and  could  not  but  be  obeyed  by  rea- 
son of  his  greater  power.  Friends,  however,  on  both 
sides,  thought  it  desirable  to  bring  them  together, 
and  they  met  in  a  village  of  Galatia,  and  saluted  each 
other  in  a  friendly  manner,  with  congratulations  on 
each  other's  successes.  Lucullus  was  the  elder,  but 
Pompey  the  more  distinguished  by  his  more  numer- 
ous commands  and  his  two  triumphs.  Both  had  rods 
dressed  with  laurel  carried  before  them  for  their  vic- 
tories. And  as  Pompey's  laurels  were  withered  with 
passing  through  hot  and  droughty  countries,  Lu- 
cullus's  lictors  courteously  gave  Pompey's  some  of 
the  fresh  and  green  ones  which  they  had,  which  Pom- 
pey's friends  counted  a  good  omen,  as  indeed  of  a 
truth,  Lucullus's  actions  furnished  the  honors  of 
Pompey's  command.  The  interview,  however,  did 
not  bring  them  to  any  amicable  agreement;  they 
parted  even  less  friends  than  they  met.  Pompey  re- 
pealed all  the  acts  of  Lucullus,  drew  off  his  soldiers, 
and  left  him  no  more  than  sixteen  hundi^ed  for  his 
triumph,  and  even  those  unwilling  to  go  with  him. 
So  wanting  was  Lucullus,  either  through  natural  con- 
stitution or  adverse  circumstances,  in  that  one  first 
and  most  important  requisite  of  a  general,  which  had 
he  but  added  to  his  other  many  and  remarkable  vir- 
tues, his  fortitude,  \ngilance,  wisdom,  justice,  the 
Roman  empire  had  not  had  Euphrates  for  its  bound- 
ary, but  the  utmost  ends  of  Asia  and  the  Hyrcanian 
sea;  as  other  nations  were  then  disabled  by  the  late 
conquests  of  Tigranes,  and  the  power  of  Parthia  had 
not  in  Lucullus's  time  shown  itself  so  formidable  as 


LUCULLUS 


293' 


Crassus  afterwards  found  it,  nor  had  as  yet  gained 
that  consistency,  being  crippled  by  wars  at  home,  and 
on  its  frontiers,  and  unable  even  to  make  head  against 
the  encroachments  of  the  Armenians.  And  Lucullus, 
as  it  was,  seems  to  me  through  others'  agency  to  have 
done  Rome  greater  harm,  than  he  did  her  advantage 
by  his  own.  For  the  trophies  in  Armenia,  near  the 
Parthian  frontier,  and  Tigranocerta,  and  Nisibis,  and 
the  great  wealth  brought  from  thence  to  Rome,  with 
the  captive  crown  of  Tigranes  carried  in  triumph,  all 
helped  to  puff  up  Crassus,  as  if  the  barbarians  had 
been  nothing  else  but  spoil  and  booty,  and  he,  falling 
among  the  Parthian  archers,  soon  demonstrated  that 
Lucullus's  triumphs  were  not  beholden  to  the  in- 
advertency and  effeminacy  of  his  enemies,  but  to  his 
own  courage  and  conduct.   But  of  this  afterwards. 

Lucullus,  upon  his  return  to  Rome,  found  his 
brother  Marcus  accused  by  Caius  Memmius,  for  his 
acts  as  qusestor,  done  by  Sylla's  orders;  and  on  his 
acquittal,  Memmius  changed  the  scene,  and  animated 
the  people  against  Lucullus  himself,  urging  them  to 
deny  him  a  triumph  for  appropriating  the  spoils  and 
prolonging  the  war.  In  this  great  struggle,  the  no- 
bility and  chief  men  went  down  and  mingling  in  per- 
son among  the  tribes,  with  much  entreaty  and  labor, 
scarce  at  length  prevailed  upon  them  to  consent  to  his 
triumph.  The  pomp  of  which  proved  not  so  wonder- 
ful or  so  wearisome  with  the  length  of  the  procession 
and  the  number  of  things  carried  in  it,  but  consisted 
chiefly  in  vast  quantities  of  arms  and  machines  of  the 
king's,  with  which  he  adorned  the  Flaminian  circus, 
a  spectacle  by  no  means  despicable.  In  his  progress 
there  passed  by  a  few  horsemen  in  heavy  armor,  ten 
chariots  armed  with  scythes,  sixty  friends  and  officers 
of  the  king's,  and  a  hundred  and  ten  brazen-beaked 
ships  of  war,  which  were  conveyed  along  with  them, 


294  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


a  golden  image  of  Mithridates  six  feet  high,  a  shield 
set  with  precious  stones,  twenty  loads  of  silver  vessels, 
and  thirty-two  of  golden  cups,  armor,  and  money,  all 
carried  by  men.  Besides  which,  eight  mules  were 
laden  with  golden  couches,  fifty-six  with  bullion,  and 
a  hundred  and  seven  with  coined  silver,  little  less  than 
two  millions  seven  hundred  thousand  loieces.  There 
were  tablets,  also,  with  inscriptions,  stating  what 
moneys  he  gave  Pompey  for  prosecuting  the  piratic 
war,  what  he  delivered  into  the  treasury,  and  what  he 
gave  to  every  soldier,  which  was  nine  hundred  and 
fifty  drachmas  each.  After  all  which  he  nobly  feasted 
the  city  and  adjoining  villages,  or  vici.^ 

Being  divorced  from  Clodia,  a  dissolute  and 
wicked  woman,  he  jnarried  Servilia,  sister  to  Cato. 
This  also  proved  an  unfortunate  match,  for  she  only 
wanted  one  of  all  Clodia's  vices,  the  criminality  she 
was  accused  of  with  her  brothers.  Out  of  reverence 
to  Cato,  he  for  a  while  connived  at  her  impurity  and 
immodesty,  but  at  length  dismissed  her.  When  the 
senate  expected  great  things  from  him,  hoping  to  find 
in  him  a  check  to  the  usurpations  of  Pompey,  and  that 
with  the  greatness  of  his  station  and  credit  he  would 
come  forward  as  the  champion  of  the  nobility,  he  re- 
tired from  business  and  abandoned  public  life;  either 
because  he  saw  the  State  to  be  in  a  difficult  and  dis- 
eased condition,  or,  as  others  say,  because  he  was  as 
great  as  he  could  well  be,  and  inclined  to  a  quiet  and 
easy  life,  after  those  many  labors  and  toils  which  had 
ended  with  him  so  far  from  fortunately.    There  are 

®  The  city  and  adjoining  villages  or  vici ;  such  is  Plutarch's 
expression;  but  the  vici  are  properly  the  subdivisions  of  the 
regions,  or  wards,  of  the  city,  each  under  its  proper  officers  or 
vici-magistri.  Augustus  made  them  four  hundred  and  twenty- 
four  in  number.  Many  of  these  might  in  Lucullus's  time  have 
been  called  vici,  but  not  included  in  the  city. 


LUCULLUS 


295 


those  who  highly  commend  his  change  of  hfe,  saying 
that  he  thus  avoided  that  rock  on  which  Marius  split. 
For  he,  after  the  great  and  glorious  deeds  of  his  Cim- 
brian  victories,  was  not  contented  to  retire  upon  his 
honors,  but  out  of  an  insatiable  desire  of  glory  and 
power,  even  in  his  old  age,  headed  a  political  party 
against  young  men,  and  let  himself  fall  into  miser- 
able actions,  and  yet  more  miserable  sufferings.  Bet- 
ter, in  like  manner,  they  say,  had  it  been  for  Cicero, 
after  Catiline's  conspiracy,  to  have  retired  and  grown 
old,  and  for  Scipio,  after  his  Numantine  and  Cartha- 
ginian conquests,  to  have  sat  down  contented.  For 
the  administration  of  public  affairs  has,  like  other 
things,  its  proper  term,  and  statesmen  as  well  as 
wrestlers  will  break  down,  when  strength  and  youth 
fail.  But  Crassus  and  Pompey,  on  the  other  hand, 
laughed  to  see  Lucullus  abandoning  himself  to  pleas- 
ure and  expense,  as  if  luxurious  living  were  not  a 
thing  that  as  little  became  his  years,  as  government 
of  affairs  at  home,  or  of  an  army  abroad. 

And,  indeed,  LucuUus's  life,  like  the  Old  Comedy, 
presents  us  at  the  commencement  with  acts  of  policy 
and  of  war,  at  the  end  offering  nothing  but  good  eat- 
ing and  drinking,  f  eastings  and  re  veilings,  and  mere 
play.  For  I  give  no  higher  name  to  his  sumptuous 
buildings,  porticos  and  baths,  still  less  to  his  paintings 
and  sculptures,  and  all  his  industry  about  these  curi- 
osities, which  he  collected  with  vast  expense,  lavishly 
bestowing  all  the  wealth  and  treasure  which  he  got 
in  the  war  upon  them,  insomuch  that  even  now,  with 
all  the  advance  of  luxury,  the  Lucullean  gardens  * 
are  counted  the  noblest  the  emperor  has.  Tubero 

^  The  Lucullean  gardens  were  those  of  the  Garden  Hill  (the 
CoUis  Hortulorum),  the  Pineian  of  the  present  time.  Horace, 
in  the  last  line,  is  in  the  original  Flaccus. 


296  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  stoic,  when  he  saw  his  buildings  at  Naples,  where 
he  suspended  the  hills  upon  vast  tunnels,  brought 
in  the  sea  for  moats  and  fish-ponds  round  his  house, 
and  built  pleasure-houses  in  the  waters,  called  him 
Xerxes  in  a  gown.  He  had  also  fine  seats  in  Tus- 
culum,  belvederes,  and  large  open  balconies  for  men's 
apartments,  and  porticos  to  walk  in,  where  Pompey 
coming  to  see  him,  blamed  him  for  making  a  house 
which  would  be  pleasant  in  summer,  but  uninhabit- 
able in  winter;  whom  he  answered  with  a  smile,  "You 
think  me,  then,  less  provident  than  cranes  and  storks, 
not  to  change  my  home  with  the  season."  When  a 
prsetor,  with  great  expense  and  pains,  was  preparing 
a  spectacle  for  the  people,  and  asked  him  to  lend  him 
some  purple  robes  for  the  performers  in  a  chorus,  he 
told  him  he  would  go  home  and  see,  and  if  he  had  got 
any,  would  let  him  have  them;  and  the  next  day 
asking  how  many  he  wanted,  and  being  told  that  a 
hundred  would  suffice,  bade  him  to  take  twice  as 
many:  on  which  the  poet  Horace  observes,  that  a 
'  house  is  but  a  poor  one,  where  the  valuables  unseen 
and  unthought  of  do  not  exceed  all  those  that  meet 
the  eye.^^ 

Lucullus's  daily  entertainments  were  ostenta- 
tiously extravagant,  not  only  with  purple  coverlets, 
and  plate  adorned  with  precious  stones,  and  dancings, 
and  interludes,  but  with  the  greatest  diversity  of 

'^^  In  the  Epistles,  I.  6,  40,  where  the  story  is  told  a  little 
difF  erently : — 

Chlamydes  Lucullus,  ut  aiunt. 
Si  posset  centum  coenae  prsebere  rogatus, 
Qui  possum  tot  ?  ait ;  tamen  et  quaeram  et  quot  habebo 
Mittam ;  postpaulo  scribit  sibi  millia  quinque 
Esse  domi  chlamydum;  partem  vel  toUeret  omnes. 
Exilis  domus  est  ubi  non  et  multa  supersunt, 
Et  dominum  fallunt  et  prosunt  furibus. 


LUCULLUS 


297 


dishes  and  the  most  elaborate  cookery,  for  the  vulgar 
to  admire  and  envy.  It  was  a  happy  thought  of  Pom- 
pey  in  his  sickness,  when  his  physician  prescribed  a 
thrush  for  his  dinner,  and  his  servants  told  him  that 
in  summer  time  thrushes  were  not  to  be  found  any- 
where but  in  Lucullus's  fattening  coops,  that  he  would 
not  suffer  them  to  fetch  one  thence,  but  observing  to 
his  physician,  "So  if  Lucullus  had  not  been  an  epicure, 
Pompey  had  not  lived,"  ordered  something  else  that 
could  easily  be  got  to  be  prepared  for  him.  Cato  was 
his  friend  and  connection,  but,  nevertheless,  so  hated 
his  life  and  habits,  that  when  a  young  man  in  the 
senate  made  a  long  and  tedious  speech  in  praise  of 
frugality  and  temperance,  Cato  got  up  and  said, 
"How  long  do  you  mean  to  go  on  making  money  like 
Crassus,  living  like  Lucullus,  and  talking  like  Cato?" 
There  are  some,  however,  who  say  the  words  were 
said,  but  not  by  Cato. 

It  is  plain  from  the  anecdotes  on  record  of  him, 
that  Lucullus  was  not  only  pleased  with,  but  even 
gloried  in  his  way  of  living.  For  he  is  said  to  have 
feasted  several  Greeks  upon  their  coming  to  Rome 
day  after  day,  who,  out  of  a  true  Grecian  principle, 
being  ashamed,  and  declining  the  invitation,  where  so 
great  an  expense  was  every  day  incurred  for  them,  he 
with  a  smile  told  them,  "Some  of  this,  indeed,  my  Gre- 
cian friends,  is  for  your  sakes,  but  more  for  that  of 
Lucullus."  Once  when  he  supped  alone,  there  being 
only  once  course,  and  that  but  moderately  furnished, 
he  called  his  steward  and  reproved  him,  who,  profess- 
ing to  have  supposed  that  there  would  be  no  need  of 
any  great  entertainment,  when  nobody  was  invited, 
was  answered,  "What,  did  not  you  know,  then,  that 
to-day  Lucullus  dines  with  Lucullus?"  Which  being 
much  spoken  of  about  the  city,  Cicero  and  Pompey 
one  day  met  him  loitering  in  the  forum,  the  former  his 


298 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


intimate  friend  and  familiar,  and,  though  there  had 
been  some  ill-will  between  Pompey  and  him  about  the 
command  in  the  war,  still  they  used  to  see  each  other 
and  converse  on  easy  terms  together.  Cicero  accord- 
ingly saluted  him,  and  asked  him  whether  to-day  were 
a  good  time  for  asking  a  favor  of  him,  and  on  his 
answering,  "Very  much  so,"  and  begging  to  hear  what 
it  was,  "Then,"  said  Cicero,  "we  should  like  to  dine 
with  you  to-day,  just  on  the  dinner  that  is  prepared 
for  yourself."  Lucullus  being  surprised,  and  request- 
ing a  day's  time,  they  refused  to  grant  it,  neither  suf- 
fered him  to  talk  with  his  servants,  for  fear  he  should 
give  order  for  more  than  was  appointed  before.  But 
thus  much  they  consented  to,  that  before  their  faces 
he  might  tell  his  servant,  that  to-day  he  would  sup  in 
the  Apollo,  (for  so  one  of  his  best  dining-rooms  was 
called,)  and  by  this  evasion  he  outwitted  his  guests. 
For  every  room,  as  it  seems,  had  its  own  assessment 
of  expenditure,  dinner  at  such  a  price,  and  all  else  in 
accordance;  so  that  the  servants,  on  knowing  where 
he  would  dine,  knew  also  how  much  was  to  be  ex- 
pended, and  in  what  style  and  form  dinner  was  to  be 
served.  The  expense  for  the  Apollo  was  fifty  thou- 
sand drachmas,"  and  thus  much  being  that  day  laid 
out,  the  greatness  of  the  cost  did  not  so  much  amaze 
Pompey  and  Cicero,  as  the  rapidity  of  the  outlay. 
One  might  believe  Lucullus  thought  his  money  really 
captive  and  barbarian,  so  wantonly  and  contume- 
liously  did  he  treat  it. 

His  furnishing  a  library,  however,  deserves  praise 
and  record,  for  he  collected  ver}^  many  choice  manu- 
scripts; and  the  use  they  were  put  to  was  even  more 
magnificent  than  the  purchase,  the  library  being  al- 
ways open,  and  the  walks  and  reading-rooms  about  it 


"About  $10,000. 


LUCULLUS 


299 


free  to  all  Greeks,  whose  delight  it  was  to  leave  their 
other  occupations  and  hasten  thither  as  to  the  habita- 
tion of  the  Muses,  there  -walking  about,  and  divert- 
ing one  another.  He  himself  often  passed  his  hours 
there,  disputing  with  the  learned  in  the  walks,  and 
giving  his  advice  to  statesmen  who  required  it,  inso- 
much that  his  house  was  altogether  a  home,  and  in  a 
manner  a  Greek  prytaneum  for  those  that  visited 
Rome.  He  was  fond  of  all  sorts  of  philosophy,  and 
was  well-read  and  expert  in  them  all.  But  he  always 
from  the  first  specially  favored  and  valued  the 
Academy ;  not  the  New  one,  which  at  that  time  under 
Philo  flourished  with  the  precepts  of  Carneades,  but 
the  Old  one,  then  sustained  and  represented  by  An- 
tiochus  of  Ascalon,  a  learned  and  eloquent  man.  Lu- 
cullus  with  great  labor  made  him  his  friend  and  com- 
panion, and  set  him  up  against  Philo's  auditors, 
among  whom  Cicero  was  one,  who  wrote  an  admirable 
treatise  in  defence  of  his  sect,  in  which  he  puts  the 
argument  in  favor  of  comprehension  in  the  mouth 
of  Lucullus,  and  the  opposite  argument  in  his  own. 
The  book  is  called  Lucullus.  For  as  has  been  said, 
they  were  great  friends,  and  took  the  same  side  in 
politics.  For  Lucullus  did  not  wholly  retire  from  the 
republic,  but  only  from  ambition,  and  from  the  dan- 
gerous and  often  lawless  struggle  for  political  pre- 
eminence, which  he  left  to  Crassus  and  Cato,  whom 
the  senators,  jealous  of  Pompey's  greatness,  put  for- 

Comprehensio  is  Cicero's  literal  Latin  version  of  the  Greek 
philosophical  term  catalepsis,  equivalent  in  the  doctrine  of  Anti- 
ochus  and  of  the  Stoics  to  what  we  might  rather  call  apprehension, 
as  opposed  to  mere  sensation,  or  impression.  The  argument, 
placed  in  the  mouth  of  Lucullus,  in  the  book  which  bears  his 
name,  the  second  of  the  Prior  Academics,  is  in  favor  of  the 
possibility  of  certain  and  real  knowledge,  in  opposition  to  the 
sceptical  views  of  human  capacities. 


300  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ward  as  their  champions,  when  Lucullus  refused  to 
head  them.  For  his  friends'  sake  he  came  into  the 
forum  and  into  the  senate,  when  occasion  offered  to 
humble  the  ambition  and  pride  of  Pompey,  whose  set- 
tlement, after  his  conquests  over  the  kings,  he  got  can- 
celled, and  by  the  assistance  of  Cato,  hindered  a 
division  of  lands  to  his  soldiers,  which  he  proposed. 
So  Pompey  went  over  to  Crassus  and  Caesar's  alli- 
ance, or  rather  conspiracy,  and  filling  the  city  with 
armed  men,  procured  the  ratification  of  his  decrees 
by  force,  and  drove  Cato  and  Lucullus  out  of  the 
forum.  Which  being  resented  by  the  nobility,  Pom- 
pey's  party  produced  one  Vettius,  pretending  they 
apprehended  him  in  a  design  against  Pompey 's  life. 
Who  in  the  senate-house  accused  others,  but  before 
the  people  named  Lucullus,  as  if  he  had  been  suborned 
by  him  to  kill  Pompey.  Nobody  gave  heed  to  what 
he  said,  and  it  soon  appeared  that  they  had  put  him 
forward  to  make  false  charges  and  accusations.  And 
after  a  few  days  the  whole  intrigue  became  yet  more 
obvious,  when  the  dead  body  of  Vettius  was  thrown 
out  of  the  prison,  he  being  reported,  indeed,  to  have 
died  a  natural  death,  but  carrying  marks  of  a  halter 
and  blows  about  him,  and  seeming  rather  to  have  been 
taken  off  by  those  who  suborned  him.  These  things 
kept  Lucullus  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  republic. 

But  when  Cicero  was  banished  the  city,  and  Cato 
sent  to  Cyprus,  he  quitted  public  affairs  altogether. 
It  is  said,  too,  that  before  his  death,  his  intellects 
failed  him  by  degrees.  But  Cornelius  Nepos  denies 
that  either  age  or  sickness  impaired  his  mind,  which 
was  rather  affected  by  a  potion,  given  him  by  Callis- 
thenes  his  freedman.  The  potion  was  meant  by 
Callisthenes  to  strengthen  his  affection  for  him,  and 
was  supposed  to  have  that  tendency  but  it  acted  quite 
otherwise,  and  so  disabled  and  unsettled  his  mind,  that 


LUCULLUS 


301 


while  he  was  yet  alive,  his  brother  took  charge  of  his 
affairs.  At  his  death,  as  though  it  had  been  the  death 
of  one  taken  off  in  the  very  height  of  military  and 
civil  glory,  the  people  were  much  concerned,  and 
flocked  together,  and  would  have  forcibly  taken  his 
corpse,  as  it  was  carried  into  the  market-place  by 
young  men  of  the  highest  rank,  and  have  buried  It  in 
the  field  of  Mars,  where  they  buried  Sylla.  Which 
being  altogether  unexpected,  and  necessaries  not 
easily  to  be  procured  on  a  sudden,  his  brother,  after 
much  entreat}^  and  solicitation,  prevailed  upon  them 
to  suffer  him  to  be  buried  on  his  Tusculan  estate  as 
had  been  appointed.  He  himself  survived  him  but  a 
short  time,  coming  not  far  behind  in  death,  as  he  did 
in  age  and  renown,  in  all  respects,  a  most  loving 
brother. 


COMPARISON  OF  LUCULLUS 
WITH  CIMON 

One  might  bless  the  end  of  LucuUus,  which  was 
SO  timed  as  to  let  him  die  before  the  great  revolution, 
which  fate  by  intestine  wars,  was  already  effecting 
against  the  established  government,  and  to  close  his 
life  in  a  free,  though  troubled  commonwealth.  And 
in  this,  above  all  other  things,  Cimon  and  he  are  alike. 
For  he  died  also  when  Greece  was  as  yet  undisordered, 
in  its  highest  felicity;  though  in  the  field  at  the  head 
of  his  army,  not  recalled,  nor  out  of  his  mind,  nor 
sullying  the  glory  of  his  wars,  engagements,  and  con- 
quests, by  making  f eastings  and  debauches  seem  the 
apparent  end  and  aim  of  them  all;  as  Plato  says 
scornfully  of  Orpheus,^  that  he  makes  an  eternal  de- 
bauch hereafter,  the  reward  of  those  who  lived  well 
here.  Indeed,  ease  and  quiet,  and  the  study  of  pleas- 
ant and  speculative  learning,  to  an  old  man  retiring 
from  command  and  office,  is  a  most  suitable  and  be- 
coming solace;  but  to  misguide  virtuous  actions  to 
pleasure  as  their  utmost  end,  and,  as  the  conclusion  of 
campaigns  and  commands,  to  keep  the  feast  of  Venus, 
did  not  become  the  noble  Academy,  and  the  follower 
of  Xenocrates,  but  rather  one  that  inclined  to  Epi- 
curus. And  this  is  one  surprising  point  of  contrast 
between  them ;  Cimon's  ^  youth  was  ill-reputed  and 

^  Plato  says  it  scornfully  not  of  Orpheus,  but  Musaeus,  in  the 
Eepublic  {II.,  p.  363).  The  feast  of  Venus,  the  Aphrodisia,  is 
often  spoken  of  as  kept  formally  by  sailors  on  their  return  to 
port,  and,  in  a  general  way,  the  phrase  is  used  of  all  indulgence 
and  feasting  after  business,  labor,  or  danger. 

^  Plato's  words  about  Cimon's  ostracism  are  in  the  Gorgias 
(p.  516). 

(309) 


LUCULLUS  AND  CIMON  303 

intemperate,  Lueullus's  well  disciplined  and  sober. 
Undoubtedly  we  must  give  the  preference  to  the 
change  for  good,  for  it  argues  the  better  nature, 
where  vice  declines  and  virtue  grows.  Both  had 
great  wealth,  but  employed  it  in  different  ways; 
and  there  is  no  comparison  between  the  south 
wall  of  the  acropolis  built  by  Cimon,  and  the  chambers 
and  galleries,  with  their  sea-views,  built  at  Naples  by 
Lucullus,  out  of  the  spoils  of  the  barbarians.  Neither 
can  we  compare  Cimon's  popular  and  liberal  table 
with  the  sumptuous  oriental  one  of  Lucullus,  the 
former  receiving  a  great  many  guests  every  day  at 
small  cost,  the  latter  expensively  spread  for  a  few 
men  of  pleasure,  unless  you  will  say  that  different 
times  made  the  alteration.  For  who  can  tell  but  that 
Cimon,  if  he  had  retired  in  his  old  age  from  business 
and  war  to  quiet  and  solitude,  might  have  lived  a 
more  luxurious  and  self-indulgent  life,  as  he  was  fond 
of  wine  and  company,  and  accused,  as  has  been  said, 
of  laxity  with  women?  The  better  pleasures  gained 
in  successful  action  and  effort  leave  the  baser  appe- 
tites no  time  or  place,  and  make  active  and  heroic  men 
forget  them.  Had  but  Lucullus  ended  his  days  in 
the  field,  and  in  command,  envy  and  detraction  itself 
could  never  have  accused  him.  So  much  for  their 
manner  of  life. 

In  war,  it  is  plain  they  were  both  soldiers  of  ex- 
cellent conduct,  both  at  land  and  sea.  But  as  in  the 
games  they  honor  those  champions  who  on  the  same 
day  gain  the  garland,  both  in  wrestling  and  in  the 
pancratium,  with  the  name  of  "Victors  and  more,"  ^ 
so  Cimon,  honoring  Greece  with  a  sea  and  land  vic- 
tory on  the  same  day,  may  claim  a  certain  pre- 

^  The  text  is  uncertain ;  "paradoxonicas,'*  1.  e.  "victors  con- 
trary to  all  probability/'  seems  the  most  reasonable  conjecture. 


304  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


eminence  among  commanders.  Lucullus  received 
command  from  his  country,  whereas  Cimon  brought 
it  to  his.  He  annexed  the  territories  of  enemies 
to  her,  who  ruled  over  confederates  before,  but 
Cimon  made  his  country,  which  when  he  began  was  a 
mere  follower  of  others,  both  rule  over  confederates, 
and  conquer  enemies  too,  forcing  the  Persians  to  re- 
linquish the  sea,  and  inducing  the  Lacedgemonians  to 
surrender  their  command.  If  it  be  the  chief  est  thing 
in  a  general  to  obtain  the  obedience  of  his  soldiers  by 
good-will,  Lucullus  was  despised  by  his  own  army, 
but  Cimon  highly  prized  even  by  others.  His  sol- 
diers deserted  the  one,  the  confederates  came  over  to 
the  other.  Lucullus  came  home  without  the  forces 
w^hich  he  led  out;  Cimon,  sent  out  at  first  to  serve  as 
one  confederate  among  others,  returned  home  with 
authority  even  over  these  also,  having  successfully 
effected  for  his  city  three  most  difficult  services,  estab- 
lishing peace  with  the  enemy,  dominion  over  confed- 
erates, and  concord  with  Lacedsemon.  Both  aiming 
to  destroy  great  kingdoms,  and  subdue  all  Asia,  failed 
in  their  enterprise,  Cimon  by  a  simple  piece  of  ill- 
fortune,  for  he  died  when  general,  in  the  height  of 
success;  but  Lucullus  no  man  can  wholly  acquit  of 
being  in  fault  with  his  soldiers,  whether  it  were  he 
did  not  know,  or  would  not  comply  with  the  distastes 
and  complaints  of  his  army,  which  brought  him  at 
last  into  such  extreme  unpopularity  among  them. 
But  did  not  Cimon  also  suffer  like  him  in  this?  For 
the  citizens  arraigned  him,  and  did  not  leave  off  till 
they  had  banished  him,  that,  as  Plato  says,  they  might 
not  hear  him  for  the  space  of  ten  years.  For  high  and 
noble  minds  seldom  please  the  vulgar,  or  are  accept- 
able to  them;  for  the  force  they  use  to  straighten  their 
distorted  actions  gives  the  same  pain  as  surgeons' 
bandages  do  in  bringing  dislocated  bones  to  their 


LUCULLUS  AND  CIMOK  305 


natural  position.  Both  of  them,  perhaps,  come  off 
pretty  much  with  an  equal  acquittal  on  this  count. 

Lucullus  very  much  outwent  him  in  war,  being 
the  first  Roman  who  carried  an  army  over  Taurus, 
passed  the  Tigris,  took  and  burnt  the  royal  palaces  of 
Asia  in  the  sight  of  the  kings,  Tigranocerta,  Cabira, 
Sinope,  and  Nisibis,  seizing  and  overwhelming  the 
northern  parts  as  far  as  the  Phasis,  the  east  as  far  as 
Media,  and  making  the  South  and  Red  Sea  his  own 
through  the  kings  of  the  Arabians.  He  shattered  the 
power  of  the  kings,  and  narrowly  missed  their  per- 
sons, while  like  wild  beasts  they  fled  away  into  deserts 
and  thick  and  impassable  woods.  In  demonstration 
of  this  superiority,  we  see  that  the  Persians,  as  if  no 
great  harm  had  befallen  them  under  Cimon,  soon 
after  appeared  in  arms  against  the  Greeks,  and  over- 
came and  destroyed  their  numerous  forces  in  Egypt. 
But  after  Lucullus,  Tigranes  and  Mithridates  were 
able  to  do  nothing;  the  latter,  being  disabled  and 
broken  in  the  former  wars,  never  dared  to  show  his 
army  to  Pompey  outside  the  camp,  but  fled  away  to 
Bosporus,  and  there  died.  Tigranes  threw  himself, 
naked  and  unarmed,  down  before  Pompey,  and  tak- 
ing his  crown  from  his  head,  laid  it  at  his  feet,  com- 
plimenting Pompey  with  what  was  not  his  own,  but, 
in  real  truth,  the  conquest  already  effected  by  Lu- 
cullus. And  when  he  received  the  ensigns  of  majesty 
again,  he  was  well  pleased,  evidently  because  he  had 
forfeited  them  before.  And  the  commander,  as  the 
wrestler,  is  to  be  accounted  to  have  done  most  who 
leaves  an  adversary  almost  conquered  for  his  suc- 
cessor. Cimon,  moreover,  when  he  took  the  command, 
found  the  power  of  the  king  broken,  and  the  spirits 
of  the  Persians  humbled  by  their  great  defeats  and 
incessant  routs  under  Themistocles,  Pausanias,  and 
Leotychides,  and  thus  easily  overcame  the  bodies  of 


306  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


men  whose  souls  were  quelled  and  defeated  before- 
hand. But  Tigranes  had  never  yet  in  many  combats 
been  beaten,  and  was  flushed  with  success  when  he  en- 
gaged ^^dth  LucuUus.  There  is  no  comparison  be- 
tween the  numbers,  which  came  against  Lucullus,  and 
those  subdued  by  Cimon.  All  which  things  being 
rightly  considered,  it  is  a  hard  matter  to  give  judg- 
ment. For  supernatural  favor  also  appears  to  have 
attended  both  of  them,  directing  the  one  what  to  do, 
the  other  what  to  avoid,  and  thus  they  have,  both  of 
them,  so  to  say,  the  vote  of  the  gods,  to  declare  them 
noble  and  divine  characters. 


NICIAS^ 


Translated  by  Teeomas  Rymeu,  Esq.,  (the  Critic 
AND  Antiquary). 

Crassus,  in  my  opinion,  may  most  properly  be  set 
against  Nicias,  and  the  Parthian  disaster  compared 
with  that  in  Sicily.  But  here  it  will  be  well  for  me  to 
entreat  the  reader,  in  all  courtesy,  not  to  think  that  I 
contend  with  Thucydides  in  matters  so  pathetically, 
vividly,  and  eloquently,  beyond  all  imitation,  and  even 
beyond  himself,  expressed  by  him;  nor  to  believe  me 
guilty  of  the  like  folly  with  Timseus,  who,  hoping  in 
his  history  to  surpass  Thucydides  in  art,  and  to  make 
Philistus  appear  a  trifler  and  a  novice,  pushes  on  in 
his  descriptions,  through  all  the  battles,  sea-fights,  and 
public  speeches,  in  recording  which  they  have  been 
most  successful,  without  meriting  so  much  as  to  be 
compared  in  Pindar's  phrase  to 

One  that  on  his  feet 

Would  with  the  Lydian  cars  compete.^ 

He  simply  shows  himself  all  along  a  half -lettered, 
childish  writer;  in  the  words  of  Diphilus, 

 of  wit  obese, 

0*erlarded  with  Sicilian  grease. 

^  A  celebrated  Athenian  general  during  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  several  times  associated  with  Pericles,  noted  for  his  great 
prudence  and  high  character.  With  Demosthenes  he  was  put  to 
death  by  the  Syracusans  (413  B.  C). — Dr.  William  Smith. 

2  The  fragment  from  Pindar  is  No.  119,  in  the  Uncertain 
Fragments  of  Boeckh's  edition,    Diphilus  is  a  Comic  poet. 

(307) 


308 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Often  he  sinks  to  the  very  level  of  Xenarchus,  telling 
us  that  he  thinks  it  ominous  to  the  Athenians,  that 
their  general,  who  had  victory  ^  in  his  name,  was  un- 
willing to  take  command  in  the  expedition;  and  that 
the  defacing  of  the  Hermae  was  a  divine  intimation 
that  they  should  suffer  much  in  the  war  by  Hermo- 
crates,  the  son  of  Hermon ;  and,  moreover,  how  it  was 
likely  that  Hercules  should  aid  the  Syracusans  for  the 
sake  of  Proserpine,  by  which  means  he  took  Cerberus, 
and  should  be  angry  with  the  Athenians  for  protect- 
ing the  Egesteans,  descended  from  Trojan  ancestors, 
whose  city  he,  for  an  injury  of  their  king  Laomedon, 
had  overthrown.  However,  all  these  may  be  merely 
other  instances  of  the  same  happy  taste  that  makes 
him  correct  the  diction  of  Philistus,  and  abuse  Plato 
and  Aristotle.  This  sort  of  contention  and  rivalry 
with  others  in  matter  of  style,  to  my  mind,  in  any 
case,  seems  petty  and  pedantic,  but  when  its  objects 
are  works  of  inimitable  excellence,  it  is  absolutely 
senseless.  Such  actions  in  Nicias's  life  as  Thucydides 
and  Philistus  have  related,  since  they  cannot  be 
passed  by,  illustrating  as  they  do  most  especially  his 
character  and  temper,  under  his  many  and  great 
troubles,  that  I  may  not  seem  altogether  negligent,  I 
shall  briefly  run  over.  And  such  things  as  are  not 
commonly  known,  and  lie  scattered  here  and  there  in 
other  men's  writings,  or  are  found  amongst  the  old 
monuments  and  archives,  I  shall  endeavor  to  bring 
together;  not  collecting  mere  useless  pieces  of  learn- 
ing, but  adducing  what  may  make  his  disposition  and 
habit  of  mind  understood. 

First  of  all,  I  would  mention  what  Aristotle  has 
said  of  Nicias,  that  there  had  been  three  good  citizens, 
eminent  above  the  rest  for  their  hereditary  affection 

^  Nike,  or  nice,  victory,  in  the  name  Nikias,  or  Nicias. 


NICIAS 


309 


and  love  to  the  people,  Nicias,  the  son  of  Niceratus, 
Thucydides  the  son  of  Melesias,  and  Theramenes  the 
son  of  Hagnon,  but  the  last  less  than  the  others;  for 
he  had  his  dubious  extraction  cast  in  his  teeth,  as  a 
foreigner  from  Ceos,  and  his  inconstancy,  which  made 
him  side  sometimes  with  one  party,  sometimes  with 
another  in  public  life,  and  which  obtained  him  the 
nickname  of  the  Buskin/ 

Thucydides  came  earlier,  and,  on  the  behalf  of 
the  nobility,  was  a  great  opponent  of  the  measures  by 
which  Pericles  courted  the  favor  of  the  people. 

Nicias  was  a  younger  man,  yet  was  in  some  repu- 
tation even  whilst  Pericles  lived;  so  much  so  as  to 
have  been  his  colleague  in  the  office  of  general,  and  to 
have  held  command  by  himself  more  than  once.  But 
on  the  death  of  Pericles,  he  presently  rose  to  the  high- 
est place,  chiefly  by  the  favor  of  the  rich  and  eminent 
citizens,  who  set  him  up  for  their  bulwark  against  the 
presumption  and  insolence  of  Cleon;  nevertheless,  he 
did  not  forfeit  the  good- will  of  the  commonalty,  who, 
likewise,  contributed  to  his  advancement.  For  though 
Cleon  got  great  influence  by  his  exertions 

  to  please 

The  old  men,  who  trusted  him  to  find  them  fees.^ 

Yet  even  those,  for  whose  interest,  and  to  gain  whose 
favor  he  acted,  nevertheless  observing  the  avarice,  the 
arrogance,  and  the  presumption  of  the  man,  many  of 
them  supported  Nicias.  For  his  was  not  that  sort  of 
gravity  which  is  harsh  and  offensive,  but  he  tempered 
it  with  a  certain  caution  and  deference,  winning  upon 
the  people,  by  seeming  afraid  of  them.    And  being 

*  Which  would  fit  indifferently  on  either  foot. 

^  The  quotation  is  loosely  taken  from  the  Knights  of  Aristo- 
phanes (Equites,  1096). 


310  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


naturally  diffident  and  unhopeful  in  war,  his  good 
fortune  supplied  his  want  of  courage,  and  kept  it  from 
being  detected,  as  in  all  his  commands  he  was  con- 
stantly successful.  And  his  timorousness  in  civil  life, 
and  his  extreme  dread  of  accusers,  was  thought  very 
suitable  in  a  citizen  of  a  free  State;  and  from  the 
people's  good-will  towards  him,  got  him  no  small 
power  over  them,  they  being  fearful  of  all  that 
despised  them,  but  willing  to  promote  one  who  seemed 
to  be  afraid  of  them;  the  greatest  compliment  their 
betters  could  pay  them  being  not  to  contemn  them. 

Pericles,  who  by  solid  virtue  and  the  pure  force  of 
argument  ruled  the  commonwealth,  had  stood  in  need 
of  no  disguises  nor  persuasions  with  the  people. 
Nicias,  inferior  in  these  respects,  used  his  riches,  of 
which  he  had  abundance,  to  gain  popularity.  Neither 
had  he  the  nimble  wit  of  Cleon,  to  win  the  Athenians 
to  his  purposes  by  amusing  them  with  bold  jests;  un- 
provided with  such  qualities,  he  courted  them  with 
dramatic  exhibitions,  g^^mnastic  games,  and  other 
public  shows,  more  sumptuous  and  more  splendid  than 
had  been  ever  known  in  his,  or  in  former  ages. 
Amongst  his  religious  offerings,  there  was  extant, 
even  in  our  days,  the  small  figure  of  Minerva  in  the 
citadel,  having  lost  the  gold  that  covered  it;  and  a 
shrine  in  the  temple  of  Bacchus,  under  the  tripods, 
that  were  presented  by  those  who  won  the  prize  in 
the  shows  of  plays.  For  at  these  he  had  often  carried 
off  the  prize,  and  never  once  failed.  We  are  told  that 
on  one  of  these  occasions,  a  slave  of  his  appeared  in 
the  character  of  Bacchus,  of  a  beautiful  person  and 
noble  stature,  and  with  as  yet  no  beard  upon  his  chin ; 
and  on  the  Athenians  being  pleased  with  the  sight,  and 
applauding  a  long  time,  Nicias  stood  up,  and  said  he 
could  not  in  piety  keep  as  a  slave  one  whose  person 
had  been  consecrated  to  represent  a  god.  And  forth- 


NICIAS 


ail 


with  he  set  the  young  man  free.  His  performances 
at  Delos  are,  also,  on  record,  as  noble  and  magnificent 
works  of  devotion.  For  whereas  the  choruses  which 
the  cities  sent  to  sing  hymns  to  the  god  were  wont  to 
arrive  in  no  order,  as  it  might  happen,  and,  being  there 
met  by  a  crowd  of  people  crying  out  to  them  to  sing, 
in  their  hurry  to  begin,  used  to  disembark  confusedly, 
putting  on  their  garlands,  and  changing  their  dresses 
as  they  left  the  ships,  he,  when  he  had  to  convoy  the 
sacred  company,  disembarked  the  chorus  at  Rhenea, 
together  with  the  sacrifice,  and  other  holy  appurte- 
nances. And  having  brought  along  with  him  from 
Athens  a*  bridge  fitted  by  measurement  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  magnificently  adorned  with  gilding  and 
coloring,  and  with  garlands  and  tapestries;  this  he 
laid  in  the  night  over  the  channel  betwixt  Khenea  and 
Delos,  being  no  great  distance.  And  at  break  of  day 
he  marched  forth  with  all  the  procession  to  the  god, 
and  led  the  chorus,  sumptuously  ornamented,  and 
singing  their  hymns,  along  over  the  bridge.  The  sac- 
rifices, the  games,  and  the  feast  being  over,  he  set  up' 
a  palm-tree  of  brass  for  a  present  to  the  god,  and 
bought  a  parcel  of  land  with  ten  thousand  drachmas, 
which  he  consecrated ;  with  the  revenue  the  inhabitants 
of  Delos  were  to  sacrifice  and  to  feast,  and  to  pray  the 
gods  for  many  good  things  to  Nicias.  This  he  en- 
graved on  a  pillar,  which  he  left  in  Delos  to  be  a  rec- 
ord of  his  bequest.  This  same  palm-tree,  afterwards 
broken  down  by  the  wind,  fell  on  the  great  statue 
which  the  men  of  Naxos  presented,  and  struck  it  to 
the  ground. 

It  is  plain  that  much  of  this  might  be  vainglory, 
and  the  mere  desire  of  popularity  and  applause;  yet 
from  other  qualities  and  carriage  of  the  man,  one 
might  believe  all  this  cost  and  public  display  to  be 
the  effect  of  devotion.   For  he  was  one  of  those  who 


312  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


dreaded  the  divine  powers  extremely,  and,  as  Thucy-^ 
dides  tells  us,  was  much  given  to  arts  of  divination. 
In  one  of  Pasiphon's  dialogues,  it  is  stated  that  he 
daily  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  and  keeping  a  diviner  at 
his  house,  professed  to  be  consulting  always  about 
the  commonwealth,  but  for  the  most  part,  inquired 
about  his  own  private  affairs,  more  especially  concern- 
ing his  silver  mines;  for  he  owned  many  works  at 
Laurium,  of  great  value,  but  somewhat  hazardous  to 
carry  on.  He  maintained  there  a  multitude  of  slaves, 
and  his  wealth  consisted  chiefly  in  silver.  Hence  he 
hand  many  hangers-on  about  him,  begging  and  obtain- 
ing. For  he  gave  to  those  who  could  do  him  mischief, 
no  less  than  to  those  who  deserved  well.  In  short,  his 
timidity  was  a  revenue  to  rogues,  and  his  humanity 
to  honest  men.  We  find  testimony  in  the  comic  writ- 
ers, as  when  Teleclides,  speaking  of  one  of  the  pro- 
fessed informers,  says : — 

Charicles  ^  gave  the  man  a  pound,  the  matter  not  to  name, 
That  from  inside  a  money-bag  into  the  world  he  came; 
And  Nicias,  also,  paid  him  four;  I  know  the  reason  well. 
But  Nicias  is  a  worthy  man,  and  so  I  will  not  tell. 

So,  also,  the  informer  whom  Eupolis  introduces  in  his 
Maricas,  attacking  a  good,  simple,  poor  man: — 

How  long  ago  did  you  and  Nicias  meet? 

I  did  but  see  him  just  now  in  the  street. 

The  man  has  seen  him  and  denies  it  not* 
'T  is  evident  that  they  are  in  a  plot. 

^  The  allusion  of  Teleclides  in  the  case  of  Charicles  is  to  the 
habit,  apparently  very  frequent  with  rich  and  childless  women  in 
Greece,  of  introducing  supposititious  children  into  a  family.  For 
the  words  of  Cleon  (or,  more  correctly,  of  Agoracritus,  Cleon's 
opponent),  in  Aristophanes,  see  the  Knights,  358. 


NICIAS 


313 


See  you,  O  citizen ! 't  is  fact, 
Nicias  is  taken  in  the  act. 

Taken,  Fools !  take  so  good  a  man 

In  aught  that's  wrong  none  will  or  can.'^ 

Cleon,  in  Aristophanes,  makes  it  one  of  his 
threats : — 

I'll  outscream  all  the  speakers,  and  make  Nicias  stand  aghast ! 

Phrynichus  also  implies  his  want  of  spirit,  and  his 
easiness  to  be  intimidated  in  the  verses, 

A  noble  man  he  was,  I  well  can  say. 

Nor  walked  like  Nicias,  cowering  on  his  way. 

So  cautious  was  he  of  informers,  and  so  reserved, 
that  he  never  would  dine  out  with  any  citizen,  nor 
allowed  himself  to  indulge  in  talk  and  conversation 
with  his  friends,  nor  gave  himself  any  leisure  for  such 
amusements ;  but  when  he  was  general  he  used  to  stay 
at  the  office  ^  till  night,  and  was  the  first  that  came  to 
the  council-house,  and  the  last  that  left  it.  And  if  no 
public  business  engaged  him,  it  was  very  hard  to  have 
access,  or  .to  speak  with  him,  he  being  retired  at  home 
and  locked  up.  And  when  any  came  to  the  door, 
some  friend  of  his  gave  them  good  words,  and  begged 
them  to  excuse  him,  ISTicias  was  very  busy;  as  if  affairs 
of  State  and  public  duties  still  kept  his  occupied.  He 
who  principally  acted  this  part  for  him,  and  contrib- 
uted most  to  this  state  and  show,  was  Hiero,  a  man 
educated  in  Nicias's  family,  and  instructed  by  him  in 
letters  and  music.  He  professed  to  be  the  son  of 
Dionysius,  surnamed  Chalcus,  whose  poems  are  yet 

^  One  half  of  the  citizens  take  the  part  of  the  informer,  the 
other  that  of  the  accused. 

^  The  office  of  the  Board  of  Generals,  ten  in  number,  by  whom 
all  the  military  business  was  transacted. 


314  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


extant,  and  had  led  out  the  colony  to  Italy,  and 
founded  Thurii.  This  Hiero  transacted  all  his  se- 
crets for  Nicias  with  the  diviners;  and  gave  out  to  the 
people,  what  a  toilsome  and  miserable  life  he  led,  for 
the  sake  of  the  commonwealth.  "He,"  said  Hiero, 
"can  never  be  either  at  the  bath,  or  at  his  meat,  but 
some  public  business  interferes.  Careless  of  his  own, 
and  zealous  for  the  public  good,  he  scarcely  ever  goes 
to  bed  till  after  others  have  had  their  first  sleep.  So 
that  his  health  is  impaired,  and  his  body  out  of  order, 
nor  is  he  cheerful  or  alfable  with  his  friends,  but  loses 
them  as  well  as  his  money  in  the  service  of  the  State, 
while  other  men  gain  friends  by  public  speaking,  en- 
rich themselves,  fare  delicately,  and  make  government 
their  amusement."  And  in  fact  this  was  Nicias's  man- 
ner of  life,  so  that  he  well  might  apply  to  himself  the 
words  of  Agamemnon: — 

Vain  pomp's  the  ruler  of  the  life  we  live, 
And  a  slave's  service  to  the  crowd  we  give.^ 

He  observed  that  the  people,  in  the  case  of  men  of 
eloquence,  or  of  eminent  parts,  made  use  of  their 
talents  upon  occasion,  but  were  always  jealous  of  their 
abilities,  and  held  a  watchful  eye  upon  them,  taking 
all  opportunities  to  humble  their  pride  and  abate  their 
reputation;  as  was  manifest  in  their  condemnation  of 
Pericles,  their  banishment  of  Damon,  their  distrust 
of  Antiphon  the  Rhamnusian,  but  especially  in  the 
case  of  Paches  who  took  Lesbos,  who,  having  to  give 
an  account  of  his  conduct,  in  the  very  court  of  justice 
unsheathed  his  sword  and  slew  himself.  Upon  such 
considerations,  Nicias  declined  all  difficult  and  lengthy 
enterprises;  if  he  took  a  command,  he  was  for  doing 
what  was  safe;  and  if,  as  thus  was  likely,  he  had  for 

^  The  words  of  Agamemnon  are  from  the  Iphigenia  in  Aulis 
of  Euripides  (449). 


NICIAS  •  315 


the  most  part  success,  he  did  not  attribute  it  to  any 
wisdom,  conduct,  or  courage  of  his  own,  but,  to  avoid 
envy,  he  thanked  fortune  for  all,  and  gave  the  glory 
to  the  divine  powers.  And  the  actions  themselves 
bore  testimony  in  his  favor;  the  city  met  at  that  time 
with  several  considerable  reverses,  but  he  had  not  a 
hand  in  any  of  them.  The  Athenians  were  routed  in 
Thrace  by  the  Chalcidians,  Calliades  and  Xenophon 
commanding  in  chief.  Demosthenes  was  the  general 
when  they  were  unfortunate  in  iEtolia.  At  Delium, 
they  lost  a  thousand  citizens  under  the  conduct  of 
Hippocrates;  the  plague  was  principally  laid  to  the 
charge  of  Pericles,  he,  to  carry  on  the  war,  having 
shut  up  close  together  in  the  town  the  crowd  of  people 
from  the  country,  who,  by  the  change  of  place,  and 
of  their  usual  course  of  living,  bred  the  pestilence. 
Xicias  stood  clear  of  all  this;  under  his  conduct  was 
taken  Cythera,  an  island  most  commodious  against 
Laconia,  and  occupied  by  the  Lacedaemonian  settlers ; 
many  places,  likewise,  in  Thrace,  which  had  revolted, 
were  taken  or  won  over  by  him;  he,  shutting  up  the 
Megarians  within  their  town,  seized  upon  the  isle  of 
Minoa;  and  soon  after,  advancing  from  thence  to 
Nisaea,  made  himself  master  there,  and  then  making 
a  descent  upon  the  Corinthian  territory,  fought  a  suc- 
cessful battle,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  the  Corin- 
thians with  their  captain  Lycophron.  There  it  hap- 
pened that  two  of  his  men  were  left  by  an  oversight, 
when  they  carried  off  the  dead,  which  when  he  under- 
stood, he  stopped  the  fleet,  and  sent  a  herald  to  the 
enemy  for  leave  to  carry  off  the  dead;  though  by  law 
and  custom,  he  that  by  a  truce  craved  leave  to  carry 
off  the  dead,  was  hereby  supposed  to  give  up  all  claim 
to  the  victory.  Nor  was  it  lawful  for  him  that  did  this 
to  erect  a  trophy,  for  his  is  the  victory  who  is  master 
of  the  field,  and  he  is  not  master  who  asks  leave,  as 


316  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


wanting  power  to  take.  But  he  chose  rather  to  re- 
nounce his  \dctor3^  and  his  glory,  than  to  let  two  citi- 
zens lie  unburied.  He  scoured  the  coast  of  Laconia 
all  along,  and  beat  the  Lacedaemonians  that  made 
head  against  him.  He  took  Th^^'ea,  occupied  by  the 
^ginetans,  and  carried  the  prisoners  to  Athens. 

When  Demosthenes  had  fortified  Pylos,  and  the 
Peloponnesians  brought  together  both  their  sea  and 
land  forces  before  it,  after  the  fight,  about  the  number 
of  four  hundred  native  Spartans  were  left  ashore  in 
the  isle  Sphacteria.  The  Athenians  thought  it  a 
great  prize,  as  indeed  it  was,  to  take  these  men  pris- 
oners. But  the  siege,  in  places  that  wanted  water, 
being  very  difficult  and  untoward,  and  to  convey 
necessaries  about  by  sea  in  summer  tedious  and  ex- 
pensive, in  winter  doubtful,  or  plainly  impossible,  they 
began  to  be  annoyed,  and  to  repent  their  having  re- 
jected the  embassy  of  the  Lacedsemonians,  that  had 
been  sent  to  propose  a  treaty  of  peace,  wliich  had  been 
done  at  the  importunity  of  Cleon,  who  opposed  it 
chiefly  out  of  a  pique  to  Xicias ;  for,  being  his  enemy, 
and  observing  him  to  be  extremely  solicitous  to  sup- 
port the  offers  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  he  persuaded 
the  people  to  refuse  them. 

Xow,  therefore,  that  the  siege  was  protracted,  and 
they  heard  of  the  difficulties  that  pressed  their  army, 
they  grew  em^aged  against  Cleon.  But  he  turned  all 
the  blame  upon  Xicias,  charging  it  on  liis  softness  and 
cowardice,  that  the  besieged  were  not  yet  taken. 
"Were  I  general,"  said  he,  "they  should  not  hold  out 
so  long."  The  Athenians  not  unnaturally  asked  the 
question,  "^Miy  then,  as  it  is,  do  you  not  go  with  a 
squadron  against  them?"  And  Xicias,  standing  up 
resigned  his  command  at  Pylos  to  him,  and  bade  him 
take  what  forces  he  pleased  along  with  him,  and  not 


NICIAS 


317 


be  bold  in  words,  out  of  harm's  way,  but  go  forth  and 
perform  some  real  service  for  the  commonwealth. 
Cleon,  at  the  first,  tried  to  draw  back,  disconcerted  at 
the  proposal,  which  he  had  never  expected;  but  the 
Athenians  insisting,  and  Nicias  loudly  upbraiding 
him,  he  thus  provoked,  and  fired  with  ambition,  took 
upon  him  the  charge,  and  said  further,  that  within 
twenty  days  after  he  embarked,  he  would  either  kill 
the  enemy  upon  the  place,  or  bring  them  alive  to 
Athens.  This  the  Athenians  were  readier  to  laugh  at 
than  to  believe,  as  on  other  occasions,  also,  his  bold 
assertions  and  extravagances  used  to  make  them  sport, 
and  were  pleasant  enough.  As,  for  instance,  it  is  re- 
ported that  once  when  the  people  were  assembled,  and 
had  waited  his  coming  a  long  time,  at  last  he  appeared 
with  a  garland  on  his  head,  and  prayed  them  to  ad- 
journ to  the  next  day.  "For,"  said  he,  "I  am  not  at 
leisure  to-day;  I  have  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  and  am 
to  entertain  some  strangers.  Whereupon  the  Athe- 
nians laughing  rose  up,  and  dissolved  the  assembly. 
However,  at  this  time  he  had  good  fortune,  and  in 
conjunction  with  Demosthenes,  conducted  the  enter- 
prise so  well,  that  within  the  time  he  had  limited,  he 
carried  captive  to  Athens  all  the  Spartans  that  had 
not  fallen  in  battle. 

This  brought  great  disgrace  on  Nicias;  for  this 
was  not  to  throw  away  his  shield,  but  something  yet 
more  shameful  and  ignominious,  to  quit  his  charge 
voluntarily  out  of  cowardice,  and  voting  himself,  as  it 
were,  out  of  his  command  of  his  own  accord,  to  put 
into  his  enemy's  hand  the  opportunity  of  achieving 
so  brave  an  action.  Aristophanes  has  a  jest  against 
him  on  this  occasion  in  the  Birds    : — 

^®  For  the  first  quotation,  see  the  Birds  (643) ;  the  second  i? 
from  a  lost  play. 


318 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Indeed,  not  now  the  word  that  must  be  said 
Is,  do  like  Nicias,  or  retire  to  bed. 

And,  again,  in  his  Husbandmen : — 

I  wish  to  stay  at  home  and  farm. 

What  then} 

Who  should  prevent  you? 

You,  my  countrymen; 
Whom  I  would  pay  a  thousand  drachmas  down. 
To  let  me  give  up  office  and  leave  town. 

Enough;  content;  the  sum  two  thousand  is. 
With  those  that  Nicias  paid  to  give  up  his. 

Besides  all  this,  he  did  great  mischief  to  the  city 
by  suffering  the  accession  of  so  much  reputation  and 
power  to  Cleon,  who  now  assumed  such  lofty  airs,  and 
allowed  himself  in  such  intolerable  audacity,  as  led  to 
many  unfortunate  results,  a  sufficient  part  of  which 
fell  to  his  own  share.  Amongst  other  things,  he  de- 
stroyed all  the  decorum  of  public  speaking;  he  was 
the  first  who  ever  broke  out  into  exclamations,  flung 
open  his  dress,  smote  his  thigh,  and  ran  up  and  down 
whilst  he  was  speaking,  things  which  soon  after  in- 
troduced amongst  those  who  managed  the  affairs  of 
State,  such  license  and  contempt  of  decency,  as 
brought  all  into  confusion. 

Already,  too,  Alcibiades  was  beginning  to  show  his 
strength  at  Athens,  a  popular  leader,  not,  indeed,  as 
utterly  violent  as  Cleon,  but  as  the  land  of  Egypt, 
through  the  richness  of  its  soil,  is  said, 

 great  plenty  to  produce. 

Both  wholesome  herbs,  and  drugs  of  deadly  juice,^^ 

so  the  nature  of  Alcibiades  was  strong  and  luxuriant 
in  both  kinds,  and  made  way  for  many  serious  inno- 
vations.   Thus  it  fell  out  that  after  Nicias  had  got 

Thus  described  in  the  fourth  Odyssey  (230). 


NICIAS 


319 


his  hands  clear  of  Cleon,  he  had  not  opportunity  to* 
settle  the  city  perfectly  into  quietness.  For  having 
brought  matters  to  a  pretty  hopeful  condition,  he 
found  every  thing  carried  away  and  plunged  again 
into  confusion  by  Alcibiades,  through  the  wildness 
and  vehemence  of  his  ambition,  and  all  embroiled 
again  in  war  worse  than  ever.  Which  fell  out  thus. 
The  persons  who  had  principally  hindered  the  peace 
were  Cleon  and  Brasidas.  War  setting  off  the  virtue 
of  the  one,  and  hiding  the  villany  of  the  other,  gave 
to  the  one  occasions  of  achieving  brave  actions,  to  the 
other  opportunity  of  committing  equal  dishonesties. 
Now  when  these  two  were  in  one  battle  both  slain  near 
Amphipolis,  Nicias  was  aware  that  the  Spartans  had 
long  been  desirous  of  a  peace,  and  that  the  Athenians 
had  no  longer  the  same  cofidence  in  the  war.  Both 
being  alike  tired,  and,  as  it  were  by  consent,  letting 
fall  their  hands,  he,  therefore,  in  this  nick  of  time,  em- 
ployed his  efforts  to  make  a  friendship  betwixt  the 
two  cities,  and  to  deliver  the  other  States  of  Greece 
from  the  evils  and  calamities  they  labored  under,  and 
so  establish  his  own  good  name  for  success  as  a  states- 
man for  all  future  time.  He  found  the  men  of  sub- 
stance, the  elder  men,  and  the  land-owners  and  farm- 
ers pretty  generally,  all  inclined  to  peace.  And 
when,  in  addition  to  these,  by  conversing  and  reason- 
ing, he  had  cooled  the  wishes  of  a  good  many  others 
for  war,  he  now  encouraged  the  hopes  of  the  Lace- 
dsemonians,  and  counselled  them  to  seek  peace.  They 
confided  in  him,  as  on  account  of  his  general  char- 
acter for  moderation  and  equity,  so,  also,  because  of 
the  kindness  and  care  he  had  shown  to  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Pylos  and  kept  in  confinement,  making  their 
misfortune  the  more  easy  for  them. 

The  Athenians  and  the  Spartans  had  before  this 
concluded  a  truce  for  a  year,  and  during  this,  by  asso- 


320  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


dating  with  one  another,  they  had  tasted  again  the 
sweets  of  peace  and  security,  and  unimpeded  inter- 
course with  friends  and  connections,  and  thus  longed 
for  an  end  of  that  fighting  and  bloodshed,  and  heard 
with  delight  the  chorus  sing  such  verses  as 

 my  lance  I'll  leave 

Laid  by,  for  spiders  to  o'erweave,  -^^ 

and  remembered  with  joy  the  saying,  In  peace,  they 
who  sleep  are  awaked  by  the  cock-crow,  not  by  the 
trumpet.  So  shutting  their  ears,  with  loud  reproaches, 
to  the  forebodings  of  those  who  said  that  the  Fates 
decreed  this  to  be  a  war  of  thrice  nine  years,  the  whole 
question  having  been  debated,  they  made  a  peace. 
And  most  people  thought,  now,  indeed,  they  had  got 
an  end  of  all  their  evils.  And  Nicias  was  in  every 
man's  mouth,  as  one  especially  beloved  of  the  gods, 
who,  for  his  piety  and  devotion,  had  been  appointed 
to  give  a  name  to  the  fairest  and  greatest  of  all  bless- 
ings. For  in  fact  they  considered  the  peace  Nicias's 
work,  as  the  war  the  work  of  Pericles ;  because  he,  on 
light  occasions,  seemed  to  have  plunged  the  Greeks 
into  great  calamities,  while  Nicias  had  induced  them 
to  forget  all  the  evils  they  had  done  each  other  and  to 
be  friends  again;  and  so  to  this  day  it  is  called  the 
Peace  of  Nicias. 

The  articles  being,  that  the  garrisons  and  towns 
taken  on  either  side,  and  the  prisoners  should  be  re- 
stored, and  they  to  restore  the  first  to  whom  it  should 
fall  by  lot,  Nicias,  as  Theophrastus  tells  us,  by  a  sum 
of  money  procured  that  the  lot  should  fall  for  the 
Lacedsemonians  to  deliver  the  first.  Afterwards, 

My  lance  I'll  leave  is  a  fragment  of  the  lost  Erechtheus  of 
Euripides.  It  is  found  at  greater  length  in  Stobaeus.  See  Mat- 
thias's fragments  of  the  play,  No.  xiii. 


4 


NICIAS 


321 


when  the  Corinthians  and  the  Boeotians  showed  their 
dishke  of  what  was  done,  and  by  their  complaints  and 
accusations  were  wellnigh  bringing  the  war  back 
again,  Nicias  persuaded  the  Athenians  and  the  Lace- 
daemonians, besides  the  peace,  to  make  a  treaty  of 
alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  as  a  tie  and  con- 
firmation of  the  peace,  which  would  make  them  more 
terrible  to  those  that  held  out,  and  the  firmer  to  each 
other.  Whilst  these  matters  were  on  foot,  Alcibiades, 
who  was  no  lover  of  tranquillity,  and  who  was  offended 
with  the  Lacedaemonians  because  of  their  applications 
and  attentions  to  Nicias,  while  they  overlooked  and 
despised  himself,  from  first  to  last,  indeed,  had  op- 
posed the  peace,  though  all  in  vain,  but  now  finding 
that  the  Lacedeemonians  did  not  altogether  continue 
to  please  the  Athenians,  but  were  thought  to  have 
acted  unfairly  in  having  made  a  league  with  the 
Boeotians,  and  had  not  given  up  Panactum,  as  they 
should  have  done,  with  its  fortifications  unrazed,  nor 
yet  Amphipolis,  he  laid  hold  on  these  occasions  for  his 
purpose,  and  availed  himself  of  every  one  of  them  to 
irritate  the  people.  And,  at  length,  sending  for  am- 
bassadors from  the  Ar gives,  he  exerted  himself  to  ef- 
fect a  confederacy  between  the  Athenians  and  them. 
And  now,  when  Lacedaemonian  ambassadors  were 
come  with  full  powers,  and  at  their  preliminary  audi- 
ence by  the  council  seemed  to  come  in  all  points  with 
just  proposals,  he,  fearing  that  the  general  assembly, 
also,  would  be  won  over  to  their  offers,  overreached 
them  with  false  professions  and  oaths  of  assistance,  on 
the  condition  that  they  would  not  avow  that  they 
came  with  full  powers,  this,  he  said,  being  the  only 
way  for  them  to  attain  their  desires.  They  being  over- 
persuaded  and  decoyed  from  Nicias  to  follow  him,  he 
introduced  them  to  the  assembly,  and  asked  them  pres- 
ently whether  or  no  they  came  in  all  points  with  full 


322  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


powers,  which  when  they  denied,  he,  contrary  to  their 
expectation,  changing  his  countenance,  called  the 
council  to  witness  their  words,  and  now  bade  the 
people  beware  how  they  trust,  or  transact  any  thing 
with  such  manifest  liaTs,  who  say  at  one  time  one 
thing,  and  at  another  the  very  opposite  upon  the 
same  subject.  These  plenipotentiaries  were,  as  well 
they  might  be,  confounded  at  this,  and  Nicias,  also, 
being  at  a  loss  what  to  say,  and  struck  with  amazement 
and  wonder,  the  assembly  resolved  to  send  immedi- 
ately for  the  Argives,  to  enter  into  a  league  with  them. 
An  earthquake,  which  interrupted  the  assembly,  made 
for  Nicias's  advantage;  and  the  next  day  the  people 
being  again  assembled,  after  much  speaking  and  so- 
liciting, with  great  ado  he  brought  it  about,  that  the 
treaty  with  the  Argives  should  be  deferred,  and  he  be 
sent  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  in  full  expectation  that  so 
all  would  go  well. 

When  he  arrived  at  Sparta,  they  received  him 
there  as  a  good  man,  and  one  well  inclined  towards 
them ;  yet  he  effected  nothing,  but,  baffled  by  the  party 
that  favored  the  Boeotians,  he  returned  home,  not  only 
dishonored  and  hardly  spoken  of,  but  likewise  in  fear 
of  the  Athenians,  who  were  vexed  and  enraged  that 
through  his  persuasions  they  had  released  so  many 
and  such  considerable  persons,  their  prisoners,  for  the 
men  who  had  been  brought  from  Pylos  were  of  the 
chiefest  families  of  Sparta,  and  had  those  who  were 
highest  there  in  place  and  power  for  their  friends  and 
kindred.  Yet  did  they  not  in  their  heat  proceed 
against  him,  otherwise  than  that  they  chose  Alcibiades 
general,  and  took  the  Mantineans  and  Eleans,  who 
had  thrown  up  their  alliance  with  the  Lacedaemonians, 
into  the  league,  together  with  the  Argives,  and  sent 
to  Pylos  freebooters  to  infest  Laconia,  whereby  the 
war  began  to  break  out  afresh. 


NICIAS 


323 


But  the  enmity  betwixt  JVicias  and  Alcibiades  run- 
ning higher  and  higher,  and  the  time  being  at  hand 
for  decreeing  the  ostracism  or  banishment,  for  ten 
years,  which  the  people,  putting  the  name  on  a  sherd, 
were  wont  to  inflict  at  certain  times  on  some  person 
suspected  or  regarded  with  jealousy  for  his  popularity 
or  wealth,  both  were  now  in  alarm  and  apprehension, 
one  of  them,  in  all  likelihood,  being  to  undergo  this 
ostracism;  as  the  people  abominated  the  life  of  Alci- 
biades, and  stood  in  fear  of  his  boldness  and  resolu- 
tion, as  is  shown  particularly  in  the  history  of  him; 
while  as  for  Nicias,  his  riches  made  him  envied,  and 
his  habits  of  living,  in  particular,  his  unsociable  and 
exclusive  ways,  not  like  those  of  a  fellow-citizen,  or 
even  a  fellow-man,  went  against  him,  and  having 
many  times  opposed  their  inclinations,  forcing  them 
against  their  feelings  to  do  what  was  their  interest,  he 
had  got  himself  disliked. 

To  speak  plainly,  it  was  a  contest  of  the  young 
men  who  were  eager  for  war,  against  the  men  of 
years  and  lovers  of  peace,  they  turning  the  ostracism 
upon  the  one,  these  upon  the  other.  But 

In  civil  strife  e'en  villains  rise  to  fame. 

And  so  now  it  happened  that  the  city,  distracted  into 
two  factions,  allowed  free  course  to  the  most  impu- 
dent and  profligate  persons,  among  them  was  Hyper- 
bolus  of  the  Perithoedge,  one  who  could  not,  indeed,  be 
said  to  be  presuming  upon  any  power,  but  rather  by 
his  presumption  rose  into  power,  and  by  the  honor  he 
found  in  the  city,  became  the  scandal  of  it.  He,  at 
this  time,  thought  himself  far  enough  from  the  ostra- 
cism, as  more  properly  deserving  the  slave's  gallows, 
and  made  account,  that  one  of  these  men  being  dis- 
patched out  of  the  way,  he  might  be  able  to  play  a 
part  against  the  other  that  should  be  left,  and  openly 


324  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


showed  his  pleasure  at  the  dissension,  and  his  desire  to 
inflame  the  people  against  both  of  them.  Nicias  and 
Alcibiades,  perceiving  his  malice,  secretly  combined 
together,  and  setting  both  their  interests  jointly  at 
work,  succeeded  in  fixing  the  ostracism  not  on  either 
of  them,  but  even  on  Hyperbolus.  This,  indeed,  at 
the  first,  made  sport,  and  raised  laughter  among  the 
people;  but  afterwards  it  was  felt  as  an  affront,  that 
the  thing  should  be  dishonored  by  being  employed 
upon  so  unworthy  a  subject;  punishment,  also,  having 
its  proper  dignity,  and  ostracism  being  one  that  was 
appropriate  rather  for  Thucydides,  Aristides,  and 
such  like  persons;  whereas  for  Hyperbolus  it  was  a 
glory,  and  a  fair  ground  for  boasting  on  his  part,  when 
for  his  villany  he  suffered  the  same  with  the  best  men. 
As  Plato,  the  comic  poet,  said  of  him, 

The  man  deserved  the  fate,  deny  who  can; 
Yes,  but  the  fate  did  not  deserve  the  man; 
Not  for  the  like  of  him  and  his  slave-brands, 
Did  Athens  put  the  sherd  into  our  hands. 

And,  in  fact,  none  ever  afterwards  suffered  this 
sort  of  punishment,  but  Hyperbolus  was  the  last,  as 
Hipparchus  the  Cholargian,  who  was  kin  to  the 
tyrant,  was  the  first. 

There  is  no  judgment  to  be  made  of  fortune;  nor 
can  any  reasoning  bring  us  to  a  certainty  about  it.  If 
Nicias  had  run  the  risk  with  Alcibiades,  whether  of  the 
two  should  undergo  the  ostracism,  he  had  either  pre- 
vailed, and,  his  rival  being  expelled  the  city,  he  had 
remained  secure;  or,  being  overcome,  he  had  avoided 
the  utmost  disasters,  and  preserved  the  reputation  of 
a  most  excellent  commander.  Meantime  I  am  not 
ignorant  that  Theophrastus  says,  that  when  Hyper- 


Hipparchus  was  kin  to  the  tyrant  Pisistratus, 


NICIAS 


325 


bolus  was  banished,  Ph^eax,  not  Nicias,  contested  it 
with  Alcibiades ;  but  most  authors  differ  from  him. 

It  was  Alcibiades,  at  any  rate,  whom  when  the 
iEgestean  and  Leontine  ambassadors  arrived  and 
urged  the  Athenians  to  make  an  expedition  against 
Sicily,  Nicias  opposed,  and  by  whose  persuasions  and 
ambition  he  found  himself  overborne,  who  even  before 
the  people  could  be  assembled,  had  preoccupied  and  cor- 
rupted their  judgment  with  hopes  and  with  speeches; 
insomuch  that  the  young  men  at  their  sports,  and  the 
old  men  in  their  workshops,  and  sitting  together 
on  the  benches,^*  would  be  drawing  maps  of  Sicily,  and 
making  charts  showing  the  seas,  the  harbors,  and  gen- 
eral character  of  the  coast  of  the  island  opposite 
Africa.  For  they  made  not  Sicily  the  end  of  the  war, 
but  rather  its  starting  point  and  head-quarters  from 
whence  they  might  carry  it  to  the  Carthaginians,  and 
possess  themselves  of  Africa,  and  of  the  seas  as  far 
as  the  pillars  of  Hercules.  The  bulk  of  the  people, 
therefore,  pressing  this  way,  Nicias,  who  opposed 
them,  found  but  few  supporters,  nor  those  of  much 
influence;  for  the  men  of  substance,  fearing  lest  they 
should  seem  to  shun  the  public  charges  and  ship- 
money,  were  quiet  against  their  inclination;  neverthe- 
less he  did  not  tire  nor  give  it  up,  but  even  after  the 
Athenians  decreed  a  war  and  chose  him  in  the  first 
place  general,  together  with  Alcibiades  and  Lama- 
chus,  when  they  were  again  assembled,  he  stood  up, 
dissuaded  them,  and  protested  against  the  decision, 
and  laid  the  blame  on  Alcibiades,  charging  him  with 
going  about  to  involve  the  city  in  foreign  dangers  and 

The  benches,  literally  the  semicircles,  are  probably  the  seats 
of  this  form,  which  were  set  in  public  places,  in  porches  and 
gardens  and  exercise  grounds,  rather  perhaps  than  the  regular 
seats  of  theatres. 


326  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


difficulties,  merely  with  a  view  to  his  own  private  lucre 
and  ambition.  Yet  it  came  to  nothing.  Nicias,  be- 
cause of  his  experience,  was  looked  upon  as  the  fitter 
for  the  employment,  and  his  wariness  with  the  bravery 
of  Alcibiades,  and  the  easy  temper  of  Lamachus,  ail 
compounded  together,  promised  such  security,  that  he 
did  but  confirm  the  resolution.  Demostratus,  who,  of 
the  popular  leaders,  was  the  one  who  chiefly  pressed 
the  Athenians  to  the  expedition,  stood  up  and  said  he 
would  stop  the  mouth  of  Nicias  from  urging  any  more 
excuses,  and  moved  that  the  generals  should  have  ab- 
solute power  both  at  home  and  abroad,  to  order  and  to 
act  as  they  thought  best;  and  this  vote  the  people 
passed. 

The  priests,  however,  are  said  to  have  very 
earnestly  opposed  the  enterprise.  But  Alcibiades  had 
his  diviners  of  another  sort,  who  from  some  old  pro- 
phesies announced  that  "there  shall  be  great  fame  of 
the  Athenians  in  Sicily,"  and  messengers  came  back 
to  him  from  Jupiter  Ammon,  with  oracles  importing 
that  "the  Athenians  shall  take  all  the  Syracusans." 
Those,  meanwhile,  who  knew  any  thing  that  boded 
ill,  concealed  it,  lest  they  might  seem  to  forespeak 
ill-luck.  For  even  prodigies  that  were  obvious  and 
plain  would  not  deter  them;  not  the  defacing  of  the 
Hermse,  all  maimed  in  one  night  except  one,  called 
the  Hermes  of  Andocides,  erected  by  the  tribe  of 
iEgeus,  placed  directly  before  the  house  then  occu- 
pied by  Andocides;  nor  what  was  perpetrated  on  the 
altar  of  the  twelve  gods,  upon  which  a  certain  man 
leaped  suddenly  up,  and  then  turning  round,  multi- 
lated  himself  with  a  stone.  Likewise  at  Delphi,  there 
stood  a  golden  image  of  Minerva,  set  on  a  palm-tree 
of  brass,  erected  by  the  city  of  Athens  from  the  spoils 
they  won  from  the  Medes;  this  was  pecked  at  several 
'  days  together  by  crows  flying  upon  it,  who,  also. 


NICIAS 


327 


plucked  off  and  knocked  down  the  fruit,  made  of  gold, 
upon  the  palm-tree.  But  the  Athenians  said  these 
were  all  but  inventions  of  the  Delphians,  corrupted 
by  the  men  of  Syracuse.  A  certain  oracle  bade  them 
bring  from  Clazomenee  the  priestess  of  Minerva  there; 
they  sent  for  the  woman  and  found  her  named  Hesy- 
chia.  Quietness,  this  being,  it  would  seem,  what  the 
divine  powers  advised  the  city  at  this  time,  to  be  quiet. 
Whether,  therefore,  the  astrologer  Meton  feared  these 
presages,  or  that  from  human  reason  he  doubted  its 
success,  (for  he  was  appointed  to  a  command  in  it,) 
feigning  himself  mad,  he  set  his  house  on  fire.  Others 
say  he  did  not  counterfeit  madness,  but  set  his  house 
on  fire  in  the  night,  and  the  next  morning  came  be- 
fore the  assembly  in  great  distress,  and  besought  the 
people,  in  consideration  of  the  sad  disaster,  to  release 
his  son  from  the  service,  who  was  about  to  go  captain 
of  a  galley  for  Sicily.  The  genius,  also,  of  the  phil- 
osopher Socrates,  on  this  occasion,  too,  gave  him  inti- 
mation by  the  usual  tokens,  that  the  expedition  would 
prove  the  ruin  of  the  commonwealth ;  this  he  imparted 
to  his  friends  and  familiars,  and  by  them  it  was  men- 
tioned to  a  number  of  people.  Not  a  few  were 
troubled  because  the  days  on  which  the  fleet  set  sail 
happened  to  be  the  time  when  the  women  celebrated 
the  death  of  Adonis ;  there  being  everywhere  then  ex- 
posed to  view  images  of  dead  men,  carried  about  with 
mourning  and  lamentation,  and  women  beating  their 
breasts.  So  that  such  as  laid  any  stress  on  these  mat- 
ters were  extremely  troubled,  and  feared  lest  that  all 
this  warlike  preparation,  so  splendid  and  so  glorious, 
should  suddenly,  in  a  little  time,  be  blasted  in  its  very 
prime  of  magnificence,  and  come  to  nothing. 

Nicias,  in  opposing  the  voting  of  this  expedition,, 
and  neither  being  puffed  up  with  hopes,  nor  trans- 
ported with  the  honor  of  his  high  command  so  as  to 


328 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


modify  his  judgment,  showed  himself  a  man  of  virtue 
and  constancy.  But  when  his  endeavors  could  not 
divert  the  people  from  the  war,  nor  get  leave  for 
himself  to  be  discharged  of  the  command,  but  the 
people,  as  it  were,  violently  took  him  up  and  carried 
him,  and  against  his  will  put  him  in  the  office  of  gen- 
eral, this  was  no  longer  now  a  time  for  his  excessive 
caution  and  his  delays,  nor  was  it  for  him,  like  a  cliild, 
to  look  back  from  the  ship,  often  repeating  and  recon- 
sidering over  and  over  again  how  that  his  advice  had 
not  been  overruled  by  fair  arguments,  thus  blunting 
the  courage  of  his  fellow  commanders  and  spoiling  the 
season  of  action.  Whereas,  he  ought  speedily  to  have 
closed  with  the  enemy  and  brought  the  matter  to  an 
issue,  and  put  fortune  immediately  to  the  test  in  bat- 
tle. But,  on  the  contrary,  when  Lamachus  counselled 
to  sail  directly  to  Syracuse,  and  fight  the  enemy  under 
their  city  walls,  and  Alcibiades  advised  to  secure  the 
friendship  of  the  other  towns,  and  then  to  march 
against  them,  Nicias  dissented  from  them  both,  and 
insisted  that  they  should  cruise  quietly  around  the 
island  and  display  their  armament,  and,  having  landed 
a  small  supply  of  men  for  the  Egesteans,  return  to 
Athens,  weakening  at  once  the  resolution  and  casting 
down  the  spirits  of  the  men.  And  when,  a  little  while  I 
after,  the  Athenians  called  home  Alcibiades  in  order 
to  his  trial,  he  being,  though  joined  nominally  with 
another  in  commission,  in  effect  the  only  general,  made 
now  no  end  of  loitering,  of  cruising,  and  considering, 
till  their  hopes  were  grown  stale,  and  all  the  disorder 
and  consternation  which  the  first  approach  and  view 
of  their  forces  had  cast  amongst  the  enemy  was  worn 
off,  and  had  left  them. 

Whilst  yet  Alcibiades  was  with  the  fleet,  they  went 
before  Syracuse  with  a  squadron  of  sixty  galleys,  fifty 
of  them  lying  in  array  without  the  harbor,  while  the 


NICIAS 


329; 


other  ten  rowed  in  to  reconnoitre,  and  by  a  herald 
called  upon  the  citizens  of  Leontini  to  return  to  their 
own  country.  These  scouts  took  a  galley  of  the  en- 
emy's, in  which  they  found  certain  tablets,  on  which 
was  set  down  a  list  of  all  the  Syracusans,  according  to 
their  tribes.  These  were  wont  to  be  laid  up  at  a  dis- 
tance from  the  city,  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Olympius, 
but  were  now  brought  forth  for  examination  to  furnish 
a  muster-roll  of  young  men  for  the  war.  These  being 
so  taken  by  the  Athenians,  and  carried  to  the  officers, 
and  the  multitude  of  names  appearing  the  diviners 
thought  it  unpropitious,  and  were  in  apprehension  lest 
this  should  be  the  only  destined  fulfilment  of  the 
prophecy,  that  "the  Athenians  shall  take  all  the  Syr- 
acusans." Yet,  indeed,  this  was  said  to  be  accom- 
plished by  the  Athenians  at  another  time,  when  Callip- 
pus  the  Athenian,  having  slain  Dion,  became  master  of 
Syracuse.  But  when  Alcibiades  shortly  after  sailed 
away  from  Sicily,  the  command  fell  wholly  to  Nicias. 
Lamachus  was,  indeed,  a  brave  and  honest  man,  and 
ready  to  fight  fearlessly  with  his  own  hand  in  battle, 
but  so  poor  and  ill  off,  that  whenever  he  was  ap- 
pointed general,  he  used  always,  in  accounting  for  his 
outlay  of  public  money,  to  bring  some  little  reckoning 
or  other  of  money  for  his  very  clothes  and  shoes.  On 
the  contrary,  Nicias,  as  on  other  accounts,  so,  also, 
because  of  his  wealth  and  station,  was  very  much 
thought  of.  The  story  is  told  that  once  upon  a  time 
the  commission  of  generals  being  in  consultation  to- 
gether in  their  public  office,  he  bade  Sophocles  the 
poet  give  his  opinion  first,  as  the  senior  of  the  board. 
"  I,"  replied  Sophocles,  "  am  the  older,  but  you  are 
the  senior."  And  so  now,  also,  Lamachus,  who  better 
understood  military  affairs,  being  quite  his  subordi- 
nate, he  himself,  evermore  delaying  and  avoiding  risk, 
and  faintly  employing  his  forces,  first  by  his  saihng 


330 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


about  Sicily  at  the  greatest  distance  aloof  from  the 
enemy,  gave  them  confidence,  then  by  afterwards  at- 
tacking Hybla,  a  petty  fortress,  and  drawing  off  be- 
fore he  could  take  it,  made  himself  utterly  despised. 
At  the  last  he  retreated  to  Catana  T^ithout  having 
achieved  any  thing,  save  that  he  demolished  Hyccara, 
a  humble  town  of  the  barbarians,  out  of  which  the 
story  goes  that  Lais  the  courtesan,  yet  a  mere  girl,  was 
sold  amongst  the  other  prisoners,  and  carried  thence 
away  to  Peloponnesus. 

But  when  the  smimier  was  spent,  after  reports  be- 
gan to  reach  liim  that  the  Syracusans  were  grown  so 
confident  that  they  would  come  first  to  attack  him,  and 
troopers  skirmishing  to  the  very  camp  twitted  his  sol- 
diers, asking  whether  they  came  to  settle  with  the 
Catanians,  or  to  put  the  Leontines  in  possession  of 
their  city,  at  last,  with  much  ado,  Xicias  resolved  to 
sail  against  Syracuse.  And  wishing  to  form  hi$  camp 
safely  and  without  molestation,  he  procured  a  man  to 
carry  from  Catana  intelHgence  to  the  Syracusans  that 
they  might  seize  the  camp  of  the  Athenians  unpro- 
tected, and  all  their  arms,  if  on  such  a  day  they  should 
march  ^^'i\.h.  all  their  forces  to  Catana;  and  that,  the 
Athenians  hving  mostly  in  the  town,  the  friends  of  the 
Syracusans  had  concerted,  as  soon  as  they  should  per- 
ceive them  coming,  to  possess  themselves  of  one  of  the 
gates,  and  to  fire  the  arsenal ;  that  many  now  were  in 
the  conspiracy  and  awaited  their  arrival.  This  was 
the  ablest  thing  Xicias  did  in  the  whole  of  liis  conduct 
of  the  expedition.  For  having  drawn  out  all  the 
strength  of  the  enemy,  and  made  the  city  destitute  of 
men,  he  set  out  from  Catana,  entered  the  harbor,  and 
chose  a  fit  place  for  his  camp,  where  the  enemy  could 
least  incommode  him  with  the  means  in  which  they 
were  superior  to  him,  while  with  the  means  in  which 


NICIAS 


331 


he  was  superior  to  them,  he  might  expect  to  carry  on 
the  war  without  impediment. 

When  the  Syracusans  returned  from  Catana,  and 
stood  in  battle  array  before  the  city  gates,  he  rapidly 
led  up  the  Athenians  and  /ell  on  them  and  defeated 
them,  but  did  not  kill  many,  their  horse  hindering  the 
pursuit.  And  his  cutting  and  breaking  down  the 
bridges  that  lay  over  the  river  gave  Hermocrates, 
when  cheering  up  the  Syracusans,  occasion  to  say,  that 
Nicias  was  ridiculous,  whose  great  aim  seemed  to  be 
to  avoid  fighting,  as  if  fighting  were  not  the  thing  he 
came  for.  However,  he  put  the  Syracusans  into  a 
very  great  alarm  and  consternation,  so  that  instead 
of  fifteen  generals  then  in  service,  they  chose  three 
others,  to  whom  the  people  engaged  by  oath  to  allow 
absolute  authority. 

There  stood  near  them  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Olym- 
pius^  which  the  Athenians  (there  being  in  it  many  con- 
secrated things  of  gold  and  silver)  were  eager  to  take, 
but  were  purposely  withheld  from  it  by  Nicias,  who  let 
the  opportunity  slip,  and  allowed  a  garrison  of  the 
Syracusans  to  enter  it,  judging  that  if  the  soldiers 
should  make  booty  of  that  wealth,  it  would  be  no  ad- 
vantage to  the  public,  and  he  should  bear  the  guilt  of 
the  impiety.  Not  improving  in  the  least  this  success, 
which  was  everywhere  famous,  after  a  few  days'  stay, 
away  he  goes  to  Naxos,  and  there  winters,  spending 
largely  for  the  maintenance  of  so  great  an  army,  and 
not  doing  any  thing  except  some  matters  of  little  con- 
sequence with  some  native  Sicilians  that  revolted  to 
him.  Insomuch  that  the  Syracusans  took  heart  again, 
made  excursions  to  Catana,  wasted  the  country,  and 
fired  the  camp  of  the  Athenians.  For  which  every- 
body blamed  Nicias,  who,  with  his  long  reflection,  his 
deliberateness,  and  his  caution,  had  let  slip  the  time  for 
action.    None  ever  found  fault  with  the  man  when 


332  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


once  at  work,  for  in  the  brunt  he  showed  vigor  and 
activity  enough,  but  was  slow  and  wanted  assurance 
to  engage. 

When,  therefore,  he  brought  again  the  army  to 
Syracuse,  such  was  his  conduct,  and  with  such  celerity, 
and  at  the  same  time  security,  he  came  upon  them,  that 
nobody  knew  of  his  approach,  when  already  he  had 
come  to  shore  with  his  galleys  at  Thapsus,  and  had 
landed  his  men;  and  before  any  could  help  it,  he  had 
surprised  Epipolse,  had  defeated  the  body  of  picked 
men  that  came  to  its  succor,  took  three  hundred  pris- 
oners, and  routed  the  cavalry  of  the  enemy,  which  had 
been  thought  invincible.  But  what  chiefly  astonished 
the  Syracusans,  and  seemed  incredible  to  the  Greeks, 
was,  in  so  short  a  space  of  time  the  walling  about  of 
Syracuse,  a  town  not  less  than  Athens,  and  far  more 
difficult,  by  the  unevenness  of  the  ground,  and  the 
nearness  of  the  sea  and  the  marshes  adjacent,  to  have 
such  a  wall  drawn  in  a  circle  round  it;  yet  this,  all 
within  a  very  little,  finished  by  a  man  that  had  not 
even  his  health  for  such  weighty  cares,  but  lay  ill  of 
the  stone,  which  may  justly  bear  the  blame  for  what 
was  left  undone.  I  admire  the  industry  of  the  general, 
and  the  bravery  of  the  soldiers  for  what  they  succeeded 
in.  Euripides,  after  their  ruin  and  disaster,  writing 
their  funeral  elegy,  said  that 

Eight  victories  over  Syracuse  they  gained. 
While  equal  yet  to  both  the  gods  remained. 

And  in  truth  one  shall  not  find  eight,  but  rtiany  more 
victories,  won  by  these  men  against  the  Syracusans, 
till  the  gods,  in  real  truth,  or  fortune  intervened  to 
check  the  Athenians  in  this  advance  to  the  height  of 
power  and  greatness. 

Nicias,  therefore,  doing  violence  to  his  body,  was 
present  in  most  actions.   But  once,  when  his  disease 


NICIAS 


333 


was  the  sharpest  upon  him,  he  lay  in  the  camp  with 
some  few  servants  to  attend  him.  And  Lamachus  hav- 
ing the  command  fought  the  Sj^racusians,  who  were 
bringing  a  cross- wall  from  the  city  along  to  that  of  the 
Athenians,  to  hinder  them  from  carrying  it  round ;  and 
in  the  victory,  the  Athenians  hurrying  in  some  disorder 
to  the  pursuit,  Lamachus  getting  separated  from  his 
men,  had  to  resist  the  Syracusan  horse  that  came  upon 
him.  Before  the  rest  advanced  Callicrates,  a  man  of 
good  courage  and  skill  in  war.  Lamachus,  upon  a 
challenge,  engaged  with  him  in  single  combat,  and  re- 
ceiving the  first  wound,  returned  it  so  home  to  Calli- 
crates, that  they  both  fell  and  died  together.  The 
Syracusans  took  away  his  body  and  arms,  and  at  full 
speed  advanced  to  the  wall  of  the  Athenians,  where 
Nicias  lay  without  any  troops  to  oppose  to  them,  yet 
roused  by  this  necessity,  and  seeing  the  danger,  he 
bade  those  about  him  to  go  and  set  on  fire  all  the  wood 
and  materials  that  lay  provided  before  the  wall  for 
the  engines,  and  the  engines  themselves;  this  put  a 
stop  to  the  Syracusans,  saved  Nicias,  saved  the  walls, 
and  all  the  money  of  the  Athenians.  For  when  the 
Syracusans  saw  such  a  fire  blazing  up  between  them 
and  the  wall,  they  retired. 

Nicias  now  remained  sole  general,  and  with  great 
prospects;  for  cities  began  to  come  over  to  alliance 
with  him,  and  ships  laden  with  corn  from  every  coast 
came  to  the  camp,  every  one  favoring  when  matters 
went  well.  And  some  proposals  from  among  the  Syra- 
cusans despairing  to  defend  the  city,  about  a  capit- 
ulation, were  already  conveyed  to  him.  And  in  fact 
Gylippus,  who  was  on  his  way  with  a  squadron  to  their 
aid  from  Lacedsemon,  hearing,  on  his  voyage,  of  the 
wall  surrounding  them,  and  of  their  distress,  only  con- 
tinued his  enterprise  thenceforth,  that,  giving  Sicily 
up  for  lost,  he  might,  if  even  that  should  be  possible. 


834 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


seciu'e  the  Italians  their  cities.  For  a  strong  report 
was  everywhere  spread  about  that  the  Athenians  car- 
ried all  before  them,  and  had  a  general  ahke  for  con- 
duct and  for  fortune  invincible. 

And  Xicias  himself,  too,  now  agamst  his  natiire 
grown  bold  in  his  present  strength  and  success,  espe- 
cially from  the  intelligence  he  received  under  hand  of 
the  Syracusans,  believing  they  would  almost  inmiedi- 
ately  surrender  the  to^^^i  upon  terms,  paid  no  mamier 
of  regard  to  Gylippus  coming  to  their  assistance,  nor 
kept  any  watch  of  his  approach,  so  that,  neglected 
altogether  and  despised,  Gylippus  went  in  a  longboat 
ashore'"  without  the  knowledge  of  Xicias,  and,  having 
landed  in  the  remotest  parts  from  Syracuse,  mustered 
up  a  considerable  force,  the  Syracusans  not  so  much  as 
kno^\'ing  of  liis  arrival  nor  expecting  him:  so  that  an 
assembly  was  summoned  to  consider  the  terms  to  be 
arranged  with  Xicias,  and  some  were  actually  on  the 
way,  thinking  it  essential  to  have  all  despatched  before 
the  town  should  be  quite  walled  round,  for  now  there 
remained  very  little  to  be  done,  and  the  materials  for 
the  building  lay  all  ready  along  the  line. 

In  this  very  nick  of  time  and  danger  arrived  Gongy- 
lus  in  one  galley  from  Corinth,  and  every  one,  as  may 
be  imagined,  flocking  about  him.  he  told  them  that  Gy- 
lippus would  be  with  them  speedily,  and  that  other 
ships  were  coming  to  relieve  them.  And,  ere  yet  they 
could  perfectly  believe  Gongylus,  an  express  was 
brought  from  Gylippus,  to  bid  them  go  forth  to  meet 
him.  So  now  taking  good  heart,  they  armed  them- 
selves; and  Gylippus  at  once  led  on  liis  men  from  their 

This  is  an  uncertain  reading:  very  likely  the  genuine  text 
(dia  ton  porthmou,  instead  of  dia  porthejneiou,)  should  mean 
^'passed  through  the  straits''  between  Italy  and  Sicily,  which  is 
the  account  given  in  Thucydides,  who,  indeed,,  uses  these  very 
words. 


NICIAS 


335 


march  in  battle  array  against  the  Athenians,  as  Nieias 
also  embattled  these.  And  Gylippus,  piling  his  arms 
in  view  of  the  Athenians,  sent  a  herald  to  tell  them  he 
would  give  them  leave  to  depart  from  Sicily  without 
molestation.  To  this  Nicias  would  not  vouchsafe  any 
answer,  but  some  of  his  soldiers  laughing  asked  if  with 
the  sight  of  one  coarse  coat  and  Laconian  staff  the 
Syracusan  prospects  had  become  so  brilliant  that  they 
could  despise  the  Athenians,  who  had  released  to  the 
Lacedaemonians  three  hundred,  whom  they  held  in 
chains,  bigger  men  than  Gylippus,  and  longer-haired? 
Timeeus,  also,  writes  that  even  the  Syracusans  made 
no  account  of  Gylippus,  at  the  first  sight  mocking  at 
his  staff  and  long  hair,  as  afterwards  they  found 
reason  to  blame  his  covetousness  and  meanness.  The 
same  author,  however,  adds  that  on  Gylippus's,  first 
appearance,  as  it  might  have  been  at  the  sight  of  an 
owl  abroad  in  the  air,  there  was  a  general  flocking 
together  of  men  to  serve  in  the  war.  And  this  is  the 
truer  saying  of  the  two;  for  in  the  staff  and  the  cloak 
they  saw  the  badge  and  authority  of  Sparta,  and 
crowded  to  him  accordingly.  And  not  only  Thucy- 
dides  affirms  that  the  whole  thing  was  done  by  him 
alone,  but  so,  also,  does  Philistus,  who  was  a  Syra- 
cusan and  an  actual  witness  of  what  happened. 

However,  the  Athenians  had  the  better  in  the  first 
encounter,  and  slew  some  few  of  the  Syracusans,  and 
amongst  them  Gongylus  of  Corinth.  But  on  the  next 
day  Gylippus  showed  what  it  is  to  be  a  man  of  experi- 
ence; for  with  the  same  arms,  the  same  horses,  and  on 
the  same  spot  of  ground,  only  employing  them  other- 
wise he  overcame  the  Athenians;  and  they  fleeing  to 
their  camp,  he  set  the  Syracusans  to  work,  and  with 
the  stone  and  materials  that  had  been  brous^ht  together 
for  finishing  the  wall  of  the  Athenians,  he  built  a  cross- 
wall  to  intercept  theirs  and  break  it  off,  so  that  even 


336  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


if  they  were  successful  in  the  field,  they  would  not  be 
able  to  do  any  thing.  And  after  this  the  Syracusans 
taking  courage  manned  their  galleys,  and  with  their 
horse  and  followers  ranging  about  took  a  good  many 
prisoners;  and  Gylippus  going  himself  to  the  cities, 
called  upon  them  to  join  with  him,  and  was  listened  to 
and  supported  vigorously  by  them.  So  that  Nicias 
fell  back  again  to  his  old  views,  and,  seeing  the  face 
of  affairs  change,  desponded,  and  wrote  to  Athens, 
bidding  them  either  send  another  army,  or  recall  this 
out  of  Sicily,  and  that  he  might,  in  any  case,  be  wholly 
relieved  of  the  command,  because  of  his  disease. 

Before  this,  the  Athenians  had  been  intending  to 
send  another  army  to  Sicily,  but  envy  of  Nicias's  early 
achievements  and  high  fortune  had  occasioned,  up  to 
this  time,  many  delays ;  but  now  they  were  all  eager  to 
send  off  succors.  Eurymedon  went  before,  in  mid- 
winter, with  money,  and  to  announce  that  Euth}^- 
demus  and  Menander  were  chosen  out  of  those  that 
served  there  under  Nicias,  to  be  joint  commanders 
with  him.  Demosthenes  was  to  go  after  in  the  spring 
with  a  great  armament.  In  the  mean  time  Nicias  was 
briskly  attacked,  both  by  sea  and  land;  in  the  begin- 
ning he  had  the  disadvantage  on  the  water,  but  in  the 
end  repulsed  and  sunk  many  of  the  galleys  of  the 
enemy.  But  by  land  he  could  not  provide  succor  in  time, 
so  Gylippus  surprised  and  captured  Plemmyrium,  in 
which  the  stores  for  the  navy,  and  a  great  sum  of  money 
being  there  kept,  all  fell  into  his  hands,  and  many 
were  slain,  and  many  taken  prisoners.  And  what  was 
of  greatest  importance,  he  now  cut  off  Nicias's  sup- 
plies, which  had  been  safely  and  readily  conveyed  to 
him  under  Plemmyrium,  while  the  Athenians  still  held 
it,  but  now  that  they  were  beaten  out,  he  could  only 
procure  them  with  great  difficulty,  and  with  opposi- 
tion from  the  enemy,  who  lay  in  wait  with  their  ships 


NICIAS  337 

1  under  that  fort.  Moreover,  it  seemed  manifest  to  the 
Syracusans  that  their  navy  had  not  been  beaten  by 
strength,  but  by  their  disorder  in  the  pursuit.  Now, 
therefore,  all  hands  went  to  work  to  prepare  for  a  new 
attempt,  that  should  succeed  better  than  the  former. 
Nicias  had  no  wish  for  a  sea-fight,  but  said  it  was  mere 
folly  for  them,  when  Demosthenes  was  coming  in  all 
haste  with  so  great  a  fleet  and  fresh  forces  to  their  suc- 
cor, to  engage  the  enemy  with  a  less  number  of  ships 
and  ill  provided.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  Menander 
and  Euthydemus,  who  were  just  commencing  their 
new  command,  prompted  by  a  feeling  of  rivalry  and 
emulation  of  both  the  generals,  were  eager  to  gain 
some  great  success  before  Demosthenes  came,  and  to 
prove  themselves  superior  to  Nicias.  They  urged  the 
honor  of  the  city,  which,  said  they,  would  be  blemished 
and  utterly  lost,  if  they  should  decline  a  challenge 
from  the  Syracusans.  Thus  they  forced  Nicias  to  a 
sea-fight;  and  by  the  stratagem  of  Ariston,  the  Co- 
rinthian pilot,  (his  trick,  described  by  Thucydides, 
about  the  men's  dinners,)  they  were  worsted,  and  lost 
many  of  their  men,  causing  the  greatest  dejection  to 
Nicias,  who  had  suffered  so  much  from  having  the  sole 
command,  and  now  again  miscarried  through  his  col- 
leagues. 

But  now,  by  this  time,  Demosthenes  with  his  splen- 
did fleet  came  in  sight  outside  the  harbor,  a  terror  to 
the  enemy.  He  brought  along,  in  seventy-three  gal- 
leys, five  thousand  men  at  arms;  of  darters,  archers, 
and  slingers,  not  less  than  three  thousand;  with  the 
glittering  of  their  armor,  the  flags  waving  from  the 
galleys,  the  multitude  of  coxswains  and  flute-players 
giving  time  to  the  rowers,  setting  off  the  whole  with  all 
possible  warlike  pomp  and  ostentation  to  dismay  the 
enemy.  Now,  one  may  believe  the  Syracusans  were 
again  in  extreme  alarm,  seeing  no  end  or  prospect  of 


338  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


release  before  them,  toiling,  as  it  seemed,  in  vain,  and 
perishing  to  no  purjDose.  Xicias,  however,  was  not 
long  overjoyed  with  the  reinforcement,  for  the  first 
time  he  conferred  with  Demosthenes,  who  ad^ased 
forthwith  to  attack  the  Svracusans,  and  to  put  all  to 
the  speediest  hazard,  to  win  Syracuse,  or  else  return 
home,  afraid,  and  wondering  at  his  promptness  and 
audacity,  he  besought  him  to  do  nothing  rashly  and 
desperately,  since  dela}^  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  en- 
emy, whose  money  would  not  hold  out,  nor  their  con- 
federates be  long  kept  together;  that  when  once  they 
came  to  be  pinched  with  want,  they  would  presently 
come  again  to  him  for  terms,  as  formerly.  For,  in- 
deed., many  in  Syracuse  held  secret  correspondence 
with  him,  and  urged  him  to  stay,  declaring  that  even 
now  the  people  were  quite  worn  out  with  the  war,  and 
weary  of  Gylippus.  And  if  their  necessities  should  the 
least  sharpen  upon  them  they  would  give  up  all. 

Nicias  glancing  darklj^  at  these  matters,  and  un- 
willing to  speak  out  plainh%  made  his  colleagues  imag- 
ine that  it  was  cowardice  which  made  him  talk  in  this 
manner.  And  sajang  that  this  was  the  old  story  over 
again,  the  well-known  procrastinations  and  delays  and 
refinements  with  which  at  first  he  let  slip  the  oppor- 
tunity in  not  immediately  falling  on  the  enemy,  but 
suffering  the  armament  to  become  a  thing  of  yester- 
day, that  nobody  was  alarmed  with,  they  took  the  side 
of  Demosthenes,  and  with  much  ado  forced  Xicias  to 
comply.  And  so  Demosthenes,  taking  the  land-forces, 
by  night  made  an  assault  upon  Epipolge;  part  of  the 
enemy  he  slew  ere  they  took  the  alarm,  the  rest  de- 
fending themselves  he  put  to  flight.  ISTor  was  he  con- 
tent with  this  victory  there,  but  pushed  on  further,  till 
he  met  the  Boeotians.  For  these  were  the  first  that 
made  head  against  the  Athenians,  and  charged  them 
with  a  shout,  spear  against  spear,,  and  killed  many  on 


NICIAS 


339 


the  place.  And  now  at  once  there  ensued  a  panic  and 
confusion  throughout  the  whole  army;  the  victorious 
portion  got  infected  with  the  fears  of  the  flying  part, 
and  those  who  were  still  disembarking  and  coming  for- 
ward, falling  foul  of  the  retreaters;  came  into  conflict 
with  their  own  party,  taking  the  fugitives  for  pursu- 
ers, and  treating  their  friends  as  if  they  were  the 
enemy. 

Thus  huddled  together  in  disorder,  distracted  with 
fear  and  uncertainties,  and  unable  to  be  sure  of  seeing 
any  thing,  the  night  not  being  absolutely  dark,  nor 
yielding  any  steady  light,  the  moon  then  towards  set- 
ting, shadowed  with  the  many  weapons  and  bodies  that 
moved  to  and  fro,  and  glimmering  so  as  not  to  show  an 
object  plain,  but  to  make  friends  through  fear  sus- 
pected for  foes,  the.  Athenians  fell  into  utter  perplex- 
ity and  desperation.  For,  moreover,  they  had  the 
moon  at  their  backs,  and  consequently  their  own  shad- 
ows fell  upon  them,  and  both  hid  the  number  and  the 
glittering  of  their  arms;  while  the  reflection  of  the 
moon  from  the  shields  of  the  enemy  made  them  show 
more  numerous  and  better  appointed  than,  indeed, 
they  were.  At  last,  being  pressed  on  every  side,  when 
once  they  had  given  way,  they  took  to  rout,  and  in 
their  flight  were  destroyed,  some  by  the  enemy,  some 
by  the  hand  of  their  friends,  and  some  tumbling  down 
the  rocks,  while  those  that  were  dispersed  and  strag- 
gled about  were  picked  off  in  the  morning  by  the 
horsemen  and  put  to  the  sword.  The  slain  were  two 
thousand;  and  of  the  rest  few  came  off  safe  with  their 
arms. 

Upon  this  disaster,  which  was  to  him  not  wholly  an 
unexpected  one,  Nicias  accused  the  rashness  of  De- 
mosthenes; but  he,  making  his  excuses  for  the  past, 
now  advised  to  be  gone  in  all  haste,  for  neither  were 
other  forces  to  come,  nor  could  the  enemy  be  beaten 


340  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  the  present.  And,  indeed,  even  supposing  they 
were  yet  too  hard  for  the  enemy  in  any  case,  they 
,  ought  to  remove  and  quit  a  situation  which  they  un- 
derstood to  be  always  accounted  a  sickl}^  one,  and 
dangerous  for  an  army,  and  was  more  particularly 
vmwholesome  now,  as  they  could  see  themselves,  be- 
cause of  the  time  of  year.  It  was  the  beginning  of 
autumn,  and  many  now  lay  sick,  and  all  were  out  of 
heart. 

It  grieved  Nicias  to  hear  of  flight  and  departing 
home,  not  that  he  did  not  fear  the  Syracusans,  but  he 
was  worse  afraid  of  the  Athenians,  their  impeachments 
and  sentences;  he  professed  that  he  apprehended  no 
further  harm  there j  or  if  it  must  be,  he  would  rather 
die  by  the  hand  of  an  enem^^  than  by  his  fellow-cit- 
izens. He  was  not  of  the  opinion  which  Leo  of  By- 
zantium declared  to  his  fellow-citizens :  "I  had  rather," 
said  he,  "  perish  by  you,  than  with  you."  As  to  the 
matter  of  place  and  quarter  whither  to  remove  their 
camp,  that,  he  said,  might  be  debated  at  leisure.  And 
Demosthenes,  his  former  counsel  having  succeeded  so 
ill,  ceased  to  press  him  further;  others  thought  Nicias 
had  reasons  for  expectation,  and  relied  on  some  as- 
surance from  people  within  the  cit^^  and  that  this 
made  made  him  so  strongly  oppose  their  retreat,  so 
they  acquiesced.  But  fresh  forces  now  coming  to  the 
Syracusans,  and  the  sickness  growing  worse  in  his 
camp,  he,  also,  now  approved  of  their  retreat,  and 
commanded  the  soldiers  to  make  ready  to  go  aboard. 
And  when  all  were  in  readiness,  and  none  of  the  en- 
emy had  observed  them,  not  expecting  such  a  thing, 
the  moon  was  eclipsed  in  the  night,  to  the  great  fright 
of  Nicias  and  others,  who,  for  want  of  experience,  or 
out  of  superstition,  felt  alarm  at  such  appearances. 
That  the  sun  might  be  darkened  ahout  the  close  of  the 
month,  this  even  ordinary  people  now  understood 


HERCULES 


NICIAS 


341 


pretty  well  to  be  the  effect  of  the  moon ;  but  the  moon 
itself  to  be  darkened,  how  that  could  come  about,  and 
how,  on  the  sudden,  a  broad  full  moon  should  lose  her 
light,  and  show  such  various  colors,  was  not  easy  to  be 
comprehended;  they  concluded  it  to  be  ominous,  and 
a  divine  intimation  of  some  heavy  calamities.  For  he 
who  the  first,  and  the  most  plainly  of  any,  and  with  the 
greatest  assurance  committed  to  writing  how  the  moon 
is  enlightened  and  overshadowed,  was  Anaxagoras; 
and  he  was  as  yet  but  recent,  nor  was  his  argument 
much  known,  but  was  rather  kept  secret,  passing  only 
amongst  a  few,  under  some  kind  of  caution  and  con- 
fidence. People  would  not  then  tolerate  natural  phil- 
osophers, and  theorists,  as  they  then  called  them, 
about  things  above  as  lessening  the  divine  power,  by 
explaining  away  its  agency  into  the  operation  of  ir- 
rational causes  and  senseless  forces  acting  by  neces- 
sity, without  any  thing  of  Providence,  or  a  free  agent. 
Hence  it  was  that  Protagoras  was  banished,  and  An- 
axagoras cast  into  prison,  so  that  Pericles  had  much 
difficulty  to  procure  his  liberty;  and  Socrates,  though 
he  had  no  concern  whatever  with  this  sort  of  learning, 
yet  was  put  to  death  for  philosophy.  It  was  only 
afterwards  that  the  reputation  of  Plato,  shining  forth 
by  his  life,  and  because  he  subjected  natural  necessity 
to  divine  and  more  excellent  principles,  took  away  the 
obloquy  and  scandal  that  had  attached  to  such  con- 
templations, and  obtained  these  studies  currency 
among  all  people.  So  his  friend  Dion,  when  the 
moon,  at  the  time  he  was  to  embark  from  Zacynthus 
to  go  against  Dionysius,  was  eclipsed,  was  not  in  the 
least  disturbed,  but  went  on,  and,  arriving  at  Syr- 

Meteoroleschae,  talkers  about  meteora,  or  things  in  the  air, 
between  the  earth  and  the  sky,  one  of  the  terms  of  reproach 
commonly  applied,  as,  for  example,  by  Aristophanes  in  the 
Clouds,  to  speculators  about  astronomical  phenomena. 


342  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


acuse,  expelled  the  tyrant.  But  it  so  fell  out  with 
Nicias,  that  he  had  not  at  this  time  a  skilful  diviner 
with  him;  his  former  habitual  adviser  who  used  to 
moderate  much  of  his  superstition,  Stilbides,  had  died 
a  little  before.  For  in  fact,  this  prodigy,  as  Phil- 
ochorus  observes,  was  not  unlucky  for  men  wishing 
to  fly,  but  on  the  contrary  very  favorable;  for  things 
done  in  fear  require  to  be  hidden,  and  the  light  is  their 
foe.  Nor  was  it  usual  to  observe  signs  in  the  sun  or 
moon  more  than  three  days,  as  Autoclides*^  states  in 
his  Commentaries.  But  Nicias  persuaded  them  to 
wait  another  full  course  of  the  moon,  as  if  he  had  not 
seen  it  clear  again  as  soon  as  ever  it  had  passed  the 
region  of  shadow  where  the  light  was  obstructed  by 
the  earth. 

In  a  manner  abandoning  all  other  cares,  he  betook 
himself  wholly  to  his  sacrifices,  till  the  enemy  came 
upon  them  with  their  infantry,  besieging  the  forts  and 
camp,  and  placing  their  ships  in  a  circle  about  the  har- 
bor. Nor  did  the  men  in  the  galleys  only,  but  the 
little  boys  everywhere  got  into  the  fishing-boats  and 
rowed  up  and  challenged  the  Athenians,  and  insulted 
over  them,.  Amongst  these  a  youth  of  noble  parent- 
age, Heraclides  by  name,  having  ventured  out  beyond 
the  rest,  an  Athenian  ship  pursued  and  wellnigh  took 
him.  His  uncle  Pollichus,  in  fear  for  him,  put  out 
with  ten  galleys  which  he  commanded,  and  the  rest,  to 
relieve  Pollichus,  in  like  manner  drew  forth;  the  result 
of  it  being  a  very  sharp  engagement,  in  which  the  Syra- 

Instead  of  Autoclides,  we  have  elsewhere  Anticlides.  His 
Commentaries,  or  Exegetics,  as  the  Greek  term  is,  would  be  a 
book  of  directions  or  prescriptions  as  to  what  to  do  in  a  par- 
ticular case  of  good  or  bad  omens;  exegesis  referring  specially 
to  the  oral  instructions  given  by  a  priest,  for  example,  to  a 
worshipper  for  the  performance  of  a  ceremony;  it  is  applied,  for 
instance,  to  the  dictation  of  the  words  of  an  oath. 


NICIAS 


343 


i  cusans  had  the  victory,  and  slew  Eurymedon,  with 
many  others.  After  this  the  Athenian  soldiers  had  no 

I  patience  to  stay  longer,  but  raised  an  outcry  against 
their  officers,  requiring  them  to  depart  by  land;  for 
the  Syracusans,  upon  their  victory,  immediately  shut 
and  blocked  up  the  entrance  of  the  harbor ;  but  Nicias 
would  not  consent  to  this,  as  it  was  a  shameful  thing 
to  leave  behind  so  many  ships  of  burden,  and  galleys 
little  less  than  two  hundred.  Putting,  therefore,  on 
board  the  best  of  the  foot,  and  the  most  serviceable 
darters,  they  filled  one  hundred  and  ten  galleys;  the 
rest  wanted  oars.  The  remainder  of  his  army  Nicias 
posted  along  by  the  sea-side,  abandoning  the  great 
camp  and  the  fortifications  adjoining  the  temple  of 
Hercules;  so  the  Syracusans,  not  having  for  a  long 
time  performed  their  usual  sacrifice  to  Hercules,  went 
up  now,  both  priests  and  captains,  to  sacrifice. 

And  their  galleys  being  manned,  the  diviners  pre- 
dicted from  their  sacrifices  victory  and  glory  to  the 
Syracusans,  provided  they  would  not  be  the  aggres- 
sors, but  fight  upon  the  defensive;  for  so  Hercules 
overcame  all,  by  only  defending  himself  when  set 
upon.  In  this  confidence  they  set  out ;  and  this  proved 
the  hottest  and  fiercest  of  all  their  sea-fights,  raising 
no  less  concern  and  passion  in  the  beholders  than  in 
the  actors ;  as  they  could  oversee  the  whole  action  with 
all  the  various  and  unexpected  turns  of  fortune  which, 
in  a  short  space,  occurred  in  it;  the  Athenians  suffer- 
ing no  less  from  their  own  preparations,  than  from  the 
enemy;  for  they  fought  against  light  and  nimble  ships, 
that  could  attack  from  any  quarter,  with  theirs  laden 
and  heavy.  And  they  were  thrown  at  with  stones  that 
fly  indifferently  any  way,  for  which  they  could  only 
return  darts  and  arrows,  the  direct  aim  of  which  the 
motion  of  the  water  disturbed,  preventing  their  com- 
ing true,  point  foremost  to  their  mark.  This  the  Syra- 


344  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 

cusans  had  learned  from  Ariston  the  Corinthian  pilot, 
who,  fighting  stoutl^r,  fell  himself  in  this  very  engage- 
ment, when  the  victory  had  already  declared  for  the 
Syracusans. 

The  Athenians,  their  loss  and  slaughter  being  very 
great,  their  flight  by  sea  cut  off,  their  safety  by  land 
so  difficult,  did  not  attempt  to  hinder  the  enemy  tow- 
ing away  their  ships  under  their  eyes,  nor  demanded 
their  dead,  as,  indeed,  their  want  of  burial  seemed  a 
less  calamity  than  the  leaving  behind  the  sick  and 
wounded  which  they  now  had  before  them.  Yet  more 
miserable  still  than  those  did  they  reckon  themselves,  - 
who  were  to  work  on  yet,  through  more  such  suffer- 
ings after  all  to  reach  the  same  end. 

They  prepared  to  dislodge  that  night.  And  Gy- 
lippus  and  his  friends  seeing  the  Syracusans  engaged 
in  their  sacrifices  and  at  their  cups,  for  their  victories, 
and  it  being  also  a  holiday,  did  not  expect  either  by 
persuasion  or  by  force  to  rouse  them  up  and  carry 
them  against  the  Athenians  as  they  decamped.  But 
Hermocrates,  of  his  own  head,  put  a  trick  upon  Nicias, 
and  sent  some  of  his  companions  to  him,  who  pre- 
tended they  came  from  those  that  were  wont  to  hold 
secret  intelligence  with  him,  and  advised  him  not  to 
stir  that  night,  the  Syracusans  having  laid  ambushes 
and  beset  the. ways.  Nicias,  caught  with  this  strat- 
agem, remained,  to  encounter  presently  in  reality, 
what  he  had  feared  when  there  was  no  occasion.  For 
they  the  next  morning,  marching  before  seized  the  de- 
files, fortified  the  passes  where  the  rivers  were  ford- 
able,  cut  down  the  bridges,  and  ordered  their  horsemen 
to  range  the  plains  and  ground  that  lay  open,  so  as  to 
leave  no  part  of  the  country  where  the  Athenians 
could  move  without  fighting.  They  stayed  both  that 
day  and  another  night,  and  then  went  along  as  if  they 
were  leaving  their  own,  not  an  enemy's  country, 


NICIAS  345 

lamenting  and  bewailing  for  want  of  necessaries,  and 
for  their  parting  from  friends  and  companions  that 
were  not  able  to  help  themselves;  and,  nevertheless, 
judging  the  present  evils  lighter  than  those  they  ex- 
pected to  come.  But  among  the  many  miserable  spec- 
tacles that  appeared  up  and  down  in  the  camp,  the 
saddest  sight  of  all  was  Nicias  himself,  laboring  under 
his  malady,  and  unworthily  reduced  to  the  scantiest 
supply  of  all  the  accomodations  necessary  for  human 
wants,  of  which  he  in  his  condition  required  more  than 
ordinary,  because  of  his  sickness ;  yet  bearing  up  under 
all  this  illness,  and  doing  and  undergoing  more  than 
many  in  perfect  health.  And  it  was  plainly  evident, 
that  all  this  toil  was  not  for  himself,  or  from  any  re- 
gard to  his  own  life,  but  that  purely  for  the  sake  of 
those  under  his  command  he  would  not  abandon  hope. 
And,  indeed,  the  rest  were  given  over  to  weeping  and 
lamentation  through  fear  or  sorrow,  but  he,  whenever 
he  yielded  to  any  thing  of  the  kind,  did  so,  it  was  evi- 
dent, from  reflection  upon  the  shame  and  dishonor  of 
the  enterprise,  contrasted  with  the  greatness  and  glory 
of  the  success  he  had  anticipated,  and  not  only  the 
sight  of  his  person,  but,  also,  the  recollection  of  the 
arguments  and  the  dissuasions  he  used  to  prevent  this 
expedition,  enhanced  their  sense  of  the  undeserved- 
ness  of  his  sufferings,  nor  had  they  any  heart  to  put 
their  trust  in  the  gods,  considering  that  a  man  so  re- 
ligious, who  had  performed  to  the  divine  powers  so 
many  and  so  great  acts  of  devotion,  should  have  no 
more  favorable  treatment  than  the  wickedest  and 
meanest  of  the  army. 

Nicias,  however,  endeavored  all  the  while  by  his 
voice,  his  countenance,  and  his  carriage,  to  show  him- 
self undefeated  by  these  misfortunes.  And  all  along 
the  way  shot  at,  and  receiving  wounds  eight  days  con- 
tinually from  the  enemy,  he  yet  preserved  the  forces 


346  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  him  in  a  body  entire,  till  that  Demosthenes  was 
taken  prisoner  with  the  party  that  he  led,  whilst  they 
fought  and  made  a  resistance,  and  so  got  behind  and 
were  surrounded  near  the  country  house  of  Polyzelus. 
Demosthenes  thereupon  drew  his  sword,  and  wounded 
but  did  not  kill  himself,  the  enemy  speedily  running 
in  and  seizing  upon  him.  So  soon  as  the  Syracusans 
had  gone  and  informed  Nicias  of  this,  and  he  had  sent 
some  horsemen,  and  by  them  knew  the  certainty  of  the 
defeat  of  that  division,  he  then  vouchsafed  to  sue  to 
Gylippus  for  a  truce  for  the  Athenians  to  depart  out 
of  Sicily,  leaving  hostages  for  payment  of  the  money 
that  the  Syracusans  had  expended  in  the  war. 

But  now  they  would  not  hear  of  these  proposals,  but 
threatening  and  reviling  them,  angrily  and  insultingly 
continued  to  ply  their  missiles  at  them,  now  destitute 
of  every  necessary.  Yet  Nicias  still  made  good  his 
retreat  all  that  night,  and  the  next  day,  through  all 
their  darts,  made  his  way  to  the  river  Asinarus.  There, 
however,  the  enemy  encountering  them,  drove  some 
into  the  stream,  while  others  ready  to  die  for  thirst 
plunged  in  headlong,  while  they  drank  at  the  same 
time,  and  were  cut  down  by  their  enemies.  And  here 
was  the  cruellest  and  the  most  immoderate  slaughter., 
Till  at  last  Nicias  falling  down  to  Gylippus,  "  Let 
pity,  O  Gylippus,"  said  he,  "move  you  in  your  vic- 
tory; not  for  me,  who  was  destined,  it  seems,  to  bring 
the  glory  I  once  had  to  this  end,  but  for  the  other 
Athenians ;  as  you  well  know  that  the  chances  of  war 
are  common  to  all,  and  the  Athenians  used  them  mod- 
erately and  mildly  towards  you  in  their  prosperity." 

At  these  words,  and  at  the  sight  of  Nicias,  Gylippus 
was  somewhat  troubled,  for  he  was  sensible  that  the 
Lacedsemonians  had  received  good  offices  from  Nicias 
in  the  late  treaty ;  and  he  thought  it  would  be  a  great 
and  glorius  thing  for  him  to  carry  off  the  chief  com- 


NICIAS 


34T 


manders  of  the  Athenians  alive.  He,  therefore,  raised 
Nicias  with  respect,  and  bade  him  be  of  good  cheer, 
and  commanded  his  men  to  spare  the  lives  of  the  rest. 
But  the  word  of  command  being  communicated 
slowly,  the  slain  were  a  far  greater  number  than  the 
prisoners.  Many,  however,  were  privily  conveyed  away 
by  particular  soldiers.  Those  taken  openly  were  hur- 
ried together  in  a  mass ;  their  arms  and  spoils  hung  up 
on  the  finest  and  largest  trees  along  the  river.  The 
conquerors,  with  garlands  on  their  heads,  with  their 
own  horses  splendidly  adorned,  and  cropping  short  the 
manes  and  tails  of  those  of  their  enemies,  entered  the 
city,  having,  in  the  most  signal  conflict  ever  waged  by 
Greeks  against  Greeks,  and  with  the  greatest  strength 
and  the  utmost  effort  of  valor  and  manhood,  won  a 
most  entire  victory. 

And  a  great  assembly  of  the  people  of  Syracuse  and 
their  confederates  sitting,  Eurycles,  the  popular  lead- 
er, moved,  first,  that  the  day  on  which  they  took  Nicias 
should  thenceforward  be  kept  holiday  by  sacrificing 
and  forbearing  all  manner  of  work,  and  from  the  river 
be  called  the  Asinarian  Feast.  This  was  the  twenty- 
sixth  day  of  the  month  Carneus,  the  Athenian  Meta- 
gitnion.  And  that  the  servants  of  the  Athenians  with 
the  other  confederates  be  sold  for  slaves,  and  they 
themselves  and  the  Sicilian  auxiliaries  be  kept  and 
employed  in  the  quarries,  except  the  generals,  who 
should  be  put  to  death.  The  Syracusans  favored  the 
proposal,  and  when  Hermocrates  said,  that  to  use  well 
a  victory  was  better  than  to  gain  a  victory,  he  was  met 
with  a  great  clamor  and  outcry.  When  Gylippus,  also, 
demanded  the  Athenian  generals  to  be  delivered  to 
him,  that  he  might  carry  them  to  the  Lacedsemonians, 
the  Syracusans,  now  insolent  with  their  good  fortune, 
gave  him  ill  words.  Indeed,  before  this,  even  in  the 
war,  they  had  been  impatient  at  his  rough  behavior 


348  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


and  Lacedaemonian  haughtiness,  and  had,  as  Timseus 
tells  us,  discovered  sordidness  and  avarice  in  his  char- 
acter, vices  which  may  have  descended  to  him  from 
his  father  Cleandrides,  who  was  convicted  of  bribery 
and  banished.  And  the  very  man  himself,  of  the  one 
thousand  talents  which  Lysander  sent  to  Sparta,  em- 
bezzled thirty,  and  hid  them  under  the  tiles  of  his 
house,  and  was  detected  and  shamefully  fled  his  coun- 
try. But  this  is  related  more  at  large  in  the  life  of 
Lysander.  Timaeus  says  that  Demosthenes  and  Nicias 
did  not  die,  as  Thucydides  and  Philistus  have  written, 
by  the  order  of  the  Syracusans,  but  that  upon  a  mes- 
sage sent  them  from  Hermocrates,  whilst  yet  the  as- 
sembly were  sitting,  by  the  connivance  of  some  of  their 
guards,  they  were  enabled  to  put  an  end  to  themselves. 
Their  bodies,  however,  were  thrown  out  before  the 
gates  and  offered  for  a  public  spectacle.  And  I  have 
heard  that  to  this  day  in  a  temple  at  Syracuse  is  shown 
a  shield,  said  to  have  been  Nicias's,  curiously  wrought 
and  embroidered  with  gold  and  purple  intermixed. 
Most  of  the  Athenians  perished  in  the  quarries  by  dis- 
eases and  ill  diet,  being  allowed  only  one  pint  of  bar- 
ley every  day,  and  one  half  pint  of  water.  Many  of 
them,  however,  were  carried  off  by  stealth,  or,  from 
the  first,  were  supposed  to  be  servants,  and  were  sold 
as  slaves.  These  latter  were  branded  on  their  fore- 
heads with  the  figure  of  a  horse.  There  were,  however, 
Athenians,^^  who,  in  addition  to  slavery,  had  to  endure 
even  this.  But  their  discreet  and  orderly  conduct  was 

The  latest  editor,  Sintenis,  conceives  that  the  word  "few" 
has  dropped  out  here.  As  it  stands,  the  passage  must  mean, 
that  as  many  free  Athenians  were  in  the  first  instance  passed 
off  as  domestic  slaves,  and  thus  saved  from  the  quarries  and 
sold,  and  as  the  prisoners  who  were  sold  were  branded,  there 
were  Athenians  who  suffered  the  indignity  of  becoming  branded 
slaves. 


NICIAS 


349 


an  advantage  to  them;  they  were  either  soon  set  free, 
or  won  the  respect  of  their  masters  with  whom  they 
continued  to  Hve.  Several  were  saved  for  the  sake  of 
Euripides,  whose  poetry,  it  appears,  was  in  request 
among  the  Sicihans  more  than  among  any  of  the  set- 
tlers out  of  Greece.  And  when  any  travellers  arrived 
that  could  tell  them  some  passage,  or  give  them  any 
specimen  of  his  verses,  they  were  delighted  to  be  able 
to  communicate  them  to  one  another.  Many  of  the 
captives  who  got  safe  back  to  Athens  are  said,  after 
they  reached  home,  to  have  gone  and  made  their  ac- 
knowledgements to  Euripides,  relating  how  that  some 
of  them  had  been  released  from  thir  slavery  by  teach- 
ing what  they  could  remember  of  his  poems,  and 
others,  when  straggling  after  the  fight,  been  relieved 
with  meat  and  drink  for  repeating  some  of  his  lyrics. 
'Nor  need  this  be  any  wonder,  for  it  is  told  that  a  ship 
of  Caunus  fleeing  into  one  of  their  harbors  for  pro- 
tection, pursued  by  pirates,  was  not  received,  but 
forced  back,  till  one  asked  if  they  knew  any  of  Eurip- 
ide's  verses,  and  on  their  saying  they  did,  they  were 
admitted,  and  their  ship  brought  into  harbor. 

It  IS  said  that  the  Athenians  would  not  believe  their 
loss,  in  a  great  degree  because  of  the  person  who  first 
brought  them  news  of  it.  For  a  certain  stranger,  it 
seems,  coming  to  Pirgeus,  and  there  sitting  in  a  bar- 
ber's shop,  began  to  talk  of  what  had  happened,  as  if 
the  Athenians  already  knew  all  that  had  passed ;  which 
the  barber  hearing,  before  he  acquainted  anybody  else, 
ran  as  fast  as  he  could  up  into  the  city,  addressed 
himself  to  the  Archons,  and  presently  spread  it  about 
in  the  public  Place.  On  which,  there  being  every- 
where, as  may  be  imagined,  terror  and  consternation, 
the  Archons  summoned  a  general  assembly,  and  there 
brought  in  the  man  and  questioned  him  how  he  came  to 
know.   And  he,  giving  no  satisfactory  account,  was 


350  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


taken  for  a  spreader  of  false  intelligence  and  a  dis- 
turber of  the  city,  and  was,  therefore,  fastened  to  the 
wheel  and  racked  a  long  time,  till  other  messengers 
arrived  and  related  the  whole  disaster  particularly.  So 
hardly  was  Nicias  believed  to  have  suffered  the  calam- 
ity which  he  had  often  predicted. 


CRASSUS' 


Translated  by  — Amhurst,  Esq, 

Maecus  Ceassus,  whose  father  had  borne  the  office 
of  a  censor,  and  received  the  honor  of  a  triumph,  was 
educated  in  a  Httle  house  together  with  his  two  broth- 
ers, who  both  married  in  their  parents'  Hf etime ;  they 
kept  but  one  table  amongst  them ;  all  which,  perhaps, 
was  not  the  least  reason  of  his  own  temperance  and 
moderation  in  diet.  One  of  his  brothers  dying,  he 
married  his  widow,  b}^  whom  he  had  his  children; 
neither  Yfas  there  in  these  respects  any  of  the  Romans 
who  lived  a  more  orderly  life  than  he  did,  though  later 
in  life  he  was  suspected  to  have  been  too  familiar  with 
one  of  the  vestal  virgins,  named  Licinia,  who  was, 
nevertheless,  acquitted,  upon  an  impeachment  brought 
against  her  by  one  Plotinus.  Licinia  stood  possessed 
of  a  beautiful  property  in  the  suburbs,  which  Crassus 
desiring  to  purchase  at  a  low  price,  for  this  reason 
was  frequent  in  his  attentions  to  her,  which  gave  oc- 
casion to  the  scandal,  and  his  avarice,  so  to  say,  serv- 
ing to  clear  him  of  the  crime,  he  w^as  acquitted.  Nor 
did  he  leave  the  lady  till  he  had  got  the  estate. 

People  w^ere  wont  to  say  that  the  many  virtues  of 
Crassus  were  darkened  by  the  one  vice  of  avarice,  and 
indeed  he  seemed  to  have  no  other  but  that;  for  it  be- 
ing the  most  predominant,  obscured  others  to  which  he 

^  Joined  with  Pompey  and  Caesar,  forming  the  so-called 
triumviate,  60  B.  C.  His  ruling  passion  was  money,  and  he 
devoted  all  his  energies  to  its  accumulation.  Assassinated  by 
order  of  Surenas^  53  B.  C. — Dr.  William  Smith. 

(351) 


352  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


was  inclined.  The  arguments  in  proof  of  his  avarice 
were  the  vastness  of  his  estate,  and  the  manner  of 
raising  it;  for  whereas  at  first  he  was  not  worth  above 
three  hundred  talents,  yet,  though  in  the  course  of  his 
political  life^  he  dedicated  the  tenth  of  all  he  had  to 
Hercules,  and  feasted  the  people,  and  gave  to  every 
citizen  corn  enough  to  serve  him  three  months,  upon 
casting  up  his  accounts,  before  he  went  upon  his 
Parthian  expedition,  he  found  his  possession  to 
amount  to  seven  thousand  one  hundred  talents;  most 
of  which,  if  we  may  scandal  him  with  a  truth,  he  got 
by  fire  and  rapine,  making  his  advantages  of  the  pub- 
lic calamities.  For  when  Sylla  seized  the  city,  and 
exposed  to  sale  the  goods  of  those  that  he  had  caused 
to  be  slain,  accounting  them  booty  and  spoils,  and, 
indeed,  calling  them  so  too,  and  was  desirous  of  mak- 
ing as  many,  and  as  eminent  men  as  he  could,  par- 
takers in  the  crime,  Crassus  never  was  the  man  that 
refused  to  accept  or  give  money  for  them.  Moreover 
observing  how  extremely  subject  the  city  was  to  fire, 
and  falling  down  of  houses,  by  reason  of  their  height 
and  their  standing  so  near  together,  he  bought  slaves 
that  were  builders  and  architects,  and  when  he  had 
collected  these  to  the  number  of  more  than  five  hun- 
dred, he  made  it  his  practice  to  buy  houses  that  were 
on  fire,  and  those  in  the  neighborhood,  which,  in  the 
immediate  danger  and  uncertainty,  the  proprietors 
were  willing  to  part  with  for  little  or  nothing;  so  that 
the  greatest  part  of  Rome,  at  one  time  or  other,  came 
into  his  hands.  Yet  for  all  he  had  so  many  workmen, 
he  never  built  any  thing  but  his  own  house,  and  used 
to  say  that  those  that  were  addicted  to  building  would 

^  These  were  the  munificent  acts  of  his  consulship,  as  we 
presently  read  in  the  account  of  it;  and  accordingly  some  of  the 
editors  correct  the  passage,  "in  his  hupateian,"  or  consulship, 
instead  of  "in  his  politeian,'*  or  political  life. 


CRASSUS 


353 


undo  themselves  soon  enough  without  the  help  of 
other  enemies.  And  though  he  had  many  silver  mines, 
and  much  valuable  land,  and  laborers  to  work  in  it, 
yet  all  this  was  nothing  in  comparison  of  his  slaves, 
such  a  number  and  variety  did  he  possess  of  excellent 
readers,  amanuenses,  silversmiths,  stewards,  and  table- 
waiters,  whose  instruction  he  always  attended  to  him- 
self, superintending  in  person  while  they  learned,  and 
teaching  them  himself  accounting  it  the  main  duty  of 
a  master  to  look  over  the  servants,  that  are,  indeed, 
the  living  tools  of  housekeeping;  and  in  this,  indeed, 
he  was  in  the  right  in  thinking,  that  is,  as  he  used  to 
say,  that  servants  ought  to  look  after  all  other  things, 
and  the  master  after  them.  For  economy,  which  in 
things  inanimate  is  but  money-making,  when  exercised 
over  men  becomes  policy.^  But  it  was  surely  a  mis- 
taken judgment,  when  he  said  no  maji  was  to  be  ac- 
counted rich  that  could  not  maintain  an  army  at  his 
own  cost  and  charges,  for  war,  as  Archidamus  well 
observed,  is  not  fed  at  a  fixed  allowance,  so  that  there 
is  no  saying  what  wealth  suffices  for  it,  and  certainly 
it  was  one  very  far  removed  from  that  of  Marius; 
for  when  he  had  distributed  fourteen  acres  of  land  a 
man,  and  understood  that  some  desired  more,  "God 
forbid;,"  said  he,  "that  any  Roman  should  think  that 
too  little  which  is  enough  to  keep  him  alive  and  well." 

Crassus,  however  was  very  eager  to  be  hospitable  to 
strangers;  he  kept  open  house,  and  to  his  friends  he 
would  lend  money  without  interest,  but  called  it  in 
precisely  at  the  time;  so  that  his  kindness  was  often 

^  (Economia,  or  the  art  of  keeping  and  managing  a  house, 
household  and  property, — husbandry  in  the  old  sense  of  the  word> 
— so  long  as  its  subject  is  inanimate  things,  is  merely  an  art  of 
profit,  or  money-making — chrematistic,  but  as  it  extends  its  ex- 
ercise to  men,  it  rises  into  the  political  or  social  art,  the  art 
of  government. 


354  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


thought  worse  than  the  paying  the  interest  would  have 
been.  His  entertainments  were,  for  the  most  part, 
plain  and  citizenlike,  the  company  general  and  popu- 
lar; good  taste  and  kindness  made  them  pleasanter 
than  sumptuosity  would  have  done.  As  for  learning, 
he  chiefly  cared  for  rhetoric,  and  what  would  be  ser- 
viceable with  large  numbers;  he  became  one  of  the 
best  speakers  at  Rome,  and  by  his  pains  and  industry 
outdid  the  best  natural  orators.  For  there  was  no 
trial  how  mean  and  contemptible  soever  that  he  came 
to  unprepared;  nay,  several  times  he  undertook  and 
concluded  a  cause,  when  Pompey  and  Caesar  and 
Cicero  refused  to  stand  up,  upon  which  account  par- 
ticularly he  got  the  love  of  the  people,  who  looked 
upon  him  as  a  diligent  and  careful  man,  ready  to  help 
and  succor  his  fellow-citizens.  Besides,  the  people 
were  pleased  with  his  courteous  and  unpretending 
salutations  and  greetings;  for  he  never  met  any  citi- 
zen however  humble  and  low,  but  he  returned  him  his 
salute  by  name.  He  was  looked  upon  as  a  man  well- 
read  in  history,  and  pretty  well  versed  in  Aristotle's 
philosophy,  in  which  one  Alexander  instructed  him, 
a  man  whose  intercourse  with  Crassus  gave  a  suffi- 
cient proof  of  his  good-nature,  and  gentle  disposition ; 
for  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  he  was  poorer  when  he 
entered  into  his  service,  or  while  he  continued  in  it; 
for  being  his  only  friend  that  used  to  accompany  him 
when  travelling,  he  used  to  receive  from  him  a  cloak 
for  the  journey,  and  when  he  came  home  had  it  de- 
manded from  him  again;  poor  patient  sufferer,  when 
even  the  philosophy  he  professed  did  not  look  upon 
poverty  as  a  thing  indifferent.*  But  of  this  hereafter. 

^  The  point  of  difference  between  Aristotle  and  the  Stoics; 
his  theory  not  allowing  happiness  or  well-being  to  be  perfect  in 
the  absence  of  external  goods.  The  concluding  clause,  however, 
is  not  quite  certainly  Plutarch's  writing. 


CRASSUS 


355 


When  Cinna  and  Marius  got  the  power  in  their 
hands,  it  was  soon  perceived  that  they  had  not  come 
back  for  any  good  they  intended  to  their  country,  but 
to  effect  the  ruin  and  utter  destruction  of  the  nobility. 
And  as  many  as  they  could  lay  their  hands  on  they 
slew,  amongst  w^hom  w^ere  Crassus's  father  and 
brother;  he  himself,  being  very  young,  for  the  moment 
escaped  the  danger;  but  understanding  that  he  w^as 
every  way  beset  and  hunted  after  by  the  tyrants, 
taking  wdth  him  three  friends  and  ten  servants,  with 
all  possible  speed  he  fled  into  Spain,  having  formerly 
been  there  and  secured  a  great  number  of  friends, 
while  his  father  w^as  praetor  of  that  country.  But 
finding  all  people  in  a  consternation,  and  trembling 
at  the  cruelty  of  Marius,  as  if  he  w^as  already  stand- 
ing over  them  in  person,  he  durst  not  discover  himself 
to  anybody,  but  hid  himself  in  a  large  cave,  w^hich 
was  by  the  sea-shore,  and  belonged  to  Vibius  Paci- 
anus,  to  Avhom  he  sent  one  of  his  servants  to  sound 
him,  his  provisions,  also,  beginning  to  fail.  Vibius  Vvas 
well  pleased  at  his  escape,  and  inquiring  the  place  of 
his  abode  and  the  number  of  his  companions,  he  went 
not  to  him  himself,  but  commanded  his  stew^ard  to 
provide  every  day  a  good  meal's  meat,  and  carry  it 
and  leave  it  near  such  a  rock,  and  so  return  without 
taking  any  further  notice  or  being  inquisitive,  prom- 
ising him  his  liberty  if  he  did  as  he  commanded,  and 
that  he  would  kill  him  if  he  intermeddled.  The  cave 
is  not  far  from  the  sea;  a  small  and  insignificant  look- 
ing opening  in  the  cliffs  conducts  you  in;  vv^hen  you 
are  entered,  a  wonderfully  high  roof  spreads  above 
you,  and  large  chambers  open  out  one  beyond  an- 
other, nor  does  it  lack  either  water  or  light,  for  a  very 
pleasant  and  wholesome  spring  runs  at  the  foot  of 
the  cliffs,  and  natural  chinks,  in  the  most  advantageous 
place,  let  in  the  light  all  day  long;  and  the  thickness 


356  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


of  the  rock  makes  the  air  within  pure  and  clear,  all 
the  wet  and  moisture  being  carried  off  into  the  spring. 

While  Crassus  remained  here,  the  steward  brought 
them  what  was  necessary,  but  never  saw  them,  nor 
knew  any  thing  of  the  matter,  though  they  within  saw, 
and  .expected  him  at  the  customary  times.  Neither 
was  their  entertainment  such  as  just  to  keep  them 
alive,  but  given  them  in  abundance  and  for  their  en- 
joyment; for  Pacianus  resolved  to  treat  him  with  all 
imaginable  kindness,  and  considering  he  was  a  young 
man,  thought  it  well  to  gratify  a  little  his  youthful 
inclinations;  for  to  give  just  what  is  needful,  seems 
rather  to  come  from  necessity  than  from  a  hearty 
friendship.  Once  taking  with  him  two  female  ser- 
vants, he  showed  them  the  place  and  bade  them  go  in 
boldly,  whom  when  Crassus  and  his  friends  saw,  they 
were  afraid  of  being  betrayed,  and  demanded  what 
they  were,  and  what  they  would  have.  They,  accord- 
ing as  they  were  instructed,  answered,  they  came  to 
wait  upon  their  master  who  was  hid  in  that  cave.  And 
so  Crassus  perceiving  it  was  a  piece  of  pleasantry  and 
of  good-will  on  the  part  of  Vibius,  took  them  in  and 
kept  them  there  with  him  as  long  as  he  stayed,  and 
employed  them  to  give  information  to  Vibius  of  what 
they  wanted,  and  how  they  were.  Fenestella  says  he 
saw  one  of  them,  then  very  old,  and  often  heard  her 
speak  of  the  time  and  repeat  the  story  with  pleasure. 

After  Crassus  had  lain  concealed  there  eight 
months,  on  hearing  that  Cinna  was  dead,  he  appeared 
abroad,  and  a  great  number  of  people  flocking  to  him, 
out  of  whom  he  selected  a  body  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred,  he  visited  many  cities,  and,  as  some  write, 
sacked  Malaca,  which  he  himself,  however,  always  de- 
nied, and  contradicted  all  who  said  so.  Afterwards, 
getting  together  some  ships,  he  passed  into  Africa,  and 
joined  with  Metellus  Pius,  an  eminent  person  that 


CRASSUS 


357 


had  raised  a  very  considerable  force;  but  upon  some 
difference  between  him  and  Metellus,  he  stayed  not 
long  there,  but  went  over  to  Sylla,  by  whom  he  was 
very  much  esteemed.  When  Sylla  passed  over  into 
Italy,  he  was  anxious  to  put  all  the  young  men  that 
were  with  him  in  employment;  and  as  he  despatched 
some  one  way,  and  some  another,  Crassus,  on  its  fall- 
ing to  his  share  to  raise  men  among  the  Marsians,  de- 
manded a  guard,  being  to  pass  through  the  enemy's 
country,  upon  which  Sylla  replied  sharply,  "I  give 
you  for  guard  your  father,  your  brother,  your  friends 
and  kindred,  whose  unjust  and  cruel  murder  I  am  now 
going  to  revenge;"  and  Crassus,  being  nettled,  went 
his  way,  broke  boldly  through  the  enemy,  collected  a 
considerable  force,  and  in  all  Sylla's  wars  acted  with 
great  zeal  and  courage.  And  in  these  times  and 
occasions,  they  say,  began  the  emulation  and  rivalry 
for  glory  between  him  and  Pompey;  for  though  Pom^^ 
pey  was  the  younger  man,  and  had  the  disadvantage 
to  be  descended  of  a  father  that  was  disesteemed  by 
the  citizens,  and  hated  as  much  as  ever  man  was,  yet 
in  these  actions  he  shone  out,  and  was  proved  so  great, 
that  Sylla  always  used,  when  he  came  in,  to  stand  up 
and  uncover  his  head,  an  honor  which  he  seldom 
showed  to  older  men  and  his  own  equals,  and  always 
saluted  him  Imperator,  This  fired  and  stung  Cras- 
sus, though,  indeed,  he  could  not  with  any  fairness 
claim  to  be  preferred;  for  he  both  wanted  experience, 
and  his  two  innate  vices,  sordidness  and  avarice,  tar- 
nished all  the  lustre  of  his  actions.  For  when  he  had 
taken  Tudertia,^  a  town  of  the  Umbrians,  he  con- 
verted, it  was  said,  all  the  spoil  to  his  own  use,  for 
which  he  was  complained  of  to  Sylla.  But  in  the  last 
and  greatest  battle  before  Rome  itself,  where  Sylla 


5  Or  Tuder. 


358 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


was  worsted,  some  of  his  battalions  giving  ground,  and 
others  being  quite  broken,  Crassus  got  the  victory  on 
the  right  wing,  which  he  commanded,  and  pursued  the 
enemy  till  night,  and  then  sent  to  Sylla  to  acquaint 
him  with  his  success,  and  demand  provision  for  his  sol- 
diers. In  the  time,  however,  of  the  proscriptions  and 
sequestrations,  he  lost  his  repute  again,  by  making  I 
great  purchases  for  little  or  nothing,  and  asking  for  | 
grants.  Nay,  they  say  he  proscribed  one  of  the  Brut- 
tians  without  Sylla's  order,  only  for  his  own  profit, 
and  that,  on  discovering  this,  Sylla  never  after  trusted 
him  in  any  public  affairs.  As  no  man  was  more  cun- 
ning than  Crassus  to  ensnare  others  by  flattery,  so  no 
man  lay  more  open  to  it,  or  swallowed  it  more  greedily 
than  himself.  And  this  particularly  was  observed  of 
him,  that  though  he  was  the  most  covetous  man  in  the 
world,  yet  he  habitually  disliked  and  cried  out  against 
others  who  were  so. 

It  troubled  him  to  see  Pompey  so  successful  in  all 
his  undertakings;  that  he  had  had  a  triumph  before 
he  was  capable  to  sit  in  the  senate,  and  that  the  people 
had  surnamed  him  Magnus,  or  the  Great.  When 
somebody  was  saying  Pompey  the  Great  was  com- 
ing, he  smiled,  and  asked  him,  "How  big  is  he?" 
Despairing  to  equal  him  by  feats  of  arms,  he  betook 
himself  to  civil  life,  where  by  doing  kindnesses,  plead- 
ing, lending  money,  by  speaking  and  canvassing 
among  the  people  for  those  who  had  objects  to  obtain 
from  them,  he  gradually  gained  as  great  honor  and 
power  as  Pompey  had  from  his  many  famous  expedi- 
tions. And  it  was  a  curious  thing  in  their  rivalry,  that 
Pompey 's  name  and  interest  in  the  city  was  greatest 
when  he  was  absent,  for  his  renown  in  war,  but  when 
present  he  was  often  less  successful  than  Crassus,  by 
reason  of  his  superciliousness  and  haughty  way  of 
living,  shunning  crowds  of  people,  and  appearing 


CRASSUS 


359 


rarely  in  the  forum,  and  assisting  only  some  few,  and 
that  not  readily,  that  his  interest  might  be  the  stronger 
when  he  came  to  use  it  for  himself.  Whereas,  Cras- 
sus,  being  a  friend  always  at  hand,  ready  to  be  had 
and  easy  of  access,  and  always  with  his  hands  full  of 
other  people's  business,  with  his  freedom  and  courtesy, 
got  the  better  of  Pompey's  formality.  In  point  of 
dignity  of  person,  eloquence  of  language,  and  at- 
tractiveness of  countenance,  they  were  pretty  equally 
excellent.  But,  however,  this  emulation  never  trans- 
ported Crassus  so  far  as  to  make  him  bear  enmity,  or 
any  ill-will;  for  though  he  was  vexed  to  see  Pompey 
and  Caesar  preferred  to  him,  yet  he  never  mingled  any 
hostility  or  malice  with  his  jealousy;  though  Caesar 
when  he  was  taken  captive  by  the  corsairs  in  Asia, 
cried  out,  "O  Crassus,  how  glad  you  will  be  at  the 
news  of  my  captivity!"  Afterwards  they  lived  to- 
gether on  friendly  terms,  for  when  Csesar  was  going 
prsetor  into  Spain,  and  his  creditors,  he  being  then  in 
want  of  money,  came  upon  him  and  seized  his  equip- 
age, Crassus  then  stood  by  him  and  relieved  him,  and 
was  his  security  for  eight  hundred  and  thirty  talents. 
And,  in  general,  Rome  being  divided  into  three  great 
interests,  those  of  Pompey,  Csesar,  and  Crassus,  (for 
as  for  Cato,  his  fame  was  greater  than  his  power,  and 
he  was  rather  admired  than  followed,)  the  sober  and 
quiet  part  were  for  Pompey,  the  restless  and  hot- 
headed followed  Caesar's  ambition,  but  Crassus  trim- 
med between  them,  making  advantages  of  both,  and 
changed  sides  continually,  being  neither  a  trusty 
friend  nor  an  implacable  enemy,  and  easily  abandoned 
both  his  attachments  and  his  animosities,  as  he  found 
it  for  his  advantage,  so  that  in  short  spaces  of  time, 
the  same  men  and  the  same  measures  had  him  both 
as  their  supporter  and  as  their  opponent.  He  was 
much  liked,  but  was  feared  as  much  or  even  more.  At 


360  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


any  rate,  when  Sicinius,  who  was  the  greatest  troubler 
of  the  magistrates  and  ministers  of  liis  time,  was  asked 
how  it  was  he  let  Crassus  alone,  "Oh,"  said  he,  "he 
carries  hay  on  liis  horns,"  alluding  to  the  custom  of 
tying  hay  to  the  horns  of  a  bull  that  used  to  butt,  that 
people  might  keep  out  of  his  way. 

The  insurrection  of  the  gladiators  and  the  devasta- 
tion of  Italy,  commonly  called  the  war  of  Spartacus, 
began  upon  this  occasion.  One  Lentulus  Batiates 
trained  up  a  great  many  gladiators  in  Capua,  most 
of  them  Gauls  and  Thracians,  who,  not  for  any  fault 
by  them  committed,  but  simply  through  the  cruelty  of 
their  masters,  were  kept  in  confinement  for  this  object 
of  fighting  one  with  another.  Two  hundred  of  these 
formed  a  plan  to  escape,  but  their  plot  being  discov- 
ered, those  of  them  who  became  aware  of  it  in  time 
to  anticipate  their  master,  being  seventy-eight,  got  out 
of  a  cook's  shop  chopping-knives  and  spits,  and  made 
their  way  through  the  city,  and  lighting  b}^  the  way  on 
several  wagons  that  were  carrying  gladiator's  arms  to 
another  city,  they  seized  upon  them  and  armed  them- 
selves. And  seizing  upon  a  defensible  place,  they 
chose  three  captains,  of  whom  Spartacus  was  chief,  a 
Thracian  of  one  of  the  nomad  tribes,  and  a  man  not 
only  of  high  spirit  and  valiant,  but  in  understanding, 
also,  and  in  gentleness,  superior  to  his  condition,  and 
more  of  a  Grecian  than  the  people  of  his  country 
usually  are.  When  he  first  came  to  be  sold  at  Rome, 
they  say  a  snake  coiled  itself  upon  his  face  as  he  lay 
asleep,  and  his  wife,  who  at  this  latter  time  also  ac- 
companied him  in  his  flight,  his  country-woman,  a 
kind  of  prophetess,  and  one  of  those  possessed  with 
the  bacchanal  frenzy,  declared  that  it  was  a  sign  por- 
tending great  and  formidable  power  to  him  with  no 
happy  event. 

First,  then,  routing  those  that  came  out  of  Capua 


CRASSUS 


361 


against  them,  and  thus  procuring  a  quantity  of  proper 
soldiers'  arms,  they  gladly  threw  away  their  own  as 
barbarous  and  dishonorable.  Afterwards  Clodius,  the 
prgetor,  took  the  command  against  them  with  a  body 
of  three  thousand  men  from  Rome,  and  besieged  them 
within  a  mountain,  accessible  only  by  one  narrow  and 
difficult  passage,  which  Clodius  kept  guarded,  en- 
compassed on  all  other  sides  with  steep  and  slippery 
precipices.  Upon  the  top,  however,  grew  a  great 
many  wild  vines,  and  cutting  down  as  many  of  their 
boughs  as  they  had  need  of,  they  twisted  them  into 
strong  ladders  long  enough  to  reach  from  thence  to  the 
bottom,  by  which,  without  any  danger,  they  got  down 
all  but  one,  who  stayed  there  to  throw  them  down 
their  arms,  and  after  this  succeeded  in  saving  himself. 
The  Romans  were  ignorant  of  all  this,  and,  therefore, 
coming  upon  them  in  the  rear,  they  assaulted  them 
unawares  and  took  their  camp.  Several,  also,  of  the 
ehepherds  and  herdsmen  that  were  there,  stout  and 
nimble  fellows,  revolted  over  to  them,  to  some  of 
whom  they  gave  complete  arms,  and  made  use  of 
others  as  scouts  and  light-armed  soldiers.  Publius 
Varinus,  the  prgetor,  was  now  sent  against  them, 
whose  lieutenant,  Furius,  with  two  thousand  men,  they 
fought  and  routed.  Then  Cossinius  was  sent,  with 
considerable  forces,  to  give  his  assistance  and  advice, 
and  him  Spartacus  missed  but  very  little  of  capturing 
in  person,  as  he  was  bathing  at  Salinse;^  for  he  with 
great  difficulty  made  his  escape,  while  Spartacus  pos- 
sessed himself  of  his  baggage,  and  following  the  chase 
with  a  great  slaughter,  stormed  his  camp  and  took  it, 
where  Cossinius  himself  was  slain.  After  many  suc- 
cessful skirmishes  with  the  prsetor  himself,  in  one  of 

^  Salense  or  Salince  (the  latter  is  a  conjecture),  and  the 
Lucanian  lake,  in  page  343,  are  uncertain  localities;  the  moun- 
tains of  Petelia,  page  344,  are  near  Petelia  in  Bruttium. 


362  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


which  he  took  his  Hctors  and  his  own  horse,  he  began 
to  be  great  and  terrible;  but  wisely  considering  that 
he  was  not  to  expect  to  match  the  force  of  the  empire, 
he  marched  his  army  towards  the  Alps,  intending, 
when  he  had  passed  them,  that  every  man  should  go 
to  his  own  home,  some  to  Thrace,  some  to  GauL  But 
they,  grown  confident  in  their  numbers,  and  puffed 
up  with  their  success,  would  give  no  obedience  to  him, 
but  went  about  and  ravaged  Italy;  so  that  now  the 
senate  was  not  only  moved  at  the  indignity  and  base- 
ness, both  of  the  enemy  and  of  the  insurrection,  but, 
looking  upon  it  as  a  matter  of  alarm  and  of  danger- 
ous consequence,  sent  out  both  the  consuls  to  it,  as  to 
a  great  and  difficult  enterprise.  The  consul  Gellius, 
falling  suddenly  upon  a  party  of  Germans,  who 
through  contempt  and  confidence  had  straggled  from 
Spartacus,  cut  fhem  all  to  pieces.  But  when  Lentulus 
with  a  large  army  besieged  Spartacus,  he  sallied  out 
upon  him,  and,  joining  battle,  defeated  his  chief  offi- 
cers, and  captured  all  his  baggage.  As  he  made 
towards  the  Alps,  Cassius,  who  was  praetor  of  that 
part  of  Gaul  that  lies  about  the  Po,  met  him  with  ten 
thousand  men,  but  being  overcome  in  battle,  he  had 
much  ado  to  escape  himself,  with  the  loss  of  a  great 
many  of  his  men. 

When  the  senate  understood  this,  they  were  dis- 
pleased at  the  consuls,  and  ordering  them  to  meddle 
no  further,  they  appointed  Crassus  general  of  the  war, 
and  a  great  many  of  the  nobility  went  volunteers  with 
him,  partly  out  of  friendship,  and  partly  to  get  honor. 
He  stayed  himself  on  the  borders  of  Picenum,  expect- 
ing Spartacus  would  come  that  way  and  sent  his  lieu- 
tenant, Mummius,  with  two  legions,  to  wheel  about 
and  observe  the  enemy's  motions,  but  upon  no  account 
to  engage  or  skirmish.  But  he,  upon  the  first  oppor- 
tunity, joined  battle,  and  was  routed,  having  a' great 


ill 


CRASSUS 


368 


many  of  his  men  slain,  and  a  great  many  only  saving 
their  lives,  with  the  loss  of  their  arms.  Crassus  re- 
buked Mummius  severely,  and  arming  the  soldiers 
again,  he  made  them  find  sureties  for  their  arms,  that 
they  would  part  with  them  no  more,  and  five  hundred 
that  were  the  beginners  of  the  flight,  he  divided  into 
fifty  tens,  and  one  of  each  was  to  die  by  lot,  thus  re- 
viving the  ancient  Roman  punishment  of  decimation, 
where  ignominy  is  added  to  the  penalty  of  death,  with 
a  variety  of  appalling  and  terrible  circumstances,  pre- 
sented before  the  eyes  of  the  whole  army,  assembled  as 
spectators.  When  he  had  thus  reclaimed  his  men,  he 
led  them  against  the  enemy;  but  Spartacus  retreated 
through  Lucania  toward  the  sea,  and  in  the  straits 
meeting  with  some  Cilician  pirate  ships,  he  had 
thoughts  of  attempting  Sicily,  where,  by  landing  two 
thousand  men,  he  hoped  to  new  kindle  the  war  of  the 
slaves,  which  was  but  lately  extinguished,  and  seemed 
to  need  but  a  little  fuel  to  set  it  burning  again.  But 
after  the  pirates  had  struck  a  bargain  with  him,  and 
received  his  earnest,  they  deceived  him  and  sailed 
away.  He  thereupon  retired  again  from  the  sea,  and 
established  his  army  in  the  peninsula  of  Rhegium; 
there  Crassus  came  upon  him,  and  considering  the 
nature  of  the  place,  which  of  itself  suggested  the  un- 
dertaking, he  set  to  work  to  build  a  wall  across  the 
isthnms;  thus  keeping  his  soldiers  at  once  from  idle- 
ness, and  his  foes  from  forage.  This  great  and  diffi- 
cult work  he  perfected  in  a  space  of  time  short  be- 
yond all  expectation,  making  a  ditch  from  one  sea  to 
the  other,  over  the  neck  of  land,  three  hundred  fur- 
longs long,  fifteen  feet  broad,  and  as  much  in  depth, 
and  above  it  built  a  wonderfully  high  and  strong  wall. 
All  which  Spartacus  at  first  slighted  and  despised, 
but  when  provisions  began  to  fail,  and  on  his  propos- 
ing to  pass  further,  he  found  he  was  walled  in,  and  no 


364  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


more  was  to  be  had  in  the  peninsula,  taking  the  oppor- 
tunity of  a  snowy,  stormy  night,  he  filled  up  part  of 
the  ditch  with  earth  and  boughs  of  trees,  and  so  passed 
the  third  part  of  his  army  over. 

Crassus  was  afraid  lest  he  should  march  directly 
to  Rome,  but  was  soon  eased  of  that  fear  when  he 
saw  many  of  his  men  break  out  in  a  mutiny  and 
quit  him,  and  encamp  by  themselves  upon  the  Lu- 
canian  lake.  This  lake  they  say  changes  at  intervals 
of  time,  and  is  sometimes  sweet,  and  sometimes  so  salt 
that  it  cannot  be  drunk.  Crassus  falling  upon  these 
beat  them  from  the  lake,  but  he  could  not  pursue  the 
slaughter,  because  of  Spartacus  suddenly  coming  up, 
and  checking  the  flight.  Now  he  began  to  repent  that 
he  had  previously  written  to  the  senate  to  call  Lu- 
cullus  out  of  Thrace,  and  Pompey  out  of  Spain;  so 
that  he  did  all  he  could  to  finish  the  war  before  they 
came,  knowing  that  the  honor  of  the  action  would 
redound  to  him  that  came  to  his  assistance.  Resolv- 
ing, therefore,  first  to  set  upon  those  that  had  muti- 
nied and  encamped  apart,  whom  Caius  Cannicius  and 
Castus  commanded,  he  sent  six  thousand  men  before 
to  secure  a  little  eminence,  and  to  do  it  as  privately 
as  possible,  which  that  they  might  do,  they  covered 
their  helmets,  but  being  discovered  by  two  women  that 
were  sacrificing  for  the  enemy,  they  had  been  in  great 
hazard,  had  not  Crassus  immediately  appeared,  and 
engaged  in  a  battle  which  proved  a  most  bloody  one. 
Of  twelve  thousand  three  hundred  whom  he  killed, 
two  only  were  found  wounded  in  their  backs,  the  rest 
all  having  died  standing  in  their  ranks,  and  fighting 
bravely.  Spartacus,  after  this  discomfiture,  retired  to 
the  mountains  of  Petelia,  but  Quintius,  one  of  Cras- 
sus's  officers,  and  Scrofa,  the  qusestor,  pursued  and 
overtook  him.  But  when  Spartacus  rallied  and  faced 
them,  they  were  utterly  routed  and  fled,  and  had  much 


CRASSUS 


365 


ado  to  carry  off  their  qusestor,  who  was  wounded. 
This  success,  however,  ruined  Spartacus,  because  it  en- 
couraged the  slaves,  who  now  disdained  any  longer  to 
avoid  fighting,  or  to  obey  their  officers,  but  as  they 
were  upon  their  march,  they  came  to  them  with  their 
swords  in  their  hand,  and  compelled  them  to  lead  them 
back  again  through  Lucania,  against  the  Romans,  the 
very  thing  which  Crassus  was  eager  for.  For  news 
was  already  brought  that  Pompey  was  at  hand;  and 
people  began  to  talk  openly,  that  the  honor  of  this 
war  was  reserved  for  him,  who  would  come  and  at  once 
oblige  the  enemy  to  fight  and  put  an  end  to  the  war. 
Crassus,  therefore,  eager  to  fight  a  decisive  battle,  en- 
camped very  near  the  enemy,  and  began  to  make  lines 
of  circumvallation ;  but  the  slaves  made  a  sally,  and 
attacked  the  pioneers.  ,As  fresh  supplies  came  in  on 
either  side,  Spartacus,  seeing  there  was  no  avoiding 
it,  set  all  his  army  in  array,  and  when  his  horse  was 
brought  him,  he  drew  out  his  sword  and  killed  him, 
saying,  if  he  got  the  day,  he  should  have  a  great  many 
better  horses  of  the  enemies,  and  if  he  lost  it,  he  should 
have  no  need  of  this.  And  so  making  directly  towards 
Crassus  himself,  through  the  midst  of  arms  and 
wounds,  he  missed  him,  but  slew  two  centurions  that 
fell  upon  him  together.  At  last  being  deserted  by 
those  that  were  about  him,  he  himself  stood  his  ground, 
and,  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  bravely  defending  him- 
self, was  cut  in  pieces.  But  though  Crassus  had  good 
fortune,  and  not  only  did  the  part  of  a  good  general, 
but  gallantly  exposed  his  person,  yet  Pompey  had 
much  of  the  credit  of  the  action.  For  he  met  with 
many  of  the  fugitives,  and  slew  them,  and  wrote  to 
the  senate  that  Crassus  indeed  had  vanquished  the 
slaves  in  a  pitched  battle,  but  that  he  had  put  an  end 
to  the  war.  Pompey  was  honored  with  a  magnificent 
triumph  for  his  conquest  over  Sertorius  and  Spain, 


366 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


while  Crassus  could  not  himself  so  much  as  desire  a 
triumph  in  its  full  form,  and  indeed  it  was  thought 
to  look  but  meanly  in  him  to  accept  of  the  lesser  honor, 
called  the  ovation,  for  a  servile  war,  and  perform  a 
procession  on  foot.  The  difference  between  this  and 
the  other,  and  the  origin  of  the  name,  are  explained 
in  the  life  of  Marcellus. 

And  Pompey  being  immediately  invited  to  the 
consulship,  Crassus,  who  had  hoped  to  be  joined  with 
him,  did  not  scruple  to  request  his  assistance.  Pom- 
pey most  readily  seized  the  opportunity,  as  he  desired 
by  all  means  to  lay  some  obligation  upon  Crassus,  and 
zealously  promoted  his  interest ;  and  at  last  he  declared 
in  one  of  his  speeches  to  the  people,  that  he  should  be 
not  less  beholden  to  them  for  his  colleague,  than  for 
the  honor  of  his  own  appointment.  But  once  entered 
upon  the  employment,  this  amity  continued  not  long; 
but  differing  almost  in  every  thing,  disagreeing,  quar- 
relling, and  contending,  they  spent  the  time  of  their 
consulship,  without  effecting  any  measure  of  conse- 
quence, except  that  Crassus  made  a  great  sacrifice  to 
HerculeS;  and  feasted  the  people  at  ten  thousand 
tables,  and  measured  them  out  corn  for  three  months 
When  their  command  was  now  ready  to  expire,  and 
they  were,  as  it  happened,  addressing  the  people,  a 
Roman  knight,  one  Onatius  ^  Aurelius,  an  ordinai-y 
private  person,  living  in  the  country,  mounted  the 
hustings,  and  declared  a  vision  he  had  in  his  sleep: 
*'Jupiter,"  said  he,  "appeared  to  me,  and  commanded 
me  to  tell  you,  that  you  should  not  suffer  your  con- 
suls to  law  down  their  charge  before  they  are  made 
friends."  When  he  had  spoken,  the  people  cried  out 
that  they  should  be  reconciled.    Pompey  stood  still 

The  text  is  probably  corrupt.  The  word  Onatius  is  made 
up  most  likely  of  the  name  Caius  and  another  word.  He  is 
called  Caius  Aurelius  in  the  life  of  Pompey. 


CRASSUS 


367 


!  and  said  nothing,  but  Cassus,  first  offering  him  his 
'  hand,  said,  "I  cannot  think,  my  countrymen,  that  I  do 
any  thing  humiHating  or  unworthy  of  myself,  if  I 
make  the  first  offers  of  accommodation  and  friendship 
with  Pompey,  whom  you  yourselves  styled  the  Great, 
before  he  was  of  man's  estate,  and  decreed  him  a  tri- 
umph before  he  was  capable  of  sitting  in  the  senate." 

This  is  what  was  memorable  in  Crassus's  consul- 
ship, but  as  for  his  censorship,  that  was  altogether  idle 
and  inactive,  for  he  neither  made  a  scrutiny  of  the 
senate,  nor  took  a  review  of  the  horsemen,  nor  a  cen- 
sus of  the  people,  though  he  had  as  mild  a  man  as 
could  be  desired  for  his  colleague,  Lutatius  Catulus. 
It  is  said,  indeed,  that  when  Crassus  intended  a  violent 
and  unjust  measure,  which  was  the  reducing  Egypt 
to  be  tributary  to  Rome,  Catulus  strongly  opposed  it, 
and  falling  out  about  it,  they  laid  down  their  office  by 
consent.  In  the  great  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  which 
was  very  near  subverting  the  government,  Crassus 
was  not  without  some  suspicion  of  being  concerned, 
and  one  man  came  forward  and  declared  him  to  be  in 
the  plot;  but  nobody  credited  him.  Yet  Cicero,  in 
one  of  his  orations,  clearly  charges  both  Crassus  and 
Csesar  with  the  guilt  of  it,  though  that  speech  was  not 
published  till  they  were  both  dead.  But  in  his  speech 
upon  his  consulship,  he  declares  that  Crassus  came  to 
him  by  night,  and  brought  a  letter  concerning  Cati- 
line, stating  the  details  of  the  conspiracy.  Crassus 
hated  him  ever  after,  but  was  hindered  by  his  son 
from  doing  him  any  open  injury;  for  Publius  was  a 
great  lover  of  learning  and  eloquence,  and  a  constant 
follower  of  Cicero,  insomuch  that  he  put  himself  into 
mourning  when  he  was  accused,  and  induced  the 
other  young  men  to  do  the  same.  And  at  last  he 
reconciled  him  to  his  father. 

Csesar  now  returning  from  his  command,  and 


368  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


designing  to  get  the  consulship,  and  seeing  that 
Crassus  and  Pompey  were  again  at  variance,  was 
unwilHng  to  disoblige  one  by  making  application  to 
the  other,  and  despaired  of  success  without  the  help 
of  one  of  them;  he  therefore  made  it  his  business  to 
reconcile  them,  making  it  appear  that  by  weakening 
each  other's  influence,  they  were  promoting  the  inter- 
est of  the  Ciceros,  the  Catuli,  and  the  Catos,  who 
would  really  be  of  no  account  if  they  would  join 
their  interests  and  their  factions,  and  act  together  in 
public  with  one  polic}^  and  one  united  power.  And  so 
reconciling  them  by  his  persuasions,  out  of  the  three 
parties  he  set  up  one  irresistible  power,  which  utterly 
subverted  the  government  both  of  senate  and  people. 
Not  that  he  made  either  Pompey  or  Crassus  greater 
than  they  were  before,  but  by  their  means  made  him- 
self greatest  of  all;  for  by  the  help  of  the  adherents 
of  both,  he  was  at  once  gloriously  declared  consul, 
which  office  when  he  administered  with  credit,  they 
decreed  him  the  command  of  an  army,  and  allotted 
him  Gaul  for  his  province,  and  so  placed  him  as  it 
were  in  the  citadel,  not  doubting  but  they  should 
divide  the  rest  at  their  pleasure  between  themselves, 
when  they  had  confirmed  him  in  his  allotted  command. 
Pompey  was  actuated  in  all  this  by  an  immoderate 
desire  of  ruling,  but  Crassus,  adding  to  his  old  disease 
of  covetousness,  a  new  passion  after  trophies  and  tri- 
umphs, emulous  of  Caesar's  exploits,  not  content  to 
be  beneath  him  in  these  points,  though  above  him  in 
all  others,  could  not  be  at  rest,  till  it  ended  in  an 
ignominious  overthrow,  and  a  public  calamity.  When 
Csesar  came  out  of  Gaul  to  Lucca,  a  great  many  went 
thither  from  Rome  to  meet  him.  Pompey  and 
Crassus  had  various  conferences  with  him  in  secret, 
in  which  they  came  to  the  resolution  to  proceed  to 
still  more  decisive  steps,  and  to  get  the  whole  manage- 


THE  CATILINIAN  CONSPIRACY 


I 


CRASSUS 


369 


ment  of  affairs  into  their  hands,  Caesar  to  keep  his 
army,  and  Pompey  and  Crassus  to  obtain  new  ones 
and  new  provinces.  To  effect  all  which  there  was 
but  one  way,  the  getting  the  consulate  a  second  time, 
which  they  were  to  stand  for,  and  Csesar  to  assist  them 
by  writing  to  his  friends,  and  sending  many  of  his 
soldiers  to  vote. 

But  when  they  returned  to  Rome,  their  design  was 
presently  suspected,  and  a  report  was  soon  spread 
that  this  interview  had  been  for  no  good.  When 
Marcellinus  and  Domitius  asked  Pompey  in  the  sen- 
ate if  he  intended  to  stand  for  the  consulship,  he 
answered,  perhaps  he  would,  perhaps  not;  and  being 
urged  again,  replied,  he  would  ask  it  of  the  honest 
citizens,  but  not  of  the  dishonest.  Which  answer 
appearing  too  haughty  and  arrogant,  Crassus,  said, 
more  modestly,  that  he  would  desire  it  if  it  might  be 
for  the  advantage  of  the  public,  otherwise  he  would 
decline  it.  Upon  this  some  others  took  confidence 
and  came  forward  as  candidates,  among  them  Domi- 
tius. But  when  Pompey  and  Crassus  now  openly 
appeared  for  it,  the  rest  were  afraid  and  drew  back; 
only  Cato  encouraged  Domitius,  who  was  his  friend 
and  relation,  to  proceed,  exciting  him  to  persist,  as 
though  he  was  now  defending  the  public  liberty,  as 
these  men,  he  said,  did  not  so  much  aim  at  the  con- 
sulate, as  at  arbitrary  government,  and  it  was  not  a 
petition  for  office,  but  a  seizure  of  provinces  and 
armies.  Thus  spoke  and  thought  Cato,  and  almost 
forcibly  compelled  Domitius  to  appear  in  the  forum, 
where  many  sided  with  them.  For  there  was,  indeed, 
much  wonder  and  question  among  the  people,  "Why 
should  Pompey  and  Crassus  want  another  consul- 
ship? and  why  they  two  together,  and  not  with  some 
third  person?  We  have  a  great  many  men  not 
unworthy  to  be  fellow-consuls  with  either  the  one  or 


370  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  other."  Pompey's  party,  being  apprehensive  of 
this,  committed  ail  manner  of  indecencies  and  vio- 
lences, and  amongst  other  things  lay  in  wait  for 
Domitius,  as  he  was  coming  thither  before  daybreak 
with  his  friends;  his  torchbearer  they  killed,  and 
wounded  several  others,  of  whom  Cato  was  one.  And 
these  being  beaten  back  and  driven  into  a  house, 
Pompey  and  Crassus  were  proclaimed  consuls.  Not 
long  after,  they  surrounded  the  house^  with  armed 
men,  thrust  Cato  out  of  the  forum,  killed  some  that 
made  resistance,  and  decreed  Csesar  his  command  for 
five  years  longer,  and  provinces  for  themselves,  Syria, 
and  both  the  S pains,  which  being  divided  by  lots, 
Syria  fell  to  Crassus,  and  the  Spains  to  Pompey. 

All  were  well  pleased  with  the  chance,  for  the 
people  were  desirous  that  Pompey  should  not  go  far 
from  the  city,  and  he,  being  extremely  fond  of  his 
wife,  was  very  glad  to  continue  there;  but  Crassus 
was  so  transported  with  his  fortune,  that  it  was  mani- 
fest he  thought  he  had  never  had  such  good  luck 
befall  him  as  now,  so  that  he  had  much  to  do  to  con- 
tain himself  before  company  and  strangers;  but 
amongst  his  private  friends  he  let  fall  many  vain  and 
childish  words,  which  were  unworthy  of  his  age,  and 
contrary  to  his  usual  character,  for  he  had  been  very 
little  given  to  boasting  hitherto.  But  then  being 
strangely  puffed  up,  and  his  head  heated,  he  would 
not  limit  his  fortune  to  Parthia  and  Syria;  but  look- 
ing on  the  actions  of  Lucullus  against  Tigranes  and 
the  exploits  of  Pompey  against  Mithridates  as  but 
child's  play,  he  proposed  to  himself  in  his  hopes  to 
pass  as  far  as  Bactria  and  India,  and  the  utmost 

^  This,  the  commentators  say,  may  mean  the  senate-house,  if 
the  reading  is  correct.  It  is  more  likely,  however,  that  the  Greek 
should  be,  not  oihema,  but  bema,  the  hustings,  **la  tribune  aux 
harangues"  (Amyot's  translation),  the  rostra. 


CRASSUS 


371 


ocean.  Not  that  he  was  called  upon  by  the  decree 
which  appointed  him  to  his  office  to  undertake  any 
expedition  against  the  Parthians,  but  it  was  welb 
known  that  he  was  eager  for  it,  and  Caesar  wrote  to 
him  out  of  Gaul,  commending  his  resolution,  and 
inciting  him  to  the  war.  And  when  Ateius,  the  tri- 
bune of  the  people,  designed  to  stop  his  journey,  and 
many  others  murmured  that  one  man  should  under- 
take a  war  against  a  people  that  had  done  them  no 
injury,  and  were  at  amity  with  them,  he  desired 
Pompey  to  stand  by  him  and  accompany  him  out  of 
the  town,  as  he  had  a  great  name  amongst  the  com- 
mon people.  And  when  several  were  ready  prepared 
to  interfere  and  raise  an  outcry,  Pompey  appeared 
with  a  pleasing  countenance,  and  so  mollified  the 
people,  that  they  let  Crassus  pass  quietly.  Ateius, 
however,  met  him,  and  first  by  word  of  mouth  warned 
and  conjured  him  not  to  proceed,  and  then  com- 
manded his  attendant  officer  to  seize  him  and  detain 
him;  but  the  other  tribunes  not  permitting  it,  the 
officer  released  Crassus.  Ateius,  therefore,  running 
to  the  gate,  when  Crassus  was  come  thither,  set  down 
a  chafing-dish  with  lighted  fire  in  it,  and  burning 
incense  and  pouring  libations  on  it,  cursed  him  with 
dreadful  imprecations,  calling  upon  and  naming 
several  strange  and  horrible  deities.  In  the  Roman 
belief  there  is  so  much  virtue  in  these  sacred  and 
ancient  rites,  that  no  man  can  escape  the  effects  of 
them,  and  that  the  utterer  himself  seldom  prospers; 
so  that  they  are  not  often  made  use  of,  and  but  upon 
a  great  occasion.  And  Ateius  was  blamed  at  the 
time  for  resorting  to  them,  as  the  city  itself,  in  whose 
cause  he  used  them,  would  be  the  first  to  feel  the  ill 
effects  of  these  curses  and  supernatural  terrors. 

Crassus  arrived  at  Brundusium,  and  though  the 
sea  was  very  rough,  he  had  not  patience  to  wait,  but 


372  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


went  on  board,  and  lost  many  of  his  ships.  With  the 
remnant  of  his  army  he  marched  rapidly  through 
Galatia,  where  meeting  with  king  Deiotarus,  who, 
though  he  was  very  old,  was  about  building  a  new 
city,  Crassus  scoffingly  told  him,  "Your  majesty 
begins  to  build  at  the  twelfth  hour."  "Neither  do 
you,"  said  he,  "O  general,  undertake  your  Parthian 
expedition  very  early."  For  Crassus  was  then  sixty 
years  old,  and  he  seemed  older  than  he  was.  At  his 
first  coming,  things  went  as  he  would  have  them,  for 
he  made  a  bridge  over  Euphrates  without  much  diffi- 
culty, and  passed  over  his  army  in  safety,  and  occu- 
pied many  cities  of  Mesopotamia,  which  yielded 
voluntarily.  But  a  hundred  of  his  men  were  killed 
in  one,  in  which  Apollonius  was  tyrant;  therefore, 
bringing  his  forces  against  it,  he  took  it  by  storm, 
plundered  the  goods,  and  sold  the  inhabitants.  The 
Greeks  called  this  city  Zenodotia,  upon  the  taking  of 
which,  he  permitted  the  army  to  salute  him  Impera- 
tor,^  but  this  was  very  ill  thought  of,  and  it  looked  as 
if  he  despaired  a  nobler  achievement,  that  he  made  so 
much  of  this  little  success.  Putting  garrisons  of 
seven  thousand  foot  and  one  thousand  horse  in  the 
new  conquests,  he  returned  to  take  up  his  winter  quar- 
ters in  Syria,  where  his  son  was  to  meet  him  coming 
from  Cgesar  out  of  Gaul,  decorated  with  rewards  for 
his  valor,  and  bringing  with  him  one  thousand  select 
horse.  Here  Crassus  seemed  to  commit  his  first  error, 
and  except,  indeed,  the  whole  expedition,  his  greatest ; 
for,  whereas  he  ought  to  have  gone  forward  and 

^  Imperator,  though  the  original  of  Emperor,  was  never  the 
title  of  any  office,  but  was  merely  a  name  of  honor  given  by  the 
soldiery  after  some  success,  and  assumed  by  the  general  in  com- 
mand when  he  recognized  that  success  as  sufficient  to  deserve  it. 
Thenceforward,  however,  he  would  use  it  as  a  title,  and  Crassus 
>vould  now  in  his  letters  style  himself  Marcus  Crassus  Imperator, 


CRASSUS 


373 


seized  Babylon  and  Seleucia,  cities  that  were  ever  at 
enmity  with  the  Parthians,  he  gave  the  enemy  time  to 
provide  against  him.  Besides,  he  spent  his  time  in 
Syria  more  like  an  usurer  than  a  general,  not  in  tak- 
ing an  account  of  the  arms,  and  in  improving  the 
skill  and  discipline  of  his  soldiers,  but  in  computing 
the  revenue  of  the  cities,  wasting  many  days  in  weigh- 
ing by  scale  and  balance  the  treasure  that  was  in  the 
temple  of  Hierapolis,'*^  issuing  requisitions  for  levies 
of  soldiers  upon  particular  towns  and  kingdoms,  and 
then  again  withdrawing  them  on  payment  of  sums  of 
money,  by  which  he  lost  his  credit  and  became 
despised.  Here,  too,  he  met  with  the  first  ill-omen 
from  that  goddess,  whom  some  call  Venus,  others 
Juno,  others  Nature,  or  the  Cause  that  produces  out 
of  moisture  the  first  principles  and  seeds  of  all  things, 
and  gives  mankind  their  earliest  knowledge  of  all  that 
is  good  for  them.  For  as  they  were  going  out  of  the 
temple,  young  Crassus  stumbled,  and  his  father  fell 
upon  him. 

When  he  drew  his  army  out  of  winter  quarters, 
ambassadors  came  to  him  from  Arsaces,"  with  this 

Hierapolis,  the  "holy  city,'*  so  called  by  the  Greeks  (Bam- 
byce  by  the  natives),  was  the  seat  of  the  worship  of  the  Syrian 
Venus  or  Astarte,  the  personified  divine  prolific  moisture  of  the 
universe,  out  of  which  all  things  are  born  and  grow,  and  seek 
their  proper  good.  In  this  sense,  she  would  be  Hera  or  Juno, 
perhaps,  rather  than  Venus.  See  Lucian  On  the  Syrian  Goddess, 
a  little  narrative  in  imitation  of  the  style  of  Herodotus,  giving 
an  account,  apparently,  of  his  own  visit  to  the  place.  This  holy 
city  was  on  the  way  from  Antioch  to  Zeugma,  the  Crossing, 
the  ordinary  passage  of  the  Euphrates,  and  so  to  Seleucia,  or 
Seleuceia,  on  the  Tigris,  at  this  time  (Ctesiphon  not  as  yet  having 
outgrown  it),  the  Greek  capital  of  the  Parthian  kings. 

Arsaces  is  the  title  common  to  all  the  kings  of  the  dynasty 
called  the  Arsacidae;  as  Caesar  to  the  Roman  emperors.  Hyrodes, 
which  occurs  presently,  more  usually  virritten  Orodes,  is  the  proper 
name. 


374  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


short  speech :  If  the  army  was  sent  by  the  people  of 
Rome,  he  denounced  mortal  war,  but  if,  as  he  under- 
stood was  the  case,  against  the  consent  of  his  country, 
Crassus  for  his  own  private  profit  had  invaded  his 
territory,  then  their  king  would  be  more  merciful, 
and  taking  pity  upon  Crassus's  dotage,  would  send 
those  soldiers  back,  who  had  been  left  not  so  truly  to 
keep  guard  on  him  as  to  be  his  prisoners.  Crassus 
boastfully  told  them  he  would  return  his  answer  at 
Seleucia,  upon  which  Vagises,  the  eldest  of  them, 
laughed  and  showed  the  palm  of  his  hand,  saying, 
"Hair  will  grow  here  before  you  will  see  Seleucia"; 
so  they  returned  to  their  king,  Hyrodes,  telling  him 
it  was  war.  Several  of  the  Romans  that  were  in 
garrison  in  Mesopotamia  with  great  hazard  made 
their  escape,  and  brought  word  that  the  danger  was 
worth  consideration,  urging  their  own  eye-witness  of 
the  numbers  of  the  enemy,  and  the  manner  of  their 
fighting,  when  they  assaulted  their  towns;  and,  as 
men's  manner  is,  made  all  seem  greater  than  really  it 
was.  By  flight  it  was  impossible  to  escape  them,  and 
as  impossible  to  overtake  them  when  they  fled,  and 
they  had  a  new  and  strange  sort  of  darts,  as  swift  as 
sight,  for  they  pierced  whatever  they  met  with,  before 
you  could  see  who  threw;  their  men-at-arms  were  so 
provided  that  their  weapons  would  cut  through  any 
thing,  and  their  armor  give  way  to  nothing.  All 
which  when  the  soldiers  heard,  their  hearts  failed 
them;  for  till  now  they  thought  there  was  no  differ- 
ence between  the  Parthians  and  the  Armenians  or 
Cappadocians,  whom  Lucullus  grew  weary  with 
plundering,  and  had  been  persuaded  that  the  main 
difficulty  of  the  war  consisted  only  in  the  tediousness 
of  the  march,  and  the  trouble  of  chasing  men  that 
durst  not  come  to  blows,  so  that  the  danger  of  a  bat- 
tle was  beyond  their  expectation;  accordingly,  some 


CRASSUS 


375 


of  the  officers  advised  Crassus  to  proceed  no  further 
at  present,  but  reconsider  the  whole .  enterprise, 
amongst  whom  in  particular  was  Cassius,  the  quaestor. 
The  soothsayers,  also,  told  him  privately  the  signs 
found  in  the  sacrifices  were  continually  adverse  and 
unfavorable.  But  he  paid  no  heed  to  them,  or  to 
anybody  who  gave  any  other  advice  than  to  proceed. 
Nor  did  Artabazes,^^  king  of  Armenia,  confirm  him 
a  little,  who  came  to  his  aid  with  six  thousand  horse; 
who,  however,  were  said  to  be  only  the  king's  life- 
guard and  suite,  for  he  promised  ten  thousand  cuiras- 
siers more,  and  thirty  thousand  foot,  at  his  own 
charge.  He  urged  Crassus  to  invade  Parthia  by  the 
way  of  Armenia,  for  not  only  would  he  be  able  there 
to  supply  his  army  with  abundant  provision,  which  he 
would  give  him,  but  his  passage  would  be  more  secure 
in  the  mountains  and  hills,  with  which  the  whole 
country  was  covered,  making  it  almost  impassable  to 
horse,  in  which  the  main  strength  of  the  Parthians 
consisted.  Crassus  returned  him  but  cold  thanks  for 
his  readiness  to  serve  him,  and  for  the  splendor  of  his 
assistance,  and  told  him  he  was  resolved  to  pass 
through  Mesopotamia,  where  he  had  left  a  great  many 
brave  Roman  soldiers;  whereupon  the  Armenian 
went  his  way.  As  Crassus  was  taking  the  army  over 
the  river  at  Zeugma,  he  encountered  preternaturally 
violent  thunder,  and  the  lightning  flashed  in  the  faces 
of  the  troops,  and  during  the  storm  a  hurricane 
broke  upon  the  bridge,  and  carried  part  of  it  away; 
two  thunderbolts  fell  upon  the  very  place  where  the 
army  was  going  to  encamp ;  and  one  of  the  general's 
horses  magnificently  caparisoned,  dragged  away  the 
groom  into  the  river  and  was  drowned.  It  is  said, 
too,  that  when  they  went  to  take  up  the  first  standard. 


Or  Artavasdes,  as  Plutarch  presently  writes  it. 


376  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  eagle  of  itself  turned  its  head  backward;  and 
after  he  had  passed  over  his  army,  as  they  were  dis- 
tributing provisions,  the  first  thing  they  gave  was 
lentils  and  salt,  which  with  the  Romans  are  the  food 
proper  to  funerals,  and  are  offered  to  the  dead.  And 
as  Crassus  was  haranguing  his  soldiers,  he  let  fall  a 
word  which  was  thought  very  ominous  in  the  army; 
for  "I  am  going,"  he  said,  "to  break  down  the  bridges, 
that  none  of  you  may  return;"  and  whereas  he  ought, 
when  he  had  perceived  his  blunder,  to  have  corrected 
himself  ,  and  explained  his  meaning,  seeing  the  men 
alarmed  at  the  expression,  he  would  not  do  it  out  of 
mere  stubbornness.  And  when  at  the  last  general 
sacrifice  the  priest  gave  him  the  entrails,  they  slipt 
out  of  his  hand,  and  when  he  saw  the  standers-by 
concerned  at  it,  he  laughed  and  said,  "See  what  it  is 
to  be  an  old  man;  but  I  shall  hold  my  sword  fast 
enough," 

So  he  marched  his  army  along  the  river  with 
seven  legions,  little  less  than  four  thousand  horse,  and 
as  many  light-armed  soldiers,  and  the  scouts  return- 
ing declared  that  not  one  man  appeared,  but  that 
they  saw  the  footing  of  a  great  many  horses  which 
seemed  to  be  retiring  in  flight,  whereupon  Crassus 
conceived  great  hopes,  and  the  Romans  began  to 
despise  the  Parthians,  as  men  that  would  not  come 
to  combat,  hand  to  hand.  But  Cassius  spoke  with 
him  again,  and  advised  him  to  refresh  his  army  in 
some  of  the  garrison  towns,  and  remain  there  till 
they  could  get  some  certain  intelligence  of  the  enemy, 
or  at  least  to  make  toward  Seleucia,  and  keep  by  the 
river,  that  so  they  might  have  the  convenience  of  hav- 
ing provision  constantly  supplied  by  the  boats,  which 
might  always  accompany  the  army,  and  the  river 
would  secure  them  from  being  environed,  and,  if  they 
should  fight,  it  might  be  upon  equal  terms. 


CRASSUS  S71 


While  Crassus  was  still  considering,  and  as  yet 
undetermined,  there  came  to  the  camp  an  Arab  chief 
named  Ariamnes,  a  cunning  and  wily  fellow,  who,  of 
all  the  evil  chances  which  combined  to  lead  them  on 
to  destruction,  was  the  chief  and  the  most  fatal.  Some 
of  Pompey's  old  soldiers  knew  him,  and  remembered 
him  to  have  received  some  kindnesses  of  Pompey,  and 
to  have  been  looked  upon  as  a  friend  to  the  Romans, 
but  he  was  now  suborned  by  the  king's  generals,  and 
sent  to  Crassus  to  entice  him  if  possible  from  the 
river  and  hills  into  the  wide  open  plain,  where  he 
might  be  surrounded.  For  the  Parthians  desired  any 
thing,  rather  than  to  be  obliged  to  meet  the  Romans 
face  to  face.  He,  therefore,  coming  to  Crassus,  (and 
he  had  a  persuasive  tongue, )  highly  commended  Pom- 
pey as  his  benefactor,  and  admired  the  forces  that 
Crassus  had  with  him,  but  seemed  to  wonder  why  he 
delayed  and  made  preparations,  as  if  he  should  not 
use  his  feet  more  than  any  arms,  against  men  that, 
taking  with  them  their  best  goods  and  chattels,  had 
designed  long  ago  to  fly  for  refuge  to  the  Scythians 
or  Hyrcanians.  "If  you  meant  to  fight,  you  should 
have  made  all  possible  haste,  before  the  king  should 
recover  courage,  and  collect  his  forces  together;  at 
present  you  see  Surena  and  Silaces  opposed  to  you, 
to  draw  you  off  in  pursuit  of  them,  while  the  king 
himself  keeps  out  of  the  way."  But  this  was  all  a  lie, 
for  Hyrodes  had  divided  his  army  in  two  parts,  with 
one  he  in  person  wasted  Armenia,  revenging  himself 
upon  Artavasdes,  and  sent  Surena  against  the 
Romans,  not  out  of  contempt,  as  some  pretend,  for 
there  is  no  likelihood  that  he  should  despise  Crassus, 
one  of  the  chief  est  men  of  Rome,  to  go  and  fight  with 
Artavasdes,  and  invade  Armenia;  but  much  more 
probably  he  really  apprehended  the  danger,  and 
therefore  waited  to  see  the  event,  intending  that 


378  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 

Surena  should  first  run  the  hazard  of  a  battle,  and 
draw  the  enemy  on.  Nor  was  this  Surena  an  ordinary 
person,  but  in  wealth,  family,  and  reputation,  the 
second  man  in  the  kingdom,  and  in  courage  and 
prowess  the  first,  and  for  bodily  stature  and  beauty 
no  man  like  him.  Whenever  he  travelled  privately, 
he  had  one  thousand  camels  to  carry  his  baggage,  two 
hundred  chariots  for  his  concubines,  one  thousand 
completely  armed  men  for  his  life-guards,  and  a  great 
many  more  light-armed;  and  he  had  at  least  ten 
thousand  horsemen  altogether,  of  his  servants  and 
retinue.  The  honor  had  long  belonged  to  his  family, 
that  at  the  king's  coronation  he  put  the  crown  upon 
his  head,  and  when  this  very  king  Hyrodes  had  been 
exiled,  he  brought  him  in;  it  was  he,  also,  that  took 
the  great  city  of  Seleucia,  was  the  first  man  that 
scaled  the  walls,  and  with  his  own  hand  beat  off  the 
defenders.  And  though  at  this  time  he  was  not  above 
thirty  years  old,  he  had  a  great  name  for  wisdom  and 
sagacity,  and,  indeed,  by  these  qualities  chiefly,  he 
overthrew  Crassus,  who  first  through  his  overweening 
confidence,  and  afterwards  because  he  was  cowed  by 
his  calamities,  fell  a  ready  victim  to  his  subtlety. 
When  Ariamnes  had  thus  worked  upon  him,  he  drew 
him  from  the  river  into  vast  plains,  by  a  way  that  at 
first  was  pleasant  and  easy,  but  afterwards  very 
troublesome  by  reason  of  the  depth  of  the  sand;  no 
tree,  nor  any  water,  and  no  end  of  this  to  be  seen; 
so  that  they  were  not  only  spent  with  thirst,  and  the 
difiiculty  of  the  passage,  but  were  dismayed  with  the 
uncomfortable  prospect  of  not  a  bough,  not  a  stream, 
not  a  hillock,  not  a  green  herb,  but  in  fact  a  sea  of 
sand,  which  encompassed  the  army  with  its  waves. 
They  began  to  suspect  some  treachery,  and  at  the 
same  time  came  messengers  from  Artavasdes,  that  he 
was  fiercely  attacked  by  Hyrodes,  who  had  invaded 


CRASSUS 


379 


his  country,  so  that  now  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
send  any  succors,  and  that  he  therefore  advised  Cras- 
sus  to  turn  back,  and  with  joint  forces  to  give  Hyro- 
des  battle,  or  at  least  that  he  should  march  and 
encamp  where  horses  could  not  easily  come,  and  keep 
to  the  mountains.  Crassus,  out  of  anger  and  per- 
verseness,  wrote  him  no  answer,  but  told  them,  at 
present  he  was  not  at  leisure  to  mind  the  Armenians, 
but  he  would  call  upon  them  another  time,  and 
revenge  himself  upon  Artavasdes  for  his  treachery. 
Cassius  and  his  friends  began  again  to  complain,  but 
when  they  perceived  that  it  merely  displeased  Cras- 
sus, they  gave  over,  but  privately  railed  at  the  bar- 
barian, "What  evil  genius,  O  thou  worst  of  men, 
brought  thee  to  our  camp,  and  with  what  charms 
and  potions  hast  thou  bewitched  Crassus,  that  he 
should  march  his  army  through  a  vast  and  deep  desert, 
through  ways  which  are  rather  fit  for  a  captain  of 
Arabian  robbers,  than  for  the  general  of  a  Roman 
army?"  But  the  barbarian,  being  a  wily  fellow,  very 
submissively  exhorted  them,  and  encouraged  them  to 
sustain  it  a  little  further,  and  ran  about  the  camp, 
and,  professing  to  cheer  up  the  soldiers,  asked  them, 
jokingly,  "What,  do  you  think  you  march  through 
Campania,  expecting  everywhere  to  find  springs,  and 
shady  trees,  and  baths,  and  inns  of  entertainment? 
Consider  you  now  travel  through  the  confines  of 
Arabia  and  Assyria."  Thus  he  managed  them  like 
children,  and  before  the  cheat  was  discovered,  he  rode 
away;  not  but  that  Crassus  was  aware  of  his  going, 
but  he  had  persuaded  him  that  he  would  go  and  con- 
trive how  to  disorder  the  affairs  of  the  enemy. 

It  is  related  that  Crassus  came  abroad  that  day 
not  in  his  scarlet  robe,  which  Roman  generals  usually 
wear,  but  in  a  black  one,  which,  as  soon  as  he  per- 
ceived, he  changed.    And  the  standard-bearers  had 


I 

I 

380  PLUTARCH'S    LIVES  i  I 

much  ado  to  take  up  their  eagles,  which  seemed  to 
be  fixed  to  the  place.  Crassus  laughed  at  it,  and 
hastened  their  march,  and  compelled  his  infantry  to 
keep  pace  with  his  cavalry,  till  some  few  of  the  scouts 
returned  and  told  them  that  their  fellows  were  slain 
and  they  hardly  escaped,  that  the  enemy  was  at  hand 
in  full  force,  and  resolved  to  give  them  battle.  On 
this  all  was  in  an  uproar;  Crassus  was  struck  with 
amazement,  and  for  haste  could  scarcely  put  his  army 
in  good  order.  First,  as  Cassius  advised,  he  opened 
their  ranks  and  files  that  they  might  take  up  as  much 
space  as  could  be,  to  prevent  their  being  surrounded, 
and  distributed  the  horse  upon  the  wings,  but  after- 
wards changing  his  mind,  he  drew  up  his  army  in  a 
square,  and  made  a  front  every  way,  each  of  which 
consisted  of  twelve  cohorts,  to  every  one  of  which 
he  allotted  a  troop  of  horse,  that  no  part  might  be 
destitute  of  the  assistance  that  the  horse  might  give, 
and  that  they  might  be  ready  to  assist  everywhere, 
as  need  should  require.  Cassius  commanded  one  of 
the  wings,  young  Crassus  the  other,  and  he  himself 
was  in  the  middle.  Thus  they  marched  on  till  they 
came  to  a  little  river  named  Balissus,  a  very  incon- 
siderable one  in  itself,  but  very  grateful  to  the  sol- 
diers, who  had  suffered  so  much  by  drouth  and  heat 
all  along  their  march.  Most  of  the  commanders  were 
of  the  opinion  that  they  ought  to  remain  there  that 
night,  and  to  inform  themselves  as  much  as  possible 
of  the  number  of  the  enemies,  and  their  order,  and  so 
march  against  them  at  break  of  day ;  but  Crassus  was 
so  carried  away  by  the  eagerness  of  his  son,  and  the 
horsemen  that  were  with  him,  who  desired  and  urged 
him  to  lead  them  on  and  engage,  that  he  commanded 
those  that  had  a  mind  to  it  to  eat  and  drink  as  they 
stood  in  their  ranks,  and  before  they  had  all  well 
done,  he  led  them  on,  not  leisurely  and  with  halts  to 


CRASSUS 


381 


take  breath,  as  if  he  was  going  to  battle,  but  kept  on 
his  pace  as  if  he  had  been  in  haste,  till  they  saw  the 
enemy,  contrary  to  their  expectation,  neither  so  many 
nor  so  magnificently  armed  as  the  Romans  expected. 
For  Surena  had  hid  his  main  force  behind  the  first 
ranks,  and  ordered  them  to  hide  the  glittering  of 
their  armor  with  coats  and  skins.  But  when  they 
approached  and  the  general  gave  the  signal,  imme- 
diately all  the  field  rung  with  a  hideous  noise  and 
terrible  clamor.  For  the  Parthians  do  not  encourage 
themselves  to  war  with  cornets  and  trumpets,  but 
with  a  kind  of  kettle-drum,  which  they  strike  all  at 
once  in  various  quarters.  With  these  they  make  a 
dead  hollow  noise  like  the  bellowing  of  beasts,  mixed 
with  sounds  resembling  thunder,  having,  it  would 
seem,  very  correctly  observed,  that  of  all  our  senses 
hearing  most  confounds  and  disorders  us,  and  that 
the  feelings  excited  through  it  most  quickly  disturb, 
and  most  entirely  overpower  the  understanding. 

When  they  had  sufficiently  terrified  the  Romans 
with  their  noise,  they  threw  off  the  covering  of  their 
armor,  and  shone  like  lightning  in  their  breastplates 
and  helmets  of  polished  Margianian  steel,  and  with 
their  horses  covered  with  brass  and  steel  trappings. 
Surena  was  the  tallest  and  finest  looking  man  him- 
self, but  the  delicacy  of  his  looks  and  effeminacy  of 
his  dress  did  not  promise  so  much  manhood  as  he 
really  was  master  of;  for  his  face  was  painted,  and 
his  hair  parted  after  the  fashion  of  the  Medes,  whereas 
the  other  Parthians  made  a  more  terrible  appear- 
ance, with  their  shaggy  hair  gathered  in  a  mass  upon 
their  foreheads  after  the  Scythian  mode.  Their  first 
design  was  with  their  lances  to  beat  down  and  force 
back  the  first  ranks  of  the  Romans,  but  when  they 
perceived  the  depth  of  their  battle,  and  that  the  sol- 
diers firmly  kept  their  ground,  they  made  a  retreat. 


382  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


and  pretending  to  break  their  order  and  disperse, 
they  encompassed  the  Roman  square  before  they  were 
aware  of  it.  Crassus  commanded  his  light-armed  sol- 
diers to  charge,  but  they  had  not  gone  far  before  they 
were  received  with  such  a  shower  of  arrows  that  they 
were  glad  to  retire  amongst  the  heavy-armed,  with 
whom  this  was  the  first  occasion  of  disorder  and  ter- 
ror, when  they  perceived  the  strength  and  force  of 
their  darts,  which  pierced  their  arms,  and  passed 
through  every  kind  of  covering,  hard  and  soft  alike. 
The  Parthians  now  placing  themselves  at  distances 
began  to  shoot  from  all  sides,  not  aiming  at  any  par- 
ticular mark,  (for,  indeed,  the  order  of  the  Romans 
was  so  close,  that  they  could  not  miss  if  they  would,) 
but  simply  sent  their  arrows  with  great  force  out  of 
strong  bent  bows,  the  strokes  from  which  came  with 
extreme  violence.  The  position  of  the  Romans  was  a 
very  bad  one  from  the  first;  for  if  they  kept  their 
ranks,  they  were  wounded,  and  if  they  tried  to  charge, 
they  hurt  the  enemy  none  the  more,  and  themselves 
suffered  none  the  less.  For  the  Parthians  threw  their 
darts  as  they  fled,  an  art  in  which  none  but  the  Scy- 
thians excel  them,  and  it  is,  indeed,  a  cunning  prac- 
tice, for  while  they  thus  fight  to  make  their  escape, 
they  avoid  the  dishonor  of  a  flight. 

However,  the  Romans  had  some  comfort  to  think 
that  when  they  had  spent  all  their  arrows,  they  would 
either  give  over  or  come  to  blows;  but  when  they 
presently  understood  that  there  were  numerous  camels 
loaded  with  arrows,  and  that  when  the  first  ranks  had 
discharged  those  they  had,  they  wheeled  off  and  took 
more,  Crassus  seeing  no  end  of  it,  was  out  of  all  heart, 
and  sent  to  his  son  that  he  should  endeavor  to  fall  in 
upon  them  before  he  was  quite  surrounded;  for  the 
enemy  advanced  most  upon  that  quarter,  and  seemed 
to  be  trying  to  ride  round  and  come  upon  the  rear. 


CRASSUS 


383 


Therefore  the  young  man,  taking  with  him  thirteen 
j  hundred  horse,  one  thousand  of  which  he  had  from 
Cassar,  five  hundred  archers,  and  eight  cohorts  of  the 
full-armed  soldiers  that  stood  next  him,  led  them 
up  with  design  to  charge  the  Parthians.  Whether  it 
was  that  they  found  themselves  in  a  piece  of  marshy 
ground,  as  some  think,  or  else  designing  to  entice 
young  Crassus  as  far  as  they  could  from  his  father, 
they  turned  and  began  to  fly;  whereupon  he  crying 
out  that  they  durst  not  stand,  pursued  them,  and  with 
him  Censorinus  and  Megabacchus,  both  famous,  the 
latter  for  his  courage  and  prowess,  the  other  for  being 
of  a  senator's  family,  and  an  excellent  orator,  both 
intimates  of  Crassus,  and  of  about  the  same  age.  The 
horse  thus  pushing  on,  the  infantry  stayed  little 
behind,  being  exalted  with  hopes  and  joy,  for  they 
supposed  they  had  already  conquered,  and  now  were 
only  pursuing;  till  when  they  were  gone  too  far,  they 
perceived  the  deceit,  for  they  that  seemed  to  fly,  now 
turned  again,  and  a  great  many  fresh  ones  came  on. 
Upon  this  they  made  an  halt,  for  they  doubted  not 
but  now  the  enemy  would  attack  them,  because  they 
were  so  few.  But  they  merely  placed  their  cuirassiers 
to  face  the  Romans,  and  with  the  rest  of  their  horse 
rode  about  scouring  the  field,  and  thus  stirring  up  the 
sand,  they  raised  such  a  dust  that  the  Romans  could 
neither  see  nor  speak  to  one  another,  and  being  driven 
in  upon  one  another  in  one  close  body,  they  were 
thus  hit  and  killed,  dying,  not  by  a  quick  and  easy 
death,  but  with  miserable  pains  and  convulsions;  for 
writhing  upon  the  darts  in  their  bodies,  they  broke 
them  in  their  wounds,  and  when  they  would  by  force 
pluck  out  the  barbed  points,  they  caught  the  nerves 
and  veins,  so  that  they  tore  and  tortured  themselves. 
Many  of  them  died  thus,  and  those  that  survived  were 


384  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


disabled  for  any  service,  and  when  Publius"  exhorted 
them  to  charge  the  cuirassiers,  they  showed  him  their 
hands  nailed  to  their  shields,  and  their  feet  stuck  to 
the  ground,  so  that  they  could  neither  fly  nor  fight. 
He  charged  in  himself  boldly,  however,  with  his  horse, 
and  came  to  close  quarters  with  them,  but  was  very 
unequal,  whether  as  to  the  offensive  or  defensive  part; 
for  with  his  weak  and  little  javelins,  he  struck  against 
targets  that  were  of  tough  raw  hides  and  iron,  whereas 
the  lightly  clad  bodies  of  his  Gaulish  horsemen  were 
exposed  to  the  strong  spears  of  the  enemy.  For  upon 
these  he  mostly  depended,  and  with  them  he  wrought 
wonders ;  for  they  would  catch  hold  of  the  great  spears, 
and  close  upon  the  enemy,  and  so  pull  them  ofF  from 
their  horses,  where  they  could  scarce  stir  by  reason  of 
the  heaviness  of  their  armor,  and  many  of  the  Gauls 
quitting  their  own  horses,  would  creep  under  those  of 
the  enemy,  and  stick  them  in  the  belly;  which,  grow- 
ing unruly  with  the  pain,  trampled  upon  their  riders 
and  upon  the  enemies  promiscuously.  The  Gauls 
were  chiefly  tormented  by  the  heat  and  drouth,  being 
not  accustomed  to  either,  and  most  of  their  horses 
were  slain  by  being  spurred  on  against  the  spears,  so 
that  they  were  forced  to  retire  among  the  foot,  bear- 
ing off  Publius  grievously  wounded.  Observing  a 
sandy  hillock  not  far  off,  they  made  to  it,  and  tying 
their  horses  to  one  another,  and  placing  them  in  the 
midst,  and  joining  all  their  shields  together  before 
them,  they  thought  they  might  make  some  defence 
against  the  barbarians.  But  it  fell  out  quite  contrary, 
for  when  they  were  drawn  up  in  a  plain,  the  front  in 
some  measure  secured  those  that  were  behind;  but 
when  they  were  upon  the  hill,,  one  being  of  necessity 
higher  up  than  another,  none  were  in  shelter,  but  ail 


That  is,  young  Crassus. 


CRASSUS 


385 


alike  stood  equally  exposed,  bewailing  their  inglorious 
and  useless  fate.  There  were  with  Pubiius  two 
Greeks  that  lived  near  there  at  Carrhse,  Hieronymus 
and  Nicomachus ;  these  men  urged  him  to  retire  with 
them  and  fly  to  Ichnse,  a  town  not  far  from  thence, 
and  friendly  to  the  Romans.  "No,"  said  he,  "there  is 
no  death  so  terrible,  for  the  fear  of  which  Pubiius 
would  leave  his  friends  that  die  upon  his  account;" 
and  bidding  them  to  take  care  of  themselves,  he 
embraced  them  and  sent  them  away,  and,  because  he 
could  not  use  his  arm,  for  he  was  run  through  with  a 
dart,  he  opened  his  side  to  his  armor-bearer,  and  com- 
manded him  to  run  him  through.  It  is  said  that  Cen- 
sorinus  fell  in  the  same  manner.  Megabacchus  slew 
himself,  as  did  also  the  rest  of  best  note.  The  Par- 
thians  coming  upon  the  rest  with  their  lances,  killed 
them  fighting,  nor  were  there  above  five  hundred 
taken  prisoners.  Cutting  off  the  head  of  Pubiius, 
they  rode  off  directly  towards  Crassus. 

His  condition  was  thus.  When  he  had  com- 
manded his  son  to  fall  upon  the  enemy,  and  word  was 
brought  him  that  they  fled  and  that  there  was  a  dis- 
tant pursuit,  and  perceiving  also  that  the  enemy  did 
not  press  upon  him  so  hard  as  formerly,  for  they  were 
mostly  gone  to  fall  upon  Pubiius,  he  began  to  take 
heart  a  little;  and  drawing  his  army  towards  some 
sloping  ground,  expected  when  his  son  would  return 
from  the  pursuit.  Of  the  messengers  whom  Pubiius 
sent  to  him  (as  soon  as  he  saw  his  danger,)  the  first 
were  intercepted  by  the  enemy,  and  slain;  the  last 
hardly  escaping,  came  and  declared  that  Pubiius  was 
lost,  unless  he  had  speedy  succors.  Crassus  was  ter- 
ribly distracted,  not  knowing  what  counsel  to  take, 
and  indeed  no  longer  capable  of  taking  any;  over- 
powered now  by  fear  for  the  whole  army,  now  by 
desire  to  help  his  son.    At  last  he  resolved  to  move 


386  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  his  forces.  Just  upon  this,  up  came  the  enemy 
with  their  shouts  and  noises  more  terrible  than  before, 
their  drums  sounding  again  in  the  ears  of  the  Romans, 
who  now  feared  a  fresh  engagement.  And  they  who 
brought  Pubhus's  head  upon  the  point  of  a  spear, 
riding  up  near  enough  that  it  could  be  known,  scof- 
fingly  inquired  where  were  his  parents,  and  what 
family  he  was  of,  for  it  was  impossible  that  so  brave 
and  gallant  a  warrior  should  be  the  son  of  so  pitiful 
a  coward  as  Crassus.  This  sight  above  all  the  rest 
dismayed  the  Romans,  for  it  did  not  incite  them  to 
anger  as  it  might  have  done,  but  to  horror  and  trem- 
bling, though  they  say  Crassus  outdid  himself  in  this 
calamity,  for  he  passed  through  the  ranks  and  cried 
out  to  them,  "This,  O  my  countrymen,  is  my  own 
peculiar  loss,  but  the  fortune  and  the  glory  of  Rome 
is  safe  and  untainted  so  long  as  you  are  safe.  But  if 
any  one  be  concerned  for  my  loss  of  the  best  of  sons, 
let  him  show  it  in  revenging  him  upon  the  enemy. 
Take  away  their  joy,  revenge  their  cruelty,  nor  be 
dismayed  at  what  is  past;  for  whoever  tries  for  great 
objects  must  suffer  something.  Neither  did  Lucullus 
overthrow  Tigranes  without  bloodshed,  nor  Scipio 
Antiochus;  our  ancestors  lost  one  thousand  ships 
about  Sicily,  and  how  many  generals  and  captains  in 
Italy?  no  one  of  which  losses  hindered  them  from 
overthrowing  their  conquerors;  for  the  State  of  Rome 
did  not  arrive  to  this  height  by  fortune,  but  by  per- 
severance and  virtue  in  confronting  danger." 

While  Crassus  thus  spoke  exhorting  them,  he  saw 
but  few  that  gave  much  heed  to  him,  and  when  he 
ordered  them  to  shout  for  the  battle,  he  could  no 
longer  mistake  the  despondency  of  his  army,  which 
made  but  a  faint  and  unsteady  noise,  while  the  shout 
of  the  enemy  was  clear  and  bold.  And  when  they 
came  to  the  business,  the  Parthian  servants  and 


CRASSUS 


387 


dependents  riding  about  shot  their  arrows,  and  the 
horsemen  in  the  foremost  ranks  with  their  spears 
drove  the  Romans  close  togethei*,  except  those  who 
rushed  upon  them  for  fear  of  being  killed  by  their 
arrows.  Neither  did  these  do  much  execution,  being 
quickly  despatched;  for  the  strong  thick  spears  made 
large  and  mortal  wounds,  and  often  run  through  two 
men  at  once.  As  they  were  thus  fighting,  the  night 
coming  on  parted  them,  the  Parthians  boasting  that 
they  would  indulge  Crassus  with  one  night  to  mourn 
his  son,  unless  upon  better  consideration  he  would 
rather  go  to  Arsaces,  than  be  carried  to  him.  These, 
therefore,  took  up  their  quarters  near  them,  being 
flushed  with  their  victory.  But  the  Romans  had  a 
sad  night  of  it;  for  neither  taking  care  for  the  burial 
of  their  dead,  nor  the  cure  of  the  wounded,  nor  the 
groans  of  the  expiring,  every  one  bewailed  his  own 
fate.  For  there  was  no  means  of  escaping,  whether 
they  should  stay  for  the  light,  or  venture  to  retreat 
into  the  vast  desert  in  the  dark.  And  now  the 
wounded  men  gave  them  new  trouble,  since  to  take 
them  with  them  would  retard  their  flight,  and  if  they 
should  leave  them,  they  might  serve  as  guides  to  the 
enemy  by  their  cries.  However,  they  were  all  desir- 
ous to  see  and  hear  Crassus,  though  they  were  sen- 
sible that  he  was  the  cause  of  all  their  mischief.  But 
he  wrapped  his  cloak  around  him,  and  hid  himself, 
where  he  lay  as  an  example,  to  ordinary  minds,  of  the 
caprice  of  fortune,  but  to  the  wise,  of  inconsiderate- 
ness  and  ambition;  who,  not  content  to  be  superior 
to  so  many  millions  of  men,  being  inferior  to  two, 
esteemed  himself  as  the  lowest  of  all.  Then  came 
Octavius,  his  lieutenant,  and  Cassius,  to  comfort  him, 
but  he  being  altogether  past  helping,  they  themselves 
called  together  the  centurions  and  tribunes,  and 
agreeing  that  the  best  way  was  to  fly,  they  ordered 


388  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  army  out,  without  sound  of  trumpet,  and  at  first 
with  silence.  But  before  long,  when  the  disabled  men 
found  they  were  left  behind,  strange  confusion  and 
disorder,  with  an  .outcry  and  lamentation,  seized  the 
camp,  and  a  trembling  and  dread  presently  fell  upon 
them,  as  if  the  enemy  were  at  their  heels.  By  which 
means,  now  and  then  turning  out  of  their  way,  now 
and  then  standing  to  their  ranks,  sometimes  taking 
up  the  wounded  that  followed,  sometimes  laying  them 
down,  they  wasted  the  time,  except  three  hundred 
horse,  whom  Egnatius  brought  safe  to  Carrhs  about 
midnight;  where  calling,  in  the  Boman  tongue,  to  the 
vratch,  as  soon  as  they  heard  him,  he  bade  them  tell 
Coponius,  the  governor,  that  Crassus  had  fought  a 
ver}'  great  battle  with  the  Parthians ;  and  having  said 
but  this,  and  not  so  much  as  telling  his  name,  he  rode 
avray  at  full  speed  to  Zeugma.  And  b}'  this  means 
he  saved  him^self  and  his  m.en,  but  lost  his  reputation 
by  deserting  his  general.  However,  his  message  to 
Coponius  was  for  the  advantage  of  Crassus;  for  he, 
suspecting  by  this  hasty  and  confused  delivery  of  the 
message  that  all  was  not  well,  immediately  ordered 
the  garrison  to  be  in  arms,  and  as  soon  as  he  under- 
stood that  Crassus  was  upon  the  way  tovT.rds  him,  he 
went  out  to  meet  him,  and  received  him  with  his  army 
into  the  town. 

The  Parthians,  although  they  perceived  their  dis- 
lodgement  in  the  night,  yet  did  not  pursue  them,  but 
as  soon  as  it  was  day,  they  came  upon  those  that  v-ere 
left  in  the  camp,  and  put  no  less  than  four  thousand 
to  the  svvord,  and  with  their  light-horse  picked  up  a 
great  many  stragglers.  Varguntinus,  the  lieutenant, 
while  it  was  3"et  dark,  had  broken  off  from  the  main 
body  with  four  cohorts,  which  had  strayed  out  of  the 
way ;  and  the  Parthians  encompassing  these  on  a  small 
hill,  slew  every  man  of  them  excepting  twenty,  who 


CRASSUS 


389 


with  their  drawn  swords  forced  their  way  through  the 
thickest,  and  they  admiring  their  courage,  opened 
their  ranks  to  the  right  and  left,  and  let  them  pass 
without  molestation  to  Carrhas. 

Soon  after  a  false  report  was  brought  to  Surena, 
that  Crassus,  with  his  principal  offiers,  had  escaped, 
and  that  those  who  were  got  into  Carrh^  were  but  a 
confused  rout  of  insignificant  people,  not  worth  fur- 
ther pursuit.  Supposing,  therefore,  that  he  had  lost 
the  very  crown  and  glory  of  his  victory,  and  yet  being 
uncertain  whether  it  were  so  or  not,  and  anxious  to 
ascertain  the  fact,  that  so  he  should  either  stay  and 
besiege  Carrh^e  or  follow  Crassus,  he  sent  one  of  his 
interpreters  to  the  walls,  commanding  him  in  Latin 
to  call  for  Crassus  or  Cassius,  for  that  the  general, 
Surena,  desired  a  conference.  As  soon  as  Crassus 
heard  this,  he  embraced  the  proposal,  and  soon  after 
there  came  up  a  band  of  Arabians,  who  very  well 
knew  the  faces  of  Crassus  and  Cassius,  as  having  been 
frequently  in  the  Roman  camp  before  the  battle. 
The}^  having  espied  Cassius  from  the  wall,  told  him 
that  Surena  desired  a  peace,  and  would  give  them 
;safe  convoy,  if  they  would  make  a  treaty  v/ith  the 
king  his  master,  and  withdraw  all  their  troops  out  of 
Mesopotamia;  and  this  he  thought  mpst  advisable  for 
them  both,  before  things  came  to  the  last  extremity; 
Cassius,  embracing  the  proposal,  desired  that  a  time 
and  place  might  be  appointed  where  Crassus  and 
Surena  might  have  an  interview.  The  Arabians,  hav- 
ing charged  themselves  with  the  message,  went  back 
to  Surena,  who  was  not  a  little  rejoiced  that  Crassus 
was  there  to  be  besieged. 

Next  da^^  therefore,  he  came  up  with  his  army, 
insulting  over  the  Romans,  and  haughtily  demanding 
of  them  Crassus  and  Cassius  bound,  if  they  expected 
any  mercy.   The  Romans,  seeing  themselves  deluded 


390 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


and  mocked,  were  much  troubled  at  it,  but  advising 
Crassus  to  lay  aside  his  distant  and  empty  hopes  of 
aid  from  the  Armenians,  resolved  to  fly  for  it;  and 
this  design  ought  to  have  been  kept  private,  till  they 
were  upon  their  way,  and  not  have  been  told  to  any 
of  the  people  of  Carrh^e.  But  Crassus  let  this  also 
be  known  to  Andromachus,  the  most  faithless  of  men, 
nay  he  was  so  infatuated  as  to  choose  him  for  his 
guide.  The  Parthians  then,  to  be  sure,  had  punctual 
intelligence  of  all  that  passed;  but  it  being  contrary 
to  their  usage,  and  also  difficult  for  them  to  fight  by 
night,  and  Crassus  having  chosen  that  time  to  set  out, 
Andromachus,  lest  he  should  get  the  start  too  far  of 
his  pursuers,  led  them  hither  and  thither,  and  at  last 
conveyed  him  into  the  midst  of  morasses  and  places 
full  of  ditches,  so  that  the  Romans  had  a  troublesome 
and  perplexing  journey  of  it,  and  some  there  were 
who,  supposing  by  these  windings  and  turnings  of 
Andromachus  that  no  good  was  intended,  resolved  to 
follow  him  no  further.  And  at  last  Cassius  himself 
returned  to  Carrhse,  and  his  guides,  the  Arabians, 
advising  him  to  tarry  there  till  the  moon  was  got  out 
of  Scorpio,  he  told  them  that  he  was  most  afraid  of 
Sagittarius,  and  so  with  five  hundred  horse  went  off 
to  Syria.  Others  there  were,  who  having  got  honest 
guides,  took  their  way  by  the  mountains  called  Sin- 
naca,  and  got  into  places  of  security  by  daybreak; 
these  were  five  thousand  under  the  command  of  Octa- 
vius,  a  very  gallant  man.  But  Crassus  fared  worse; 
day  overtook  him  still  deceived  by  Andromachus,  and 
entangled  in  the  fens  and  the  difficult  country. 
There  were  with  him  four  cohorts  of  legionary  sol- 
diers, a  very  few  horsemen,  and  five  lictors,  with 
whom  having  with  great  difficulty  got  into  the  way, 
and  not  being  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Octavius,  instead 
of  going  to  join  him,  although  the  enemy  were  already 


CRASSUS 


391 


upon  him,  he  retreated  to  another  hill,  neither  so 
defensible  nor  impassable  for  the  horse,  but  lying 
under  the  hills  of  Sinnaca,  and  continued  so  as  to  join 
them  in  a  long  ridge  through  the  plain.  Octavius 
could  see  in  what  danger  the  general  was,  and  him- 
self, at  first  but  slenderly  followed,  hurried  to  the 
rescue.  Soon  after,  the  rest,  upbraiding  one  another 
with  baseness  in  forsaking  their  officers,  marched 
down,  and  falling  upon  the  Parthians,  drove  them 
from  the  hill,  and  compassing  Crassus  about,  and 
fencing  him  with  their  shields,  declared  proudly,  that 
no  arrow  in  Parthia  should  ever  touch  their  general, 
so  long  as  there  was  a  man  of  them  left  alive  to  pro- 
tect him. 

Surena,  therefore,  perceiving  his  soldiers  less 
inclined  to  expose  themselves,  and  knowing  that  if 
the  Romans  should  prolong  the  battle  till  night,  they 
might  then  gain  the  mountains  and  be  out  of  his  reach, 
betook  himself  to  his  usual  craft.  Some  of  the  prison- 
ers were  set  free,  who  had,  as  it  was  contrived,  been 
in  hearing,  while  some  of  the  barbarians  spoke  of  a 
set  purpose  in  the  camp  to  the  effect  that  the  king  did 
not  design  the  war  to  be  pursued  to  extremity  against 
the  Romans,  but  rather  desired,  by  his  gentle  treat- 
ment of  Crassus,  to  make  a  step  towards  reconcilia- 
tion. And  the  barbarians  desisted  from  fighting,  and 
Surena  himself,  with  his  chief  officers,  riding  gently 
to  the  hill,  unbent  his  bow  and  held  out  his  hand, 
inviting  Crassus  to  an  agreement,  and  saying  that  it 
was  beside  the  king's  intentions,  that  they  had  thus 
had  experience  of  the  courage  and  the  strength  of  his 
soldiers;  that  now  he  desired  no  other  contention  but 
that  of  kindness  and  friendship,  by  making  a  truce, 
and  permitting  them  to  go  away  in  safety.  These 
words  of  Surena  the  rest  received  joyfully,  and  were 
eager  to  accept  the  offer;  but  Crassus,  who  had  had 


392 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


sufficient  experience  of  their  perfidiousness,  and  was 
unable  to  see  any  reason  for  the  sudden  change,  would 
give  no  ear  to  them,  and  only  took  time  to  consider. 
But  the  soldiers  cried  out  and  advised  him  to  treat, 
and  then  went  on  to  upbraid  and  affront  him,  saying 
that  it  was  very  unreasonable  that  he  should  bring 
them  to  fight  with  such  men  armed,  whom  himself, 
without  their  arms,  durst  not  look  in  the  face.  He 
tried  first  to  prevail  with  them  by  entreaties,  and 
told  them  that  if  they  would  have  patience  till  even- 
ing, they  raight  get  into  the  mountains  and  passes, 
inaccessible  for  horse,  and  be  out  of  danger,  and 
withal  he  pointed  out  the  way  with  his  hand  entreat- 
ing them  not  to  abandon  their  preservation,  now  close 
before  them.  But  when  they  mutinied  and  clashed 
their  targets  in  a  threatening  manner,  he  was  over- 
powered and  forced  to  go,  and  only  turning  about  at 
parting,  said,  "You,  Octavius  and  Petronius,  and  the 
rest  of  the  officers  who  are  present,  see  the  necessity 
of  going  which  I  lie  under,  and  cannot  but  be  sen- 
sible of  the  indignities  and  violence  offered  to  me. 
Tell  all  men  when  you  have  escaped,  that  Crassus 
perished  rather  by  the  subtility  of  his  enemies,  than 
by  the  disobedience  of  his  countrymen." 

Octavius,  however,  would  not  stay  there,  but  with 
Petronius  went  down  from  the  hill;  as  for  the  lictors, 
Crassus  bade  them  be  gone.  The  first  that  met  him 
were  two  half-blood  Greeks,  who,  leaping  from  their 
horses,  made  a  profound  reverence  to  Crassus,  and 
desired  him,  in  Greek,  to  send  some  before  him,  who 
might  see  that  Surena  himself  was  coming  towards 
them,  his  retinue  disarmed,  and  not  having  so  much 
as  their  wearing  swords  along  with  them.  But  Cras- 
sus answered,  that  if  he  had  the  least  concern  for  his 
life,  he  would  never  have  intrusted  himself  in  their 
hands,  but  sent  two  brothers  of  the  name  of  Roscius,^ 


CRASSUS  393 

to  inquire  on  what  terms,  and  in  what  numbers  they 
should  meet.  These  Surena  ordered  immediately  to 
be  seized,  and  himself  with  his  principal  officers  came 
up  on  horseback,  and  greeting  him,  said,  "How  is 
this,  then?  A  Roman  commander  is  on  foot,  while  I 
and  my  train  are  mounted."  But  Crassus  replied, 
that  there  was  no  error  committed  on  either  side,  for 
they  both  met  according  to  the  custom  of  their  own 
country.  Surena  told  him  that  from  that  time  there 
was  a  league  between  the  king  his  master  and  the 
Romans,  but  that  Crassus  must  go  with  him  to  the 
river  to  sign  it,  "for  you  Romans,"  said  he,  "have  not 
good  memories  for  conditions,"  and  so  saying,  reached 
out  his  hand  to  him.  Crassus,  therefore,  gave  order 
that  one  of  his  horses  should  be  brought;  but  Surena 
told  him  there  was  no  need,  "the  king,  my  master, 
presents  you  with  this;"  and  immediately  a  horse 
with  a  golden  bit  was  brought  up  to  him,  and  himself 
was  forcibly  put  into  the  saddle  by  the  grooms,  who 
ran  by  the  side  and  struck  the  horse  to  make  the  more 
haste.  But  Octavius  running  up,  got  hold  of  the 
bridle,  and  soon  after  one  of  the  officers,  Petronius, 
and  the  rest  of  the  company  came  up,  striving  to  stop 
the  horse,  and  pulling  back  those  who  on  both  sides 
of  him  forced  Crassus  forward.  Thus  from  pulling 
and  thrusting  one  another,  they  came  to  a  tumult, 
and  soon  after  to  blows.  Octavius,  drawing  his  sword, 
killed  a  groom  of  one  of  the  barbarians,  and  one  of 
them,  getting  behind  Octavius,  killed  him.  Petron- 
ius was  not  armed,  but  being  struck  on  the  breast- 
plate, fell  down  from  his  horse,  though  without  hurt. 
Crassus  was  killed  by  a  Parthian,  called  Pomax- 
athres;  others  say,  by  a  different  man,  and  that 
Pomaxathres  only  cut  off  his  head  and  right  hand 
after  he  had  fallen.  But  this  is  conjecture  rather 
than  certain  knowledge,  for  those  that  were  by  had 


394  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


not  leisure  to  observe  particulars,  and  were  either 
killed  fighting  about  Crassus,  or  ran  off  at  once  to 
get  to  their  comrades  on  the  hill.  But  the  Parthians 
coming  up  to  them,  and  saying  that  Crassus  had  the 
punishment  he  justly  deserved,  and  that  Surena  bade 
the  rest  come  down  from  the  hill  without  fear,  some 
of  them  came  down  and  surrendered  themselves, 
others  were  scattered  up  and  down  in  the  night,  a 
very  few  of  whom  got  safe  home,  and  others  the 
Arabians,  beating  through  the  country,  hunted  down 
and  put  to  death.  It  is  generally  said,  that  in  all 
twenty  thousand  men  were  slain,  and  ten  thousand 
taken  prisoners. 

Surena  sent  the  head  and  hand  of  Crassus  to 
Hyrodes,  the  king,  into  Armenia,  but  himself  by  his 
messengers  scattering  a  report  that  he  was  bringing 
Crassus  alive  to  Seleucia,  made  a  ridiculous  proces- 
sion, which  by  way  of  scorn,  he  called  a  triumph. 
For  one  Caius  Paccianus,  who  of  all  the  prisoners  was 
most  like  Crassus,  being  put  in  a  woman's  dress  of 
the  fashion  of  the  barbarians,  and  instructed  to  answer 
to  the  title  of  Crassus  and  Imperator,  was  brought 
sitting  upon  his  horse,  while  before  him  went  a  parcel 
of  trumpeters  and  lictors  upon  camels.  Purses  were 
hung  at  the  ends  of  the  bundles  of  rods,  and  the  heads 
of  the  slain  fresh  bleeding  at  the  end  of  their  axes. 
After  them  followed  the  Seleucian  singing  women, 
repeating  scurrilous  and  abusive  songs  upon  the 
effeminacy  and  cowardliness  of  Crassus.  This  show 
was  seen  by  everybody;  but  Surena,  calling  together 
the  senate  of  Seleucia,  laid  before  them  certain  wan- 
ton books,  of  the  writings  of  Aristides,  his  Milesiaca; 
neither,  indeed,  was  this  any  forgery,  for  they  had 
been  found  among  the  baggage  of  Rustius,  and  were 
a  good  subject  to  supply  Surena  with  insulting 
remarks  upon  the  Romans,  who  were  not  able  even 


CRASSUS 


395 


in  the  time  of  war  to  forget  such  writings  and  prac- 
tices. But  the  people  of  Seleucia  had  reason  to  com- 
mend the  wisdom  of  sop's  fable  of  the  wallet/* 
seeing  their  general  Surena  carrying  a  bag  full  of 
loose  Milesian  stories  before  him,  but  keeping  behind 
him  a  whole  Parthian  Sybaris  in  his  many  wagons 
full  of  concubines;  like  the  vipers  and  asps  people 
talk  of,  all  the  foremost  and  more  visible  parts  fierce 
and  terrible  with  spears  and  arrows  and  horsemen,  but 
the  rear  terminating  in  loose  women  and  castanets, 
music  of  the  lute,  and  midnight  revellings.  Rustius, 
indeed,  is  not  to  be  excused,  but  the  Parthians  had 
forgot,  when  they  mocked  at  the  Milesian  stories,  that 
many  of  the  royal  line  of  their  Arsacidee  had  been 
born  of  Milesian  and  Ionian  mistresses. 

Whilst  these  things  were  doing,  Hyrodes  had 
struck  up  a  peace  with  the  king  of  Armenia,  and  made 
a  match  between  his  son  Pacorus  and  the  king  of 
Armenia's  sister.  Their  f eastings  and  entertainments 
in  consequence  were  very  sumptuous,  and  various 
Grecian  compositions,  suitable  to  the  occasion,  were 
recited  before  them.  For  Hyrodes  was  not  ignorant 
of  the  Greek  language  and  literature,  and  Artavasdes 
was  so  expert  in  it,  that  he  wrote  tragedies  and  ora- 
tions and  histories,  some  of  which  are  still  extant. 
When  the  head  of  Crassus  was  brought  to  the  door, 
the  tables  were  just  taken  away,  and  one  Jason,  a 
tragic  actor,  of  the  town  of  Trailes,  was  singing  the 
scene  in  the  Bacchse  of  Euripides  concerning  Agave. 
He  was  receiving  much  applause,  when  Sillaces  com- 
ing to  the  room,  and  having  made  obeisance  to  the 
king,  threw  down  the  head  of  Crassus  into  the  midst 

The  two  wallets,  filled,  the  one  with  other  men's  faults, 
which  we  carry  before  us;  the  other  with  our  own,  which  hangs 
out  of  our  sight,  upon  our  backs. 


396  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


of  the  company.  The  Parthians  receiving  it  with  joy 
and  acclamations,  Sillaces,  by  the  king's  command, 
was  made  to  sit  down,  while  Jason^^  handed  over  the 
costume  of  Pentheus  to  one  of  the  dancers  in  the 
chorus,  and  taking  up  the  head  of  Crassus,  and  acting 
the  part  of  a  bacchante  in  her  frenzy,  in  a  rapturous 
impassioned  manner,  sang  the  lyric  passages. 

We've  hunted  down  a  mighty  chase  to-day. 
And  from  the  mountain  bring  the  noble  prey; 

to  the  great  delight  of  all  the  company ;  but  when  the 
verses  of  the  dialogue  followed. 

What  happy  hand  the  glorious  victim  slew? 
I  claim  that  honor  to  my  courage  due; 

Pomaxathres,  who  happened  to  be  there  at  the  sup- 
per, started  up  and  would  have  got  the  head  into  his 
own  hands,  "for  it  is  my  due,"  said  he,  "and  no  man's 
else."  The  king  was  greatly  pleased,  and  gave  pres- 
ents, according  to  the  custom  of  the  Parthians,  to 
them,  and  to  Jason,  the  actor,  a  talent.  Such  was  the 
burlesque  that  was  played,  they  tell  us,  as  the  after- 
piece to  the  tragedy  of  Crassus's  expedition.  But 
divine  justice  failed  not  to  punish  both  Hyrodes,  for 

Jason,  at  the  time  of  the  interruption,  was  acting,  it  seems, 
the  part  of  Pentheus;  he  put  off  his  dress  and  took  that,  ap- 
parently, of  Agave.  The  lines  that  follow  are  from  the  scene 
in  the  Bacchae,  (1170,)  where  Agave,  returning  from  Cithaeron, 
presents  herself  with  the  head  of  her  son  Pentheus,  whom  in 
her  frenzy,  she  has  killed,  which  she  carries  in  her  hand,  think- 
ing it  a  lion's.  The  lyric  dialogue  sung  between  Agave  and  the 
chorus  of  her  attendant  bacchantes  opens  on  her  part  with,  "We 
bring  from  the  mountain  a  young  one  new  killed  to  the  house, 
a  fortunate  prey,"  (this  is  Mr.  Long's  translation,)  and  presently, 
to  the  question  of  the  chorus,  which  Plutarch  quotes  from  memory 
a  little  inexactly,  "Whose  hand  struck  him  first.'*"  exclaims  In 
answer,  "Mine  is  the  honor." 


CRASSUS 


397 


his  cruelty,  and  Surena  for  his  perjury;  for  Surena 
not  long  after  was  put  to  death  by  Hyrodes,  out  of 
mere  envy  to  his  glory;  and  Hyrodes  himself,  having 
lost  his  son  Pacorus^  who  was  beaten  in  a  battle  with 
the  Romans,  falling  into  a  disease  which  turned  to  a 
dropsy,  had  aconite  given  him  by  his  second  son, 
Phraates;  but  the  poison  working  only  upon  the 
disease,  and  carrying  away  the  dropsical  matter  with 
itself,  the  king  began  suddenly  to  recover,  so  that 
Phraates  at  length  was  forced  to  take  the  shortest 
course,  and  strangled  him. 


COMPARISON  OF  CRASSUS 
WITH  NICIAS 

In  the  comparison  of  these  two,  first,  if  we  compare 
the  estate  of  Nicias  with  that  of  Crassus,  we  must 
acknowledge  Nicias's  to  have  been  more  honestly  got. 
In  itself,  indeed,  one  cannot  much  approve  of  gaining 
riches  by  working  mines,  the  greatest  part  of  which  is 
done  by  malefactors  and  barbarians,  some  of  them, 
too,  bound,  and  perishing  in  those  close  and  unwhole- 
some places.  But  if  we  compare  this  with  the  seques- 
trations of  Sylla,  and  the  contracts  for  houses  ruined 
by  fire,  we  shall  then  think  Nicias  came  very  honestly 
by  his  money.  For  Crassus  publicly  and  avowedly 
made  use  of  these  arts,  as  other  men  do  of  husbandry, 
and  putting  out  money  to  interest;  while  as  for  other 
matters  which  he  used  to  deny,  when  taxed  with  them, 
as  namely,  selling  his  voice  in  the  senate  for  gain's 
sake,  and  injuring  allies,  and  courting  women,  and 
conniving  at  criminals,  these  are  things  which  Nicias 
was  never  so  much  as  falsely  accused  of ;  nay,  he  was 
rather  laughed  at  for  giving  money  to  those  who 
made  a  trade  of  impeachments,  merely  out  of  timor- 
ousness,  a  course,  indeed,  that  would  by  no  means  be- 
come Pericles  and  Aristides,  but  necessary  for  him 
who  by  nature  was  wanting  in  assurance,  even  as  Ly- 
curgus,  the  orator,  frankly  acknowledged  to  the  peo- 
ple; for  when  he  was  accused  for  buying  off  an  evi- 
dence, he  said  that  he  was  very  much  pleased  that  hav- 
ing administered  their  affairs  for  so  long  a  time,  he 
was  at  last  accused,  rather  for  giving,  than  receiving. 
Again,  Nicias,  in  his  expenses,  was  of  a  more  public 

(398) 


CRASSUS    AND    NICIAS  399 


spirit  than  Crassus,  priding  himself  much  on  the  dedi- 
cation of  gifts  in  temples,  on  presiding  at  gymnastic 
games,  and  furnishing  choruses  for  the  plays,  and 
adorning  processions,  while  the  expenses  of  Crassus, 
in  feasting  and  afterwards  providing  food  for  so 
many  myriads  of  people,  were  much  greater  than  all 
that  Nicias  possessed  as  well  as  spent,  put  together. 
So  that  one  might  wonder  at  any  one's  failing  to  see 
that  vice  is  a  certain  inconsistency  and  incongruity  of 
habit,  after  such  an  example  of  money  dishonorably 
obtained,  and  wastefully  lavished  away. 

Let  so  much  be  said  of  their  estates;  as  for  their 
management  of  public  affairs,  I  see  not  that  any  dis- 
honesty, injustice,  or  arbitrary  action  can  be  objected 
to  Nicias,  who  was  rather  the  victim  of  Alcibiades's 
tricks,  and  was  always  careful  and  scrupulous  in  his 
dealings  with  the  people.  But  Crassus  is  very  gener- 
ally blamed  for  his  changeableness  in  his  friendships 
and  enmities,  for  his  unfaithfulness,  and  his  mean  and 
underhand  proceedings;  since  he  himself  could  not 
deny  that  to  compass  the  consulship,  he  hired  men  to 
lay  violent  hands  upon  Domitius  and  Cato.  Then  at 
the  assembly  held  for  assigning  the  provinces,  many 
were  wounded  and  four  actually  killed,  and  he  him- 
self, which  I  had  omitted  in  the  narrative  of  his  life, 
struck  with  his  fist  one  Lucius  Analius,  a  senator,  for 
contradicting  him,  so  that  he  left  the  place  bleeding. 
But  as  Crassus  was  to  be  blamed  for  his  violent  and 
arbitrary  courses,  so  is  Nicias  no  less  to  be  blamed  for 
his  timorousness  and  meanness  of  spirit,  which  made 
him  submit  and  give  in  to  the  basest  people,  whereas 
in  this  respect  Crassus  showed  himself  lofty-spirited 
and  magnanimous,  who  having  to  do  not  with  such  as 
Cleon  or  Hyperbolus,  but  with  the  splendid  acts  of 
Csesar  and  the  three  triumphs  of  Pompey,  would  not 


400  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


stoop,  but  bravely  bore  up  against  their  joint  inter- 
ests, and  in  obtaining  the  office  of  censor,  surpassed 
even  Pompey  himself.  For  a  statesman  ought  not  to 
regard  how  invidious^  the  thing  is,  but  how  noble,  and 
by  his  greatness  to  overpower  envy;  but  if  he  will  be 
always  aiming  at  security  and  quiet,  and  dread  Alci- 
biades  upon  the  hustings,  and  the  Lacedaemonians 
at  Pjdos,  and  Perdiccas  in  Thrace,  there  is  room  and 
opportunity  enough  for  retirement,  and  he  may  sit 
out  of  the  noise  of  business,  and  weave  himself,  as 
one  of  the  sophists  says,  his  triumphal  garland  of  in- 
activity. His  desire  of  peace,  indeed,  and  of  finish- 
ing the  war,  was  a  divine  and  truly  Grecian  ambition, 
nor  in  this  respect  would  Crassus  deserve  to  be  com- 
pared to  him,  though  he  had  enlarged  the  Koman  em- 
pire to  the  Caspian  Sea  or  the  Indian  Ocean. 

In  a  State  where  there  is  a  sense  of  virtue,  a 
powerful  man  ought  not  to  give  way  to  the  ill-af- 
fected, or  expose  the  government  to  those  that  are 
incapable  of  it,  nor  suffer  high  trusts  to  be  com- 
mitted to  those  who  want  common  honesty.  Yet 
Nicias,  by  his  connivance,  raised  Cleon,  a  fellow  re- 
markable for  nothing  but  his  loud  voice  and  brazen 
face,  to  the  command  of  an  army.  Indeed,  I  do  not 
commend  Crassus,  who  in  the  war  with  Spartacus 
was  more  forward  to  fight  than  became  a  discreec 
general,  though  he  was  urged  into  it  by  a  point  of 

^  A  statesman  ought  not  to  regard  how  invidious  the  thing  is, 
hut  how  noble  (or,  more  exactly,  the  part  of  the  statesman  is  to 
strive  upon  the  highest  conditions  to  attain,  not  exemption  from 
odium,  but  glory),  is  a  sentiment  taken  from  Thucydides,  which 
Plutarch  himself  cites  expressly  unpopularity  all  must  experience 
who  seek  dominion  over  others;  he  is  wisest  who  takes  the  odium 
on  the  loftiest  terms.  The  unpopularity  does  not  last ;  the  present 
splendor,  and  the  glory  that  follows  it,  remain  to  an  everlasting 
remembrance."    (II.,  64.) 


CRASSUS    AND    NICIAS  401 


honor,  lest  Pompey  by  his  coming  should  rob  him  of 
the  glory  of  the  action,  as  Mummius  did  Metellus  at 
the  taking  of  Corinth,  but  Nicias's  proceedings  are 
inexcusable.  For  he  did  not  yield  up  a  mere  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  honor  and  advantage  to  his  com- 
petitor, but  believing  that  the  expedition  would  be 
very  hazardous,  was  thankful  to  take  care  of  himself, 
and  left  the  Commonwealth  to  shift  for  itself.  And 
whereas  Themistocles,  lest  a  mean  and  incapable  fel- 
low should  ruin  the  State  by  holding  command  in  the 
Persian  war,  bought  him  off,  and  Cato,  in  a  most 
dangerous  and  critical  conjuncture,  stood  for  the 
tribuneship  for  the  sake  of  his  country,  Nicias,  re- 
serving himself  for  trifling  expeditions  against  Minoa 
and  Cythera,  and  the  miserable  Melians,  if  there  be 
occasion  to  come  to  blows  with  the  Lacedaemonians, 
slips  off  his  general's  cloak  and  hands  over  to  the  un- 
skilfulness  and  rashness  of  Cleon,  fleet,  men,  and 
arms,  and  the  whole  command,  where  the  utmost 
possible  skill  was  called  for.  Such  conduct,  I  say, 
is  not  to  be  thought  so  much  carelessness  of  his  own 
fame,  as  of  the  interest  and  preservation  of  his  coun- 
try. By  this  means  it  came  to  pass  he  was  compelled 
to  the  Sicilian  war,  rnen  generally  believing  that  he 
was  not  so  much  honestly  convinced  of  the  difficulty 
of  the  enterprise,  as  ready  out  of  mere  love  of  ease 
and  cowardice  to  lose  the  city  the  conquest  of  Sicily. 
But  yet  it  is  a  great  sign  of  his  integrity,  that  though 
he  was  always  averse  from  war,  and  unwilling  to  com- 
mand, yet  they  always  continued  to  appoint  him  as 
the  best  experienced  and  ablest  general  they  had.  On 
the  other  hand  Crassus,  though  always  ambitious  of 
command,  never  attained  to  it,  except  by  mere  neces- 
sity in  the  servile  war,  Pompey  and  Metellus  and  the 
two  brothers  Lucullus  being  absent,  although  at  that 
time  he  was  at  his  highest  pitch  of  interest  and  reputa- 


402  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


tion.  Even  those  who  thought  most  of  him  seem  to 
have  thought  him,  as  the  comic  poet  says : — 

A  brave  man  anywhere  but  in  the  field.^ 

There  was  no  help,  however,  for  the  Romans,  against 
his  passion  for  command  and  for  distinction.  The 
Athenians  sent  out  Nicias  against  his  will  to  the  war, 
and  Crassus  led  out  the  Romans  against  theirs ;  Cras- 
sus  brought  misfortune  on  Rome,  as  Athens  brought 
it  on  Nicias. 

Still  this  is  rather  ground  for  praising  Nicias,  than 
for  finding  fault  with  Crassus.  His  experience  and 
sound  judgment  as  a  general  saved  him  from  being 
carried  away  by  the  delusive  hopes  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  made  him  refuse  to  entertain  any  pros- 
pect of  conquering  Sicily.  Crassus,  on  the  other  hand, 
mistook,  in  entering  on  a  Parthian  war  as  an  easy 
matter.  He  was  eager,  while  Caesar  was  subduing 
the  west,  Gaul,  Germany,  and  Britain,  to  advance  for 
his  part  to  the  east  and  the  Indian  Sea,  by  the  con- 
quest of  Asia,  to  complete  the  incursions  of  Pompey 
and  the  attempts  of  Lucullus,  men  of  prudent  tem- 
per and  of  unimpeachable  worth,  who,  nevertheless, 
entertained  the  same  projects  as  Crassus,  and  acted 
under  the  same  convictions.  When  Pompey  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  like  command,  the  senate  was  opposed 
to  it ;  and  after  Csesar  had  routed  three  hundred  thou- 
sand Germans,  Cato  recommended  that  he  should  be 
surrendered  to  the  defeated  enemy,  to  expiate  in  his 
own  person  the  guilt  of  breach  of  faith.  The  people, 
meantime, '  (their  service  to  Cato!)  kept  holiday  for 
fifteen  days,  and  were  overjoyed.  What  would  have 
been  their  feelings,  and  how  many  holidays  would 

2  A  brave  man  anywhere  but  in  the  field,  is,  I  believe,  an  un- 
known fragment. 


CRASSUS    AND    NICIAS  403 


they  have  celebrated,  if  Crassus  had  sent  news  from 
Babylon  of  victory,  and  thence  marching  onward  had 
converted  Media  and  Persia,  the  Hyrcanians,  Susa, 
and  Bactra,  into  Roman  provinces? 

If  wrong  we  must  do,  as  Euripides  ^  says,  and  can- 
not be  content  with  peace  and  present  good  things, 
let  it  not  be  for  such  results  as  destroying  Mende  or 
Scandea,  or  beating  up  the  exiled  ^ginetans  in  the 
coverts  to  which  like  hunted  birds  they  had  fled,  when 
expelled  from  their  homes,  but  let  it  be  for  some 
really  great  remuneration;  nor  let  us  part  with  jus- 
tice, like  a  cheap  and  common  thing,  for  a  small  and 
trifling  price.  Those  w^ho  praise  Alexander's  enter- 
prise and  blame  that  of  Crassus,  judge  of  the  begin- 
ning unfairly  by  the  results. 

In  actual  service,  Nicias  did  much  that  deserves 
high  praise.  He  frequently  defeated  the  enemy  in 
battle,  and  was  on  the  very  point  of  capturing  Syra- 
cuse; nor  should  he  bear  the  whole  blame  of  the  dis- 
aster, which  may  fairly  be  ascribed  in  part  to  his  want 
of  health  and  to  the  jealousy  entertained  of  him  at 
home.  Crassus,  on  the  other  hand,  committed  so 
many  errors  as  not  to  leave  fortune  room  to  show  him 
favor.  It  is  no  surprise  to  find  such  imbecility  fall 
a  victim  to  the  power  of  Parthia;  the  only  wonder  is 
to  see  it  prevailing  over  the  wonted  good-fortune  of 
Rome.  One  scrupulously  observed,  the  other  entirely 
slighted  the  arts  of  divination;  and  as  both  equally 

^  If  wrong  we  must  do,  says  Euripides  in  the  Phoenissae,  521- 
525;  it  is  the  reply  of  Eteocles  to  the  expostulations  of  his 
mother  :> — 

Come  fire,  come  sword,  yoke-to  the  steeds  apace. 

Through  all  the  plain  let  the  war  chariots  race, 

I  to  my  rival  will  not  yield  my  place ; 

If  wrong  we  must  do,  let  us,  to 't  is  best. 

To  become  kings  do  wrong,  and  right  in  all  the  rest. 


404  PLUTAKCH'S  LIVES 


perished,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  inference  we  should 
draw.  Yet  the  fault  of  over-caution,  supported  by 
old  and  general  opinion,  better  deserves  forgiveness 
than  that  of  self-w^illed  and  lawless  transgression. 

In  his  death,  however,  Crassus  has  the  advantage, 
as  he  did  not  surrender  himself,  nor  submit  to  bond- 
age, or  let  himself  be  taken  in  by  trickery,  but  M^as 
the  victim  only  of  the  entreaties  of  his  friends  and  the 
perfidy  of  his  enemies;  w^hereas  Nicias  enhanced  the 
shame  of  his  death  by  yielding  himself  up  in  the  hope 
of  a  disgraceful  and  inglorious  escape^ 


i 


SERTORIUS^ 


Translated  by  Edwaed  Beowne,  M.  D. 

It  is  no  great  wonder  if  in  long  process  of  time, 
while  fortune  takes  her  course  hither  and  thither, 
numerous  coincidences  should  spontaneously  occur. 
If  the  number  and  variety  of  subjects  to  be  wrought 
upon  be  infinite,  it  is  all  the  more  easy  for  fortune, 
with  such  an  abundance  of  material,  to  effect  this 
similarity  of  results.  Or  if,  on  the  other  hand,  events 
are  limited  to  the  combinations  of  some  finite  num- 
ber, then  of  necessity  the  same  must  often  recur,  and 
in  the  same  sequence.  There  are  people  who  take  a 
pleasure  in  maldng  collections  of  all  such  fortuitous 
occurrences  that  they  have  heard  or  read  of,  as  look 
like  works  of  a  rational  powxr  and  design;  they  ob- 
serve, for  example,  that  two  eminent  persons,  whose 
names  were  Attis,  the  one  a  Syrian,  the  other  of 
Arcadia,  were  both  slain  by  a  wild  boar;  that  of  two 
whose  names  w^ere  Actason,  the  one  was  torn  in  pieces 
by  his  dogs,  the  other  by  his  lovers ;  that  of  two  famous 
Scipios,  the  one  overthrew  the  Carthaginians  in  war, 
the  other  totally  ruined  and  destroyed  them;  the  city 
of  Troy  was  the  first  time  taken  by  Hercules  for  the 
horses  promised  him  by  Laomedon,  the  second  time 
by  Agamemnon,  by  means  of  the  celebrated  great 
wooden  horse,  and  the  third  time  by  Charidemus,  by 

^  One  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  in  the  later  times  of 
the  Roman  republic.  Waged  war,  generally  with  success,  against 
the  Sullan  commanders  and  was  at  length  assassinated  in  72  B.  C. 
—Dr.  William  Smith. 

(405) 


406 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


occasion  of  a  horse  falling  down  at  the  gate,  which 
hindered  the  Trojans,  so  that  they  could  not  shut 
them  soon  enough;  and  of  two  cities  which  take  their 
names  from  the  most  agreeable  odoriferous  plants, 
los  and  Smyrna,  the  one  from  a  violet,  the  other  from 
m3aTh,  the  poet  Homer  is  reported  to  have  been  born 
in  the  one,  and  to  have  died  in  the  other.  And  so  to 
these  instances  let  us  further  add,  that  the  most  war- 
like commanders,  and  most  remarkable  for  exploits 
of  skilful  stratagem,  have  had  but  one  eye;  as  Philip, 
Antigonus,  Hannibal,  and  Sertorius,  whose  life  and 
actions  we  describe  at  present;  of  whom,  indeed,  we 
might  truly  say,  that  he  was  more  continent  than 
Philip,  more  faithful  to  his  friend  than  Antigonus, 
and  more  merciful  to  his  enemies  than  Hannibal ;  and 
that  for  prudence  arid  judgment  he  gave  place  to 
none  of  them,  but  in  fortune  was  inferior  to  them  all. 
Yet  though  he  had  continually  in  her  a  far  more  diffi- 
cult adversary  to  contend  against  than  his  open  ene- 
mies, he  nevertheless  maintained  his  ground,  with  the 
military  skill  of  Metellus,  the  boldness  of  Pompey, 
the  success  of  Sylla,  and  the  power  of  the  Roman 
people,  all  to  be  encountered  by  one  who  was  a  ban- 
ished man  and  a  stranger  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
barbarians.  Among  Greek  commanders,  Eumenes 
of  Cardia  ma}^  be  best  compared  with  him ;  they  were 
both  of  them  men  born  for  command,  for  warfare, 
and  for  stratagem;  both  banished  from  their  coun- 
tries, and  holding  command  over  strangers ;  both  had 
fortune  for  their  adversary,  in  their  last  days  so 
harshly  so,  that  they  were  both  betrayed  and  mur- 
dered by  those  who  served  them,  and  with  whom  they 
had  formerly  overcome  their  enemies. 

Quintus  Sertorius  was  of  a  noble  family,  born  in 
the  city  of  IVursia,  in  the  country  of  the  Sabines;  his 
father  died  when  he  was  young,  and  he  was  carefully 


SERTORIUS 


407 


and  decently  educated  by  his  mother,  whose  name  was 
Rhea,  and  whom  he  appears  to  have  extremely  loved 
and  honored.  He  paid  some  attention  to  the  study 
of  oratory  and  pleading  in  his  youth,  and  acquired 
some  reputation  and  influence  in  Rome  by  his  elo- 
quence ;  but  the  splendor  of  his  actions  in  arms,  and  his 
successful  achievements  in  the  wars,  drew  off  his 
ambition  in  that  direction. 

At  his  first  beginning,  he  served  under  Csepio, 
when  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones  invaded  Gaul ;  where 
the  Romans  fighting  unsuccessfully,  and  being  put  to 
flight,  he  was  wounded  in  many  parts  of  his  body,  and 
lost  his  horse,  yet,  nevertheless,  swam  across  the  river 
Rhone  in  his  armor,  with  his  breastplate  and  shield, 
bearing  himself  up  against  the  violence  of  the  current ; 
so  strong  and  so  well  inured  to  hardship  was  his  body. 

The  second  time  that  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones 
came  down  with  some  hundreds  of  thousands,  threat- 
ening death  and  destruction  to  all,  when  it  was  no 
small  piece  of  service  for  a  Roman  soldier  to  keep  his 
ranks  and  obey  his  commander,  Sertorius  undertook, 
while  Marius  led  the  army,  to  spy  out  the  enemy's 
camp.  Procuring  a  Celtic  dress,  and  acquainting 
himself  with  the  ordinary  expressions  of  their  lan- 
guage requisite  for  common  intercourse,  he  threw 
himself  in  amongst  the  barbarians;  where  having 
carefully  seen  with  his  own  eyes,  or  having  been  fully 
informed  by  persons  upon  the  place  of  all  their  most 
important  concerns,  he  returned  to  Marius,  from 
whose  hands  he  received  the  rewards  of  valor;  and 
afterwards  giving  frequent  proofs  both  of  conduct 
and  courage  in  all  the  following  war,  he  was  advanced 
to  places  of  honor  and  trust  under  his  general.  After 
the  wars  with  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  he  was  sent 
into  Spain,  having  the  command  of  a  thousand  men 
under  Didius,  the  Roman  general,  and  wintered  in 


408  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


the  country  of  the  Celtiberians,  in  the  city  of  Cas- 
tulo,  where  the  soldiers  enjoying  great  plenty,  and 
growing  insolent,  and  continually  drinking,  the  in- 
habitants despised  them  and  sent  for  aid  by  night  to 
the  Gyrisoenians,  their  near  neighbors,  who  fell  upon 
the  Romans  in  their  lodgings  and  slew  a  great  num- 
ber of  them.  Sertorius,  with  a  few  of  his  soldiers, 
made  his  way  out,  and  rallying  together  the  rest  who 
escaped,  he  marched  round  about  the  walls,  and  find- 
ing the  gate  open,  by  which  the  Gyrisoenians  had 
made  their  secret  entrance,  he  gave  not  them  the 
same  opportunity,  but  placing  a  guard  at  the  gate, 
and  seizing  upon  all  quarters  of  the  city,  he  slew  all 
who  were  of  age  to  bear  arms,  and  then  ordering  his 
soldiers  to  lay  aside  their  weapons  and  put  off  their 
own  clothes,  and  put  on  the  accoutrements  of  the  bar- 
barians, he  commanded  them  to  follow  him  to  the 
city,  from  whence  the  men  came  who  had  made  this 
night  attack  upon  the  Romans.  And  thus  deceiving 
the  Gyrisoenians  with  the  sight  of  their  own  armor,  he 
found  the  gates  of  their  city  open,  and  took  a  great 
number  prisoners,  who  came  out  thinking  to  meet 
their  friends  and  fellow-citizens  come  home  from  a 
successful  expedition.  Most  of  them  were  thus  slain 
by  the  Romans  at  their  own  gates,  and  the  rest  within 
yielded  up  themselves  and  were  sold  for  slaves. 

This  action  made  Sertorius  highly  renowned 
throughout  all  Spain,  and  as  soon  as  he  returned  to 
Rome  he  was  appointed  quaestor  of  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
at  a  very  seasonable  moment  for  his  country,  the 
Marsian  war  being  on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  Ser- 
torius was  ordered  to  raise  soldiers  and  provide  arms, 
which  he  performed  with  a  diligence  and  alacrity,  so 
contrasting  with  the  feebleness  and  slothfulness  of 
other  officers  of  his  age,  that  he  got  the  repute  of  a 
man  whose  life  would  be  one  of  action.   Nor  did  he 


SERTOmUS 


409 


relinquish  the  part  of  a  soldier,  now  that  he  had  ar- 
rived at  the  dignity  of  a  commander,  but  performed 
wonders  with  his  own  hands,  and  never  sparing  him- 
self, but  exposing  his  body  freely  in  all  conflicts,  he 
lost  one  of  his  eyes.  This  he  always  esteemed  an 
honor  to  him;  observing  that  others  do  not  continu- 
ally carry  about  with  them  the  marks  and  testimonies 
of  their  valor  but  must  often  lay  aside  their  chains  of 
gold,  their  spears  and  crowns ;  whereas  his  ensigns  of 
honor,  and  the  manifestations  of  his  courage  always 
remained  with  him,  and  those  who  beheld  his  misfor- 
tune, must  at  the  same  time  recognize  his  merits.  The 
people  also  paid  him  the  respect  he  deserved,  and 
when  he  came  into  the  theatre,  received  him  with 
plaudits  and  joyful  acclamations,  an  honor  rarely 
bestowed  even  on  persons  of  advanced  standing  and 
established  reputation.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this 
popularity,  when  he  stood  to  be  tribune  of  the  people, 
he  was  disappointed,  and  lost  the  place,  being  op- 
posed by  the  party  of  Sylla,  which  seems  to  have 
been  the  principal  cause  of  his  subsequent  enmity  to 
Sylla. 

After  that  Marius  was  overcome  by  Sylla  and  fled 
into  Africa,  and  Sylla  had  left  Italy  to  go  to  the  wars 
against  Mithridates,  and  of  the  two  consuls  Octavius 
and  Cinna,  Octavius  remained  steadfast  to  the  policy 
of  Sylla,  but  Cinna,  desirous  of  a  new  revolution,  at- 
tempted to  recall  the  lost  interest  of  Marius,  Sertorius 
joined  Cinna's  party,  more  particularly  as  he  saw  that 
Octavius  was  not  very  capable,  and  was  also  suspi- 
cious of  any  one  that  was  a  friend  to  Marius.  When 
a  great  battle  was  fought  between  the  two  consuls 
in  the  forum,  Octavius  overcame,  and  Cinna  and  Ser- 
torius, having  lost  not  less  than  ten  thousand  men, 
left  the  city,  and  gaining  over  most  part  of  the  troops 
who  were  dispersed  about  and  remained  still  in  many 


410 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


parts  of  Italy,  they  in  a  short  time  mustered  up  a 
force  against  Octavius  sufficient  to  give  him  battle 
again,  and  Marius,  also,  now  coming  by  sea  out  of 
Africa,  proffered  himself  to  serve  under  Cinna,  as  a 
private  soldier  under  his  consul  and  commander. 

Most  were  for  the  immediate  reception  of  Marius, 
but  Sertorius  openly  declared  against  it,  whether  he 
thought  that  Cinna  would  not  now  pay  as  much  at- 
tention to  himself,  when  a  man  of  higher  military  re- 
pute was  present,  or  feared  that  the  violence  of  Ma- 
rius would  bring  all  things  to  confusion,  by  his  bound- 
less wrath  and  vengeance  after  victory.  He  insisted 
upon  it  with  Cinna  that  they  were  already  victorious, 
that  there  remained  little  to  be  done,  and  that,  if  they 
admitted  Marius,  he  would  deprive  them  of  the  glory 
and  advantage  of  the  war,  as  there  was  no  man  less 
easy  to  deal  with,  or  less  to  be  trusted  in,  as  a  partner 
in  power.  Cinna  answered,  that  Sertorius  rightly 
judged  the  affair,  but  that  he  himself  was  at  a  loss, 
and  ashamed,  and  knew  not  how  to  reject  him,  after 
he  had  sent  for  him  to  share  in  his  fortunes.  To  which 
Sertorius  immediately  replied,  that  he  had  thought 
that  Marius  came  into  Italy  of  his  own  accord,  and 
therefore  had  deliberated  as  to  what  might  be  most 
expedient,  but  that  Cinna  ought  not  so  much  as  to 
have  questioned  whether  he  should  accept  him  whom 
he  had  already  invited,  but  should  have  honorably 
received  and  employed  him,  for  his  word  once  past 
left  no  room  for  debate.  Thus  Marius  being  sent  for 
by  Cinna,  and  their  forces  being  divided  into  three 
parts,  under  Cinna,  Marius,  and  Sertorius,  the  war 
was  brought  to  a  successful  conclusion;  but  those 
about  Cinna  and  Marius  committing  all  manner  of 
insolence  and  cruelty,  made  the  Romans  think  the 
evils  of  war  a  golden  time  in  comparison.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  reported  of  Sertorius,  that  he  never 


SERTORIUS 


411 


slew  any  man  in  his  anger,  to  satisfy  his  own  private 
revenge,  nor  ever  insulted  over  any  one  whom  he  had 
overcome,  but  w^as  much  offended  with  INIarius,  and 
often  privately  entreated  Cinna  to  use  his  power  more 
moderately.  And  in  the  end,  when  the  slaves  whom 
IMarius  had  freed  at  his  landing  to  increase  his  army, 
being  m^ade  not  only  his  fellow-soldiers  in  the  war,  but 
also  now  his  guard  in  his  usurpation,  enriched  and 
powerful  by  his  favor,  either  by  the  command  or  per- 
mission of  ]}Jarius,  or  by  their  own  lawless  violence, 
committed  all  sorts  of  crimes,  killed  their  masters, 
ravished  their  masters'  wives,  and  abused  their  chil- 
dren, their  conduct  appeared  so  intolerable  to  Ser- 
torius  that  he  slew  the  whole  body  of  them,  four  thou- 
sand in  number,  commanding  his  soldiers  to  shoot 
them  down  with  their  javelins,  as  they  lay  encamped 
together. 

Afterwards,  when  3Iarius  died,  and  Cinna  shortly 
after  vras  slain,  when  the  vouno^er  i^Jarius  made  him- 
self  consul  against  Sertorius's  wishes  and  contrary 
to  law,  when  Carbo,  Xorbanus,  and  Scipio  fougirc  un- 
successfully against  Sylla,  now  advancing  to  Piome, 
when  much  was  lost  by  the  cowardice  and  remissness 
of  the  commanders,  but  more  by  the  treachery  of  their 
party,  when  with  the  want  of  prudence  in  the  chief 
leaders,  all  went  so  ill  that  his  pressence  could  do  no 
good,  in  the  end  when  Sylla  had  placed  his  camp  near 
to  Scipio,  and  by  pretending  friendship,  and  putting 
him  in  hopes  of  a  peace,  corrupted  his  army,  and 
Scipio  could  not  be  made  sensible  of  this,  although 
often  forewarned  of  it  by  Sertorius, — at  last  he  ut- 
terly despaired  of  Rome,  and  hastened  into  Spain, 
that  by  taking  possession  there  beforehand,  he  might 
secure  a  refuge  to  his  friends,  from  their  musfortunes 
at  home.  Having  bad  weather  in  his  journey,  and 
travelling  through  mountainous  countries,  and  the  in- 


412  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


habitants  stopping  the  way,  and  demanding  a  toll  and 
money  for  passage,  those  who  were  with  him  were 
out  of  all  patience  at  the  indignity  and  shame  it  would 
be  for  a  proconsul  of  Rome  to  pay  tribute  to  a  crew 
of  wretched  barbarians.  But  he  little  regarded  their 
censure,  and  slighting  that  which  had  only  the  appear- 
ance of  an  indecency,  told  them  he  must  buy  time,  the 
most  precious  of  all  things  to  those  who  go  upon  great 
enterprises;  and  pacifying  the  barbarous  people  with 
money,  he  hastened  his  journey,  and  took  possession 
of  Spain,  a  country  flourishing  and  populous,  abound- 
ing with  young  men  fit  to  bear  arms ;  but  on  account 
of  the  insolence  and  covetousness  of  the  governors 
from  time  to  time  sent  thither  from  Rome,  they  had 
generally  an  aversion  to  the  Roman  supemacy.  He, 
however,  soon  gained  the  affection  of  their  nobles  by 
intercourse  with  them,  and  the  good  opinion  of  the 
people  by  remitting  their  taxes.  But  that  which  won 
him  most  popularity,  was  his  exempting  them  from 
finding  lodgings  for  the  soldiers,  when  he  commanded 
his  army  to  take  up  their  winter  quarters  outside  the 
cities,  and  to  pitch  their  camp  in  the  suburbs;  and 
when  he  himself,  first  of  all,  caused  his  own  tent  to  be 
raised  without  the  walls.  Yet  not  being  willing  to 
rely  totally  upon  the  good  inclination  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, he  armed  all  the  Romans  who  lived  in  those 
countries  that  were  of  military  age,  and  undertook 
the  building  of  ships  and  the  making  of  all  sorts  of 
warlike  engines,  by  which  means  he  kept  the  cities  in 
due  obedience,  showing  himself  gentle  in  all  peaceful 
business,  and  at  the  saine  time  formidable  to  his  ene- 
mies by  his  great  preparations  for  war. 

As  soon  as  he  was  informed  that  Sylla  had  made 
himself  master  of  Rome,  and  that  the  party  which 
sided  with  Marius  and  Carbo  was  going  to  destruc- 
tion, he  expected  that  some  commander  with  a  con- 


SERTORIUS 


413 


siderable  army  would  speedily  come  against  him,  and 
therefore  sent  away  Julius  Salinator  immediately, 
with  six  thousand  men  fully  armed,  to  fortify  and 
defend  the  passes  of  the  Pyrenees.  And  Caius  An- 
nius  not  long  after  being  sent  out  by  Sylla,  finding 
Julius  unassailable,  sat  down  short  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountains  in  perplexity.  But  a  certain  Calpurnius, 
surnamed  Lanarius,  having  treacherously  slain  Ju- 
lius, and  his  soldiers  then  forsaking  the  heights  of  the 
Pyrenees,  Caius  Annius  advanced  with  large  num- 
bers and  drove  before  him  all  who  endeavored  to 
hinder  his  march.  Sertorius,  also,  not  being  strong 
enough  to  give  him  battle,  retreated  with  three  thou- 
sand men  into  New  Carthage,  where  he  took  ship- 
ping, and  crossed  the  seas  into  Africa.  And  coming 
near  the  coast  of  Mauritania,  his  men  went  on  shore 
to  water,  and  straggling  about  negligently,  the  na- 
tives fell  upon  them  and  slew  a  great  number.  This 
new  misfortune  forced  him  to  sail  back  again  into 
Spain,  whence  he  was  also  repulsed,  and,  some  Cili- 
cian  pirate  ships  joining  with  him,  they  made  for  the 
island  of  Pityussa,^  where  they  landed  and  over- 
powered the  garrison  placed  there  by  Annius,  who, 
however,  came  not  long  after  with  a  great  fleet  of 
ships,  and  five  thousand  soldiers.  And  Sertorius 
made  ready  to  fight  him  by  sea,  although  his  ships 
were  not  built  for  strength,  but  for  lightness  and  swift 
sailing ;  but  a  violent  west  wind  raised  such  a  sea  that 
many  of  them  were  run  aground  and  shipwrecked, 
and  he  himself,  with  a  few  vessels,  being  kept  from 
putting  further  out  to  sea  by  the  fury  of  the  weather, 
and  from  landing  by  the  power  of  his  enemies,  was 
tossed  about  painfully  for  ten  days  together,  amidst 
the  boisterous  and  adverse  waves. 


^  The  modern  Ivica, 


414  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


He  escaped  with  difficulty,  and  after  the  wind 
ceased,  ran  for  certain  desert  islands  scattered  in  those 
seas,  affording  no  water,  and  after  passing  a  night 
there,  making  out  to  sea  again,  he  went  through  the 
straits  of  Cadiz,^  and  sailing  outward,  keeping  the 
Spanish  shore  on  his  right  hand,  he  landed  a  little 
above  the  mouth  of  the  river  Beetis,  where  it  falls  into 
the  Atlantic  sea,  and  gives  the  name  to  that  part  of 
Spain.  Here  he  met  with  seamen  recently  arrived  from 
the  Atlantic  islands,  two  in  number,  and  divided  from 
another  only  by  a  narrow  channel,  and  distant  from 
the  coast  of  Africa  ten  thousand  furlongs.  These  are 
called  the  Islands  of  the  Blest;  rains  fall  there  sel- 
dom, and  in  moderate  showers,  but  for  the  most  part 
they  have  gentle  breezes,  bringing  along  with  them 
soft  dews,  which  render  the  soil  not  only  rich  for 
ploughing  and  planting,  but  so  abundantly  fruitful 
that  it  produces  spontaneously  an  abundance  of  deli- 
cate fruits,  sufficient  to  feed  the  inhabitants,  who  may 
here  enjoy  all  things  without  trouble  or  labor.  The 
seasons  of  the  year  are  temperate,  and  the  transitions 
from  one  to  another  so  moderate,  that  the  air  is  almost 
always  serene  and  pleasant.  The  rough  northerly  and 
easterly  winds  which  blow  from  the  coasts  of  Europe 
and  Africa,  dissipated  in  the  vast  open  space,  utterly 
lose  their  force  before  they  reach  the  islands.  The 
soft  western  and  southerly  winds  which  breathe  upon 
them  sometimes  produce  gentle  sprinkling  showers, 
which  they  convey  along  with  them  from  the  sea,  but 
more  usually  bring  days  of  moist  bright  weather, 
cooling  and  gently  fertilizing  the  soil,  so  that  the  firm 
belief  prevails  even  among  the  barbarians,  that  this  is 

3  The  Straits  of  Gibraltar, 


SERTORIUS 


415 


the  seat  of  the  blessed,  and  that  these  are  the  Elysian 
Fields  celebrated  by  Homer.* 

When  Sertorius  heard  this  account,  he  was  seized 
with  a  wonderful  passion  for  these  islands,  and  had  an 
extreme  desire  to  go  and  live  there  in  peace  and  quiet- 
ness, and  safe  from  oppression  and  unending  wars; 
but  his  inclinations  being  perceived  by  the  Cilican 
pirates,  who  desired  not  peace  nor  quiet,  but  riches 
and  spoils,  they  immediately  forsook  him,  and  sailed 
away  into  Africa  to  assist  Ascalis,  the  son  of  Iphtha, 
and  to  help  to  restore  him  to  his  kingdom  of  Mauri- 
tania. Their  sudden  departure  noways  discouraged 
Sertorius;  he  presently  resolved  to  assist  the  enemies 
of  Ascalis,  and  by  this  new  adventure  trusted  to  keep 
his  soldiers  together,  who  from  this  might  conceive 
new  hopes,  and  a  prospect  of  a  new  scene  of  action. 
His  arrival  in  Mauritania  being  very  acceptable  to 
the  Moors,  he  lost  no  time,  but  immediately  giving 
battle  to  Ascalis,  beat  him  out  of  the  field  and  be- 
sieged him;  and  Paccianus  being  sent  by  Sylla,  with 
a  powerful  supply,  to  raise  the  siege,  Sertorius  slew 
him  in  the  field,  gained  over  all  his  forces,  and  took  the 
city  of  Tingis,  into  which  Ascalis  and  his  brothers 
were  fled  for  refuge.  The  Africans  tell  that  Antaeus 
was  buried  in  this  city,  and  Sertorius  had  the  grave 
opened,  doubting  the  story  because  of  the  prodigious 
size,  and  finding  there  his  body,  in  effect,  it  is  said, 
full  sixty  cubits  long,  he  was  infinitely  astonished, 
offered  sacrifice,  and  heaped  up  the  tomb  again,  gave 
his  confirmation  to  the  story,  and  added  new  honors 

*  Menelaus  shall  not  die  in  Argos ;  the  deities  will  convey  him 
to  the  Elysian  field,  and  the  limits  of  the  earth,  where  the  yel- 
low-haired Rhadamanthus  lives.  In  that  land  man*s  life  is 
easiest;  there  is  no  snow,  no  long  bad  weather,  and  no  falls  of 
rain;  but  Oceanus  sends  in  to  refresh  them  continually  the 
lirhistlin^  breezes  of  Zephyrus. — Odyssey,  iv.  563. 


416  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


to  the  memory  of  Ant^us.  The  Africans  tell  that 
after  the  death  of  Antgeus,  his  wife  Tinga  lived  with 
Hercules,  and  had  a  son  by  him  called  Sophax,  who 
was  king  of  these  countries,  and  gave  his  mother's 
name  to  this  city,  whose  son,  also,  was  Diodorus,  a 
great  conqueror,  who  brought  the  greatest  part  of  the 
Libyan  tribes  under  his  subjection,  with  an  army  of 
Greeks,  raised  out  of  the  colonies  of  the  Olbians  and 
Myceneans  placed  here  by  Hercules.  Thus  much  I 
may  mention  for  the  sake  of  king  Juba,  of  all  mon-  \ 
archs  the  greatest  student  of  history,  whose  ancestors 
are  said  to  have  sprung  from  Diodorus  and  Sophax. 

When  Sertorius  .had  made  himself  absolute  mas- 
ter of  the  whole  country,  he  acted  with  great  fairness 
to  those  who  had  confided  in  him,  and  who  yielded  to 
his  mercy;  he  restored  to  them  their  property,  cities, 
and  government,  accepting  only  of  such  acknowledg- 
ments as  they  themselves  freely  offered.  And  whilst 
he  considered  which  way  next  to  turn  his  arms,  the 
Lusitanians  sent  ambassadors  to  desire  him  to  be  their 
general;  for  being  terrified  with  the  Roman  power, 
and  finding  the  necessity  of  having  a  commander  of 
great  authority  and  experience  in  war,  being  also 
sufficiently  assured  of  his  worth  and  valor  by  those 
who  had  formerly  known  him,  they  were  desirous  to 
commit  themselves  especially  to  his  care.  And  in  fact 
Sertorius  is  said  to  have  been  of  a  temper  unassailable 
either  by  fear  or  pleasure,  in  adversity  and  dangers 
undaunted,  and  noways  puffed  up  with  prosperity. 
In  straightforward  fighting,  no  commander  in  his  time 
was  more  bold  and  daring,  and  in  whatever  was  to  be 
performed  in  war  by  stratagem,  secrecy,  or  surprise, 
if  any  strong  place  was  to  be  secured,  any  pass  to  be 
gained  speedily,  for  deceiving  and  overreaching  an 
enemy,  there  was  no  man  equal  to  him  in  subtlety  and 
skill.    In  bestowing  rewards  and  conferring  honors 


SERTORIUS 


417 


upon  those  who  had  performed  good  service  in  the 
wars  he  was  bountiful  and  magnificent,  and  was  no 
less  sparing  and  moderate  in  inflicting  punishment. 
It  is  true  that  that  piece  of  harshness  and  cruelty 
which  he  executed  in  the  latter  part  of  his  days  upon 
the  Spanish  hostages,  seems  to  argue  that  his  clem- 
ency was  not  natural  to  him,  but  only  worn  as  a  dress, 
and  employed  upon  calculation,  as  his  occasion  or 
necessity  required.  As  to  my  own  opinion,  I  am  per- 
suaded that  pure  virtue,  established  by  reason  and 
judgment,  can  never  be  totally  perverted  or  changed 
think  it  at  the  same  time  possible,  that  virtuous  incli- 
nations and  natural  good  qualities  may,  when  un- 
ations  and  natural  good  qualities  may,  when  unworth- 
ily oppressed  by  calamities,  show,  with  change  of 
fortune,  some  change  and  alteration  of  their  temper; 
and  thus  I  conceive  it  happened  to  Sertorius,  who 
when  prosperity  failed  him,  became  exasperated  by 
his  disasters  against  those  who  had  done  him  wrong. 

The  Lusitanians  having  sent  for  Sertorius,  he  left 
Africa,  and  being  made  general  with  absolute  author- 
ity, he  put  all  in  order  amongst  them,  and  brought  the 
neighboring  parts  of  Spain  under  subjection.  Most 
of  the  tribes  voluntarily  submitted  themselves,  won 
by  the  fame  of  his  clemency  and  of  his  courage,  and, 
to  some  extent,  also,  he  availed  himself  of  cunning 
artifices  of  his  own  devising  to  impose  upon  them  and 
gain  influence  over  them.  Amongst  which,  certainly, 
that  of  the  hind  was  not  the  least.  Spanus,  a  country- 
man who  lived  in  those  parts,  meeting  by  chance  a 
hind  that  had  recently  calved,  flying  from  the  hunters, 
let  the  dam  go,  and  pursuing  the  fawn,  took  it,  being 
wonderfully  pleased  with  the  rarity  of  the  color,  which 
was  all  milk  white.  And  as  at  that  time  Sertorius  was 
living  in  the  neighborhood,  and  accepted  gladly  any 
presents  of  fruit,  fowl,  or  venison,  that  the  country 


418  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


afforded,  and  rewarded  liberally  those  who  presented 
them,  the  countryman  brought  him  his  young  hind, 
which  he  took  and  was  well  pleased  with  at  the  first 
sight,  but  when  in  time  he  had  made  it  so  tame  and 
gentle  that  it  would  come  when  he  called,  and  follow 
him  wheresoever  he  went,  and  could  endure  the  noise 
and  tumult  of  the  camp,  knowing  well  that  uncivi- 
lized people  are  naturally  prone  to  superstition,  by 
little  and  little  he  raised  it  into  something  preternat- 
ural, saying  that  it  was  given  him  by  the  goddess 
Diana,  and  that  it  revealed  to  him  many  secrets.  He 
added,  also,  further  contrivances.  If  he  had  received 
at  any  time  private  intelligence  that  the  enemies  had 
made  an  incursion  into  any  part  of  the  districts  under 
his  command,  or  had  solicited  any  city  to  revolt,  he 
pretended  that  the  hind  had  informed  him  of  it  in  his 
sleep,  and  charged  him  to  keep  his  forces  in  readiness. 
Or  if  again  he  had  notice  that  any  of  the  commanders 
under  him  had  got  a  victory,  he  would  hide  the  mes- 
sengers and  bring  forth  the  hind  crowned  with  flowers, 
for  joy  of  the  good  news  that  was  to  come,  and  would 
encourage  them  to  rejoice  and  sacrifice  to  the  gods  for 
the  good  account  they  should  soon  receive  of  their 
prosperous  success. 

By  such  practices,  he  brought  them  to  be  more 
tractable  and  obedient  in  all  things;  for  now  they 
thought  themselves  no  longer  to  be  led  by  a  stranger, 
by  rather  conducted  by  a  god,  and  the  more  so,  as  the 
facts  themselves  seemed  to  bear  witness  to  it,  his 
power,  contrary  to  all  expectation  or  probability ;  con- 
tinually increasing.  For  with  two  thousand  six  hun- 
dred men,  whom  for  honor's  sake  he  called  Romans, 
combined  with  seven  hundred  Africans,  who  landed 
with  him  when  he  first  entered  Lusitania,  together 
with  four  thousand  targeteers,  and  seven  hundred 
horse  of  the  Lusitanians  themselves,  he  made  war 


SERTORIUS 


419 


against  four  Roman  generals,  who  commanded  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  foot,  six  thousand  horse, 
two  thousand  archers  and  shngers,  and  had  cities  in- 
numerable in  their  power ;  whereas  at  the  first  he  had 
not  above  twenty  cities  in  all.  And  from  this  weak 
and  slender  beginning,  he  raised  himself  to  the  com- 
mand of  large  nations  of  men,  and  the  possession  of 
numerous  cities ;  and  of  the  Roman  commanders  who 
were  sent  against  him,  he  overthrew  Cotta  in  a  sea- 
fight,  in  the  channel  near  the  town  of  Mellaria;  he 
routed  Fufidius,  the  governor  of  Bgetica,  with  the  loss 
of  two  thousand  Romans,  near  the  banks  of  the  river 
Bsetis ;  Lucius  Domitius,^  proconsul  of  the  other  prov- 
ince of  Spain,  was  overthrown  by  one  of  his  lieuten- 
ants ;  Thoranius,  another  commander  sent  against  him 
by  Metellus  with  a  great  force,  was  slain,  and  Metel- 
lus,  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  approved  Roman 
generals  then  living,  by  a  series  of  defeats,  was  re- 
duced to  such  extremities,  that  Lucius  Manlius  came 
to  his  assistance  out  of  Gallia  Narbonensis,  and  Pom- 
pey  the  Great,  was  sent  from  Rome,  itself,  in  all  haste, 
with  considerable  forces.  Nor  did  Metellus  know 
which  way  to  turn  himself,  in  a  war  with  such  a  bold 
and  ready  commander,  who  was  continually  molesting 
him,  and  yet  could  not  be  brought  to  a  set  battle,  but 

^  Lucius  Domitius  is  the  old  reading,  followed  by  Amyot, 
but  it  may  be  Domitius  Calvisius,  or  Domitius  Calvinus.  The 
Roman  names  in  Plutarch  must  always  be  accepted  under  pro- 
test. Fufidius,  just  above,  is  a  correction,  and  for  Thoranius 
just  below,  and  Lucius  Manlius  in  the  next  page,  there  are 
other  readings.  Lucius  Manilius  appears  to  be  the  proper  original 
of  the  latter,  and  "the  true  name  of  Thoranius,"  says  Mr.  Long, 
"is  Thorius."  Perpenna,  in  like  manner,  ought  in  correctness 
to  be  written  Perperna^  and  Marcus  Marius,  the  envoy  to  Mithri- 
dates,  should  most  likely,  both  here  and  in  the  Life  of  LucuUus 
(p.  242),  be  Varius.  And  the  same  uncertainty  attaches  to  the 
orthography  of  the  names  of  the  Spanish  localities. 


420  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


by  the  swiftness  and  dexterity  of  his  Spanish  soldiery, 
was  enabled  to  shift  and  adapt  himself  to  any  change 
of  circumstances.  Metellus  had  had  experience  in 
battles  fought  by  regular  legions  of  soldiers,  fully 
armed  and  drawn  up  in  due  order  into  a  heavy  stand- 
ing phalanx,  admirably  trained  for  encountering  and 
overpowering  an  enemy  who  came  to  close  combat, 
hand  to  hand,  but  entirely  unfit  for  climbing  among 
the  hills,  and  competing  incessantly  with  the  swift  at- 
tacks and  retreats  of  a  set  of  fleet  mountaineers,  or  to 
endure  hunger  and  thirst,  and  live  exposed  like  them 
to  the  wind  and  weather,  without  fire  or  covering. 

Besides,  being  now  in  years,  and  having  been  for- 
merly engaged  in  many  fights  and  dangerous  con- 
flicts, he  had  grown  inclined  to  a  more  remiss,  easy, 
and  luxurious  life,  and  was  the  less  able  to  contend 
with  Sertorius,  who  was  in  the  prime  of  his  strength 
and  vigor,  and  had  a  body  wonderfully  fitted  for  war, 
being  strong,  active  and  temperate,  continually  ac- 
customed to  endure  hard  labor,  to  take  long  tedious 
journeys,  to  pass  many  nights  together  without  sleep, 
to  eat  little,  and  to  be  satisfied  with  very  coarse  fare, 
and  who  was  never  stained  with  the  least  excess  in 
wine,  even  when  he  was  most  at  leisure.  What  lei- 
sure time  he  allowed  himself,  he  spent  in  hunting  and 
riding  about,  and  so  made  himself  thoroughly  ac- 
quainted with  every  passage  for  escape  when  he  would 
fly,  and  for  overtaking  and  intercepting  in  pursuit, 
and  gained  a  perfect  knowledge  of  where  he  could 
and  where  he  could  not  go.  Insomuch  that  Metellus 
suffered  all  the  inconveniences  of  defeat,  although  he 
earnestly  desired  to  fight,  and  Sertorius,  though  he 
refused  the  field,  reaped  all  the  advantages  of  a  con- 
queror. For  he  hindered  them  from  foraging,  and 
cut  them  off  from  water;  if  they  advanced,  he  was 
nowhere  to  be  found;  if  they  stayed  in  any  place  and 


I 


SERTORIUS 


421 


encamped,  he  continually  molested  and  alarmed 
them;  if  they  besieged  any  town,  he  presently  ap- 
peared and  besieged  them  again,  and  put  them  to  ex- 
tremities for  want  of  necessaries.  And  thus  he  so 
wearied  out  the  Roman  army,  that  when  Sertorius 
challenged  Metellus  to  fight  singly  with  him,  they 
commended  it,  and  cried  out,  it  was  a  fair  offer,  a 
Roman  to  fight  against  a  Roman,  and  a  general 
against  a  general;  and  when  Metellus  refused  the 
challenge,  they  reproached  him.  Metellus  derided 
and  contemned  this,  and  rightly  so;  for,  as  Theo- 
phrastus  observes,  a  general  should  die  like  a  general, 
and  not  like  a  skirmisher.  But  perceiving  that  the 
town  of  the  Langobritse,  who  gave  great  assistance  to 
Sertorius,  might  easily  be  taken  for  want  of  water,  as 
there  was  but  one  well  within  the  walls,  and  the  be- 
sieger would  be  master  of  the  springs  and  fountains 
in  the  suburbs,  he  advanced  against  the  place,  expect- 
ing to  carry  it  in  two  days'  time,  there  being  no  more 
water,  and  gave  command  to  his  soldiers  to  take  five 
days'  provision  only.  Sertorius,  however,  resolving  to 
send  speedy  relief,  ordered  two  thousand  skins  to  be 
filled  with  water,  naming  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
for  the  carriage  of  every  skin;  and  many  Spaniards 
and  Moors  undertaking  the  work,  he  chose  out  those 
who  were  the  strongest  and  swiftest  of  foot,  and  sent 
them  through  the  mountains,  with  order  that  when 
they  had  delivered  the  water,  they  should  convey 
away  privately  all  those  who  would  be  least  service- 
able in  the  siege,  that  there  might  be  water  sufficient 
for  the  defendants.  As  soon  as  Metellus  understood 
this,  he  was  disturbed,  as  he  had  already  consumed 
most  part  of  the  necessary  provisions  for  his  army, 
but  he  sent  out  Aquinus  with  six  thousand  soldiers 
to  fetch  in  fresh  supplies.  But  Sertorius  having  notice 
of  it,  laid  an  ambush  for  him,  and  having  sent  out 


422  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


beforehand  three  thousand  men  to  take  post  in  a 
thickly  wooded  watercourse,  with  these  he  attacked 
the  rear  of  Aquinus  in  his  return,  while  he  himself 
charging  him  in  the  front,  destroyed  part  of  his  army, 
and  took  the  rest  prisoners,  Aquinus  only  escaping, 
after  the  loss  of  both  his  horse  and  his  armor.  And 
Metellus,  being  forced  shamefully  to  raise  the  siege, 
withdrew  amidst  the  laughter  and  contempt  of  the 
Spaniards;  while  Sertorius  became  yet  more  the  ob- 
ject of  their  esteem  and  admiration. 

He  was  also  highly  honored  for  his  introducing 
discipline  and  good  order  amongst  them,  for  he  al- 
tered their  furious  savage  manner  of  fighting,  and 
brought  them  to  make  use  of  the  Roman  armor, 
taught  them  to  keep  thc!r  ranks,  and  observe  signals 
and  watchwords;  and  out  of  a  confused  number  of 
thieves  and  robbers,  he  constituted  a  regular,  well- 
disciplined  army.  He  bestowed  silver  and  gold  upon 
them  liberally  to  gild  and  adorn  their  helmets,  he  had 
their  shields  worked  with  various  figures  and  designs, 
he  brought  them  into  the  mode  of  wearing  flowered 
and  embroidered  cloaks  and  coats,  and  by  supplying 
money  for  these  purposes,  and  joining  with  them  in 
all  improvements,  he  won  the  hearts  of  all.  That, 
however,  which  delighted  them  most,  was  the  care  that 
he  took  of  their  children.  He  sent  for  all  the  boys  of 
noblest  parentage  out  of  all  their  tribes,  and  placed 
them  in  the  great  city  of  Osca,  where  he  appointed 
masters  to  instruct  them  in  the  Grecian  and  Roman 
learning,  that  when  they  came  to  be  men,  they  might, 
as  he  professed,  be  fitted  to  share  with  him  in  au- 
thority, and  in  conducting  the  government,  although 
under  this  pretext  he  really  made  them  hostages. 
However,  their  fathers  were  wonderfully  pleased  to 
see  their  children  going  daily  to  the  schools  in  good 
order,  handsomely  dressed  in  gowns  edged  with  pur- 


SERTORIUS 


423 


pie,  and  that  Sertorius  paid  for  their  lessons,  exam- 
ined them  often,  distributed  rewards  to  the  most  de- 
serving, and  gave  them  the  golden  bosses  to  hang 
about  their  necks,  which  the  Romans  called  bullae. 

There  being  a  custom  in  Spain,  that  when  a  com- 
mander was  slain  in  battle,  those  who  attended  his 
person  fought  it  out  till  they  all  died  with  him,  which 
the  inhabitants  of  those  countries  called  an  offering,  or 
libation;  there  were  few  commanders  that  had  any 
considerable  guard  or  number  of  attendants ;  but  Ser- 
torius was  followed  by  many  thousands  who  offered 
themselves,  and  vowed  to  spend  their  blood  with  his. 
And  it  is  told  that  when  his  army  was  defeated  near 
a  city  in  Spain,  and  the  enemy  pressed  hard  upon 
them,  the  Spaniards,  with  no  care,  for  themselves,  but 
being  totally  solicitous  to  save  Sertorius,  took  him  up 
on  their  shoulders  and  passed  him  from  one  to  an- 
other, till  they  carried  him  into  the  city,  and  only 
when  they  had  thus  placed  their  general  in  safety, 
provided  afterwards  each  man  for  his  own  security. 

Nor  were  the  Spaniards  alone  ambitious  to  serve 
him,  but  the  Roman  soldiers,  also,  that  came  out  of 
Italy,  were  impatient  to  be  under  his  command;  and 
when  Perpenna  Vento,  who  was  of  the  same  faction 
with  Sertorius,  came  into  Spain  with  a  quantity  of 
money  and  a  large  number  of  troops,  and  designed  to 
make  war  against  Metellus  on  his  own  account,  his 
own  soldiers  opposed  it,  and  talked  continually  of 
Sertorius,  much  to  the  mortification  of  Perpenna, 
who  was  puffed  up  with  the  grandeur  of  his  family 
and  his  riches.  And  when  they  afterwards  received 
tidings  that  Pompey  was  passing  the  Pyrenees,  they 
took  up  their  arms,  laid  hold  on  their  ensigns,  called 
upon  Perpenna  to  lead  them  to  Sertorius,  and  threat- 
ened him  that  if  he  refused  they  would  go  without 
him,  and  place  themselves  under  a  commander  who 


424 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


was  able  to  defend  himself  and  those  that  served  him. 
And  so  Perpenna  was  obliged  to  yield  to  their  de- 
sires, and  joining  Sertorius,  added  to  his  army  three 
and  fifty  cohorts. 

And  when  now  all  the  cities  on  this  side  of  the 
river  Ebro  also  united  their  forces  together  under  his 
command,  his  army  grew  great,  for  they  flocked  to- 
gether and  flowed  in  upon  him  from  all  quarters.  But 
when  they  continually  cried  out  to  attack  the  enemy, 
and  were  impatient  of  delay,  their  inexperienced,  dis- 
orderly rashness,  caused  Sertorius  much  trouble,  who 
at  first  strove  to  restrain  them  with  reason  and  good 
counsel,  but  when  he  perceived  them  refractory  and 
unseasonably  violent,  he  gave  way  to  their  impetuous 
desires,  and  permitted  them  to  engage  with  the  enemy, 
in  such  sort  that  they  might,  being  repulsed,  yet  not 
totally  routed,  become  more  obedient  to  his  commands 
for  the  future.  Which  happening  as  he  had  antici- 
pated, he  soon  rescued  them,  and  brought  them  safe 
into  his  camp.  And  after  a  few  days,  being  willing  to 
encourage  them  again,  when  he  had  called  all  his  army 
together,  he  caused  two  horses  to  be  brought  into  the 
field,  one  an  old,  feeble,  lean  animal,  the  other  a  lusty, 
strong  horse,  with  a  remarkably  thick  and  long  tail. 
Near  the  lean  one  he  placed  a  tall  strong  man,  and 
near  the  strong  young  horse  a  weak  despicable-look- 
ing fellow;  and  at  a  sign  given,  the  strong  man  took 
hold  of  the  weak  horse's  tail  with  both  his  hands  and 
drew  it  to  him  with  his  whole  force,  as  if  he  would  pull 
it  off;  the  other,  the  weak  man,  in  the  mean  time,  set 
to  work  to  pluck  off  hair  by  hair  from  the  great 
horse's  tail.  And  when  the  strong  man  had  given 
trouble  enough  to  himself  in  vain,  and  sufficient  di- 
version to  the  company,  and  had  abandoned  his  at- 
tempt, whilst  the  weak  pitiful  fellow  in  a  short  time 
and  with  little  pains  had  left  not  a  hair  on  the  great 


SERTORIUS 


'425 


horse's  tail,  Sertorius  rose  up  and  spoke  to  his  army, 
"You  see,  fellow-soldiers,  that  perseverance  is  more 
prevailing  than  violence,  and  that  many  things  which 
cannot  be  overcome  when  they  are  together,  yield 
themselves  up  when  taken  little  by  little.  Assiduity 
and  persistence  are  irresistible,  and  in  time  overthrow 
and  destroy  the  greatest  powers  whatever.  Time 
being  the  favorable  friend  and  assistant  of  those  who 
use  their  judgment  to  await  his  occasions,  and  the 
destructive  enemy  of  those  who  are  unseasonably  urg- 
ing and  pressing  forward."  With  a  frequent  use  of 
such  words  and  such  devices,  he  soothed  the  fierceness 
of  the  barbarous  people,  and  taught  them  to  attend 
and  watch  for  their  opportunities. 

Of  all  his  remarkable  exploits,  none  raised  greater 
admiration  than  that  which  he  put  in  practice  against 
the  Characitanians.  These  are  a  people  beyond  the 
river  Tagus,  who  inhabit  neither  cities  nor  towns,  but 
live  in  a  vast  high  hill,  within  the  deep  dens  and  caves 
of  the  rocks,  the  mouths  of  which  open  all  towards 
the  north.  The  country  below  is  of  a  soil  resembling 
a  light  clay,  so  loose  as  easily  to  break  into  powder, 
and  is  not  firm  enough  to  bear  any  one  that  treads 
upon  it,  and  if  you  touch  it  in  the  least,  it  flies  about 
like  ashes  or  unslaked  lime.  In  any  danger  of  war, 
these  people  descend  into  their  caves,  and  carrying 
in  their  booty  and  prey  along  with  them,  stay  quietly 
within,  secure  from  every  attack.  And  when  Ser- 
torius, leaving  Metellus  some  distance  off,  had  placed 
his  camp  near  this  hill,  they  slighted  and  despised  him, 
imagining  that  he  retired  into  these  parts,  being 
overthrown  by  the  Romans.  And  whether  out  of 
anger  and  resentment,  or  out  of  his  unwillingness  to 
be  thought  to  fly  from  his  enemies,  early  in  the  morn- 
ing he  rode  up  to  view  the  situation  of  the  place.  But 
finding  there  was  no  way  to  come  at  it,  as  he  rode 


426 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


about,  threatening  them  in  vain  and  disconcerted,  he 
took  notice  that  the  wind  raised  the  dust  and  carried 
it  up  towards  the  caves  of  the  Characitanians,  the 
mouths  of  which,  as  I  said  before,  opened  towards 
the  north;  and  the  northerl}'  wind,  which  some  call 
C^ecias,  prevailing  most  in  those  parts,  coming  up  out 
of  moist  plains  or  mountains  covered  with  snow,  at 
this  particular  time,  in  the  heat  of  summer,  being 
further  supplied  and  increased  by  the  melting  of  the 
ice  in  the  northern  regions,  blew  a  delightful  fresh 
gale,  cooling  and  refreshing  the  Characitanians  and 
their  cattle  all  the  day  long.  Sertorius,  considering 
well  all  circumstances  in  which  either  the  information 
of  the  inhabitants,  or  his  own  experience  had  in- 
structed him,  commanded  his  soldiers  to  shovel  up  a 
great  quantity  of  this  light,  dusty  earth,  to  heap  it 
up  together,  and  make  a  mount  of  it  over  against  the 
hill  in  which  these  barbarous  people  resided,  who, 
imagining  that  all  this  preparation  was  for  raising  a 
mound  to  get  at  them,  only  mocked  and  laughed  at 
it.  However,  he  continued  the  work  till  the  evening, 
and  brought  his  soldiers  back  into  their  camp.  The 
next  morning  a  gentle  breeze  at  first  arose,  and  moved 
the  lightest  parts  of  the  earth,  and  dispersed  it  about 
as  the  chaff  before  the  v.'ind:  but  when  the  sun  coming 
to.  be  higher,  the  strong  northerly  wind  had  covered 
the  hills  with  the  dust,  the  soldiers  came  and  turned 
this  mound  of  earth  over  and  over,  and  broke  the  hard 
clods  in  pieces,  whilst  others  on  horseback  rode 
through  it  backward  and  forward,  and  raised  a  cloud 
of  dust  into  the  air:  there  with  th^  wind  the  whole  of 
it  was  carried  away  and  blo^TO  into  the  dwellings  of 
the  Characitanians,  all  lying  open  to  the  north.  And 
there  being  no  other  vent  or  breathing-place  than  that 
through  which  the  Ca?cias  rushed  in  upon  them,  it 
quickly  blinded  their  eyes,  and  filled  their  lungs,  and 


SERTORIUS 


427 


all  but  choked  them,  while  they  strove  to  draw  in  the 
rough  air  mingled  with  dust  and  powdered  earth. 
Nor  were  they  able,  with  all  they  could  do,  to  hold  out 
above  two  days,  but  yielded  up  themselves  on  the 
third,  adding,  by  their  defeat,  not  so  much  to  the 
power  of  Sertorius,  as  to  his  renown,  in  proving  that 
he  was  able  to  conquer  places  by  art,  which  were  im- 
pregnable by  the  force  of  arm.s. 

So  long  as  he  had  to  do  with  Metellus,  he  was 
thought  to  owe  his  successes  to  his  opponent's  age  and 
slow  temper,  which  were  ill-suited  for  coping  with  the 
daring  and  activity  of  one  who  commanded  a  light 
army  more  like  a  band  of  robbers  than  regular  sol- 
diers. But  when  Pompey  also  passed  over  the 
Pyrenees,  and  Sertorius  pitched  his  camp  near  him, 
and  offered  and  himself  accepted  every  occasion  by 
which  military  skill  could  be  put  to  the  proof,  and  in 
this  contest  of  dexterity  was  found  to  have  the  better, 
both  in  baffling  his  enemy's  designs  and  in  counter- 
scheming  himself,  the  fame  of  him  now  spread  even 
to  Rome  itself,  as  the  most  expert  commander  of  his 
time.  For  the  renown  of  Pompey  was  not  small, 
who  had  already  won  much  honor  by  his  achievements 
in  the  wars  of  Sylla,  from  whom  he  received  the  title 
of  Magnus,  and  was  called  Pompey  the  Great;  and 
who  had  risen  to  the  honor  of  a  triumph  before  the 
beard  had  grown  on  his  face.  And  many  cities  which 
were  under  Sertorius  were  on  the  very  eve  of  revolt- 
ing and  going  over  to  Pompey,  when  they  were  de- 
terred from  it  by  that  great  action,  amongst  others, 
which  he  performed  near  the  city  of  Lauron,  contrary 
to  the  expectation  of  all. 

For  Sertorius  had  laid  siege  to  Lauron,  and  Pom- 
pey came  with  his  whole  army  to  relieve  it;  and  there 
being  a  hill  near  this  city  very  advantageously  situ- 
ated, they  both  made  haste  to  take  it.    Sertorius  was 


428  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


beforehand,  and  took  possession  of  it  first,  and  Pom- 
pey,  having  drawn  down  his  forces,  was  not  sorry 
that  it  had  thus  happened,  imagining  that  he  had 
hereby  inclosed  his  enemy  between  his  own  army  and 
the  city,  and  sent  in  a  messenger  to  the  citizens  of 
Lauron,  to  bid  them  be  of  good  courage,  and  to  come 
upon  their  walls,  where  they  might  see  their  besieger 
besieged.  Sertorius,  perceiving  their  intentions, 
smiled,  and  said,  he  would  now  teach  Sylla's  scholar, 
for  so  he  called  Pompey  in  derision,  that  it  was  the 
part  of  a  general  to  look  as  well  behind  him  as  before 
him,  and  at  the  same  time  showed  them  six  thousand 
soldiers,  whom  he  had  left  in  his  former  camp,  from 
whence  he  marched  out  to  take  the  hill,  where  if  Pom- 
pey should  assault  him,  they  might  fall  upon  his  rear. 
Pompey  discovered  this  too  late,  and  not  daring  to 
give  battle,  for  fear  of  being  encompassed,  and  yet 
being  ashamed  to  desert  his  friends  and  confederates 
in  their  extreme  danger,  was  thus  forced  to  sit  still, 
and  see  them  ruined  before  his  face.  For  the  be- 
sieged despaired  of  relief,  and  delivered  up  themselves 
to  Sertorius,  who  spared  their  lives  and  granted  them 
their  liberty,  but  burnt  their  city,  not  out  of  anger  or 
cruelty,  for  of  all  commanders  that  ever  were,  Ser- 
torius seems  least  of  all  to  have  indulged  these  pas- 
sions, but  only  for  the  greater  shame  and  confusion 
of  the  admirers  of  Pompey,  and  that  it  might  be 
reported  amongst  the  Spaniards,  that  though  he  had 
been  so  close  to  the  fire  which  burnt  down  the  city  of 
his  confederates  as  actually  to  feel  the  heat  of  it,  he 
still  had  not  dared  to  make  any  opposition. 

Sertorius,  however,  sustained  many  losses;  but  he 
always  maintained  himself  and  those  immediately 
with  him  undefeated,  and  it  was  by  other  commanders 
under  him  that  he  suffered ;  and  he  was  more  admired 
for  being  able  to  repair  his  losses,  and  for  recovering 


SERTORIUS 


429 


the  victory,  than  the  Koman  generals  against  him 
for  gaining  these  advantages;  as  at  the  battle  of  the 
Sucro  against  Pomp.ey,  and  at  the  battle  near  Tuttia, 
against  him  and  Metellus  together.  The  battle  near 
the  Sucro  was  fought,  it  is  said,  through  the  impa- 
tience of  Pompey,  lest  Metellus  should  share  with 
him  in  the  victory,  Sertorius  being  also  willing  to 
engage  Pompey  before  the  arrival  of  Metellus.  Ser- 
torius delayed  the  time  till  the  evening,  considering 
that  the  darkness  of  the  night  would  be  a  disadvan- 
tage to  his  enemies,  whether  flying  or  pursuing,  being 
strangers,  and  having  no  knowledge  of  the  country. 
When  the  fight  began,  it  happened  that  Sertorius 
was  not  placed  directly  against  Pompey,  but  against 
Afranius,  who  had  command  of  the  left  wing  of  the 
Roman  army,  as  he  commanded  the  right  wing  of 
his  own;  but  when  he  understood  that  his  left  wing 
began  to  give  way,  and  yield  to  the  assault  of  Pom- 
pey, he  committed  the  care  of  his  right  wing  to  other 
commanders,  and  made  haste  to  relieve  those  in  dis- 
tress ;  and  rallying  some  that  were  flying,  and  encour- 
aging others  that  still  kept  their  ranks,  he  renewed 
the  fight,  and  attacked  the  enemy  in  their  pursuit 
so  effectively  as  to  cause  a  considerable  rout,  and 
brought  Pompey  into  great  danger  of  his  life.  For 
after  being  wounded  and  losing  his  horse,  he  escaped 
unexpectedly.  For  the  Africans  with  Sertorius,  who 
took  Pompey's  horse,  set  out  with  gold,  and  covered 
with  rich  trappings,  fell  out  with  one  another;  and 
upon  the  dividing  of  the  spoil,  gave  over  the  pursuit. 
Afranius,  in  the  mean  time,  as  soon  as  Sertorius  had 
left  his  right  wing,  to  assist  the  other  part  of  his  army, 
overthrew  all  that  opposed  him;  and  pursuing  them 
to  their  camp,  fell  in  together  with  them,  and  plun- 
dered them  till  it  was  dark  night;  knowing  nothing 
of  Pompey's  overthrow,  nor  being  able  to  restrain 


430  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


his  soldiers  from  pillaging;  when  Sertorius,  returning 
with  victory,  fell  upon  him  and  upon  his  men,  who 
were  all  in  disorder,  and  slew  many  of  them.  And 
the  next  morning  he  came  into  the  field  again,  well 
armed  and  offered  battle,  but  perceiving  that  Met- 
tellus  was  near,  he  drew  off,  and  returned  to  his  camp, 
saying,  "If  this  old  woman  had  not  come  up,  I  would 
have  whipped  that  boy  soundly  and  sent  him  to 
Rome." 

He  was  much  concerned  that  his  white  hind  could 
nowhere  be  found;  as  he  was  thus  destitute  of  an 
admirable  contrivance  to  encourage  the  barbarous 
people,  at  a  time  when  he  most  stood  in  need  of  it. 
Some  men,  however,  wandering  in  the  night,  chanced 
to  meet  her,  and  knowing  her  by  her  color,  took  her; 
to  whom  Sertorius  promised  a  good  reward,  if  they 
would  tell  no  one  of  it;  and  immediately  shut  her  up. 
A  few  days  after,  he  appeared  in  public  with  a  very 
cheerful  look,  and  declared  to  the  chief  men  of  the 
country,  that  the  gods  had  foretold  him  in  a  dream 
that  some  great  good  fortune  should  shortly  attend 
him;  and,  taking  his  seat,  proceeded  to  answer  the 
petitions  of  those  who  applied  themselves  to  him. 
The  keepers  of  the  hind,  who  were  not  far  off,  now 
let  her  loose,  and  she  no  sooner  espied  Sertorius,  but 
she  came  leaping  with  great  joy  to  his  feet,  laid  her 
head  upon  his  knees  and  licked  his  hands  as  she  for- 
merly used  to  do.  And  Sertorius  stroking  her,  and 
making  much  of  her  again,  with  that  tenderness  that 
the  tears  stood  in  his  eyes,  all  that  were  present  were 
immediately  filled  with  wonder  and  astonishment,  and 
accompanying  him  to  his  house  with  loud  shouts  for 
joy,  looked  upon  him  as  a  person  above  the  rank  of 
mortal  men,  and  highly  beloved  by  the  gods ;  and  were 
in  great  courage  and  hope  for  the  future. 

When  he  had  reduced  his  enemies  to  the  last  ex- 


SERTORIUS 


431 


tremity  for  want  of  provision,  he  was  forced  to  give 
them  battle,  in  the  plains  near  Saguntum,  to  hinder 
them  from  foraging,  and  plundering  the  country. 
Both  parties  fought  gloriously.  Memmius,  the  best 
commander  in  Pompey's  army,  was  slain  in  the  heat 
of  the  battle.  Sertorius  overthrew  all  before  him, 
and  with  great  slaughter  of  his  enemies  pressed  for- 
ward towards  Metellus.  This  old  commander,  mak- 
ing a  resistance  beyond  what  could  be  expected  from 
one  of  his  years,  was  wounded  with  a  lance ;  an  occur- 
rence which  filled  all  who  either  saw  it  or  heard  of  it, 
with  shame,  to  be  thought  to  have  left  their  general  in 
distress,  but  at  the  same  time  it  provoked  them  to 
revenge  and  fury  against  their  enemies;  they  covered 
Metellus  with  their  shields,  and  brought  him  off  in 
safety,  and  then  valiantly  repulsed  the  Spaniards; 
and  so  victory  changed  sides,  and  Sertorius,  that  he 
might  afford  a  more  secure  retreat  to  his  army,  and 
that  fresh  forces  might  more  easily  be  raised,  retired 
into  a  strong  city  in  the  mountains.  And  though  it 
was  the  least  of  his  intention  to  sustain  a  long  siege, 
yet  he  began  to  repair  the  walls,  and  to  fortify  the 
gates,  thus  deluding  his  enemies,  who  came  and  sat 
down  before  the  town,  hoping  to  take  it  without  much 
resistance ;  and  meantime  gave  over  the  pursuit  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  allowed  opportunity  for  raising  new 
forces  for  Sertorius,  to  which  purpose  he  had  sent 
commanders  to  all  their  cities,  with  orders,  when  they 
had  sufficiently  increased  their  numbers,  to  send  him 
word  of  it.  This  news  he  no  sooner  received,  but  he 
sallied  out  and  forced  his  way  through  his  enemies, 
and  easily  joined  them  with  the  rest  of  his  army. 
And  having  received  this  considerable  reinforcement, 
he  set  upon  the  Romans  again,  and  by  rapidly  assault- 
ing them,  by  alarming  them  on  all  sides,  by  ensnaring, 
circumventing,  and  laying  ambushes  for  them,  he  cut 


432  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


off  all  provisions  by  land,  while  with  his  piratical 
vessels,  he  kept  all  the  coast  in  awe,  and  hindered 
their  supplies  by  sea.  He  thus  forced  the  Roman 
generals  to  dislodge,  and  to  separate  from  one  an- 
other: Metellus  departed  into  Gaul,  and  Pompey 
wintered  among  the  Vacc^eans,  in  a  wretched  condi- 
tion, where,  being  in  extreme  want  of  money,  he  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  senate,  to  let  them  know  that  if  they 
did  not  speedily  supply  him,  he  must  draw  off  his 
army  for  he  had  already  spent  his  own  money  in  the 
defence  of  Italy.  To  these  extremities,  the  chief  est 
and  the  most  powerful  commanders  of  the  age  were 
reduced  by  the  skill  of  Sertorius ;  and  it  was  the  com- 
mon opinion  in  Rome,  that  he  would  be  in  Italy  be- 
fore Pompey. 

How  far  Metellus  was  terrified,  and  at  what  rate 
he  esteemed  him,  he  plainly  declared,  when  he  offered 
by  proclamation  an  hundred  talents,  and  twenty 
thousand  acres  of  land,  to  any  Roman  that  should 
kill  him,  and  leave,  if  he  were  banished,  to  return; 
attempting  villanously  to  buy  his  life  by  treachery, 
when  he  despaired  of  ever  being  able  to  overcome  him 
in  open  war.  And  when  once  he  gained  the  advan- 
tage in  a  battle  against  Sertorius,  he  was  so  pleased 
and  transported  with  his  good  fortune,  that  he  caused 
himself  to  be  publicly  proclaimed  imperator;  and  all 
the  cities  which  he  visited  received  him  with  altars  and 
sacrifices;  he  allowed  himself,  it  is  said,  to  have  gar- 
lands placed  on  his  head,  and  accepted  sumptuous 
entertainments,  at  which  he  sat  drinking  in  triumphal 
robes,  while  images  and  figures  of  victory  were  intro- 
duced by  the  motion  of  machines,  bringing  in  with 
them  crowns  and  trophies  of  gold  to  present  to  him, 
and  companies  of  young  men  and  women  danced  be- 
fore him,  and  sang  to  him  songs  of  joy  and  triumph. 
By  all  which  he  rendered  himself  deservedly  ridicu- 


SERTORIUS 


433 


lous,  for  being  so  excessively  delighted  and  puffed 
up  with  the  thoughts  of  having  followed  one  who  was 
retiring  of  his  own  accord,  and  for  having  once  had 
I    the  better  of  him  whom  he  used  to  call  Sylla's  run- 
^    away  slave,  and  his  forces,  the  remnant  of  the  de- 
feated troops  of  Carbo. 
I  Sertorius,  meantime,  showed  the  loftiness  of  his 

temper  in  calling  together  all  the  Roman  senators  who 
had  fled  from  Rome,  and  had  come  and  resided  with 
him,  and  giving  them  tjie  name  of  a  senate ;  and  out 
of  these  he  chose  prgetors  and  qusestors,  and  adorned 
his  government  with  all  the  Roman  laws  and  institu- 
tions. And  though  he  made  use  of  the  arms,  riches, 
and  cities  of  the  Spaniards,  yet  he  would  never,  even 
in  word,  remit  to  them  the  imperial  authority,  but 
set  Roman  officers  and  commanders  over  them,  inti- 
mating his  purpose  to  restore  liberty  to  the  Romans, 
not  to  raise  up  the  Spaniard's  power  against  them. 
For  he  was  a  sincere  lover  of  his  country,  and  had  a 
great  desire  to  return  home;  but  in  his  adverse  for- 
tune he  showed  undaunted  courage,  and  behaved 
himself  towards  his  enemies  in  a  manner  free  from 
all  dejection  and  mean-spiritedness ;  and  when  he 
was  in  his  prosperity,  and  in  the  height  of  his  vic- 
tories, he  sent  word  to  Metellus  and  Pompey,  that  he 
was  ready  to  lay  down  his  arms,  and  live  a  private 
life,  if  he  were  allowed  to  return  home,  declaring  that 
he  had  rather  live  as  the  meanest  citizen  in  Rome, 
than,  exiled  from  it,  be  supreme  commander  of  all 
other  cities  together.  And  it  is  thought  that  his  great 
desire  for  his  country  was  in  no  small  measure  pro- 
moted by  the  tenderness  he  had  for  his  mother,  under 
whom  he  was  brought  up  after  the  death  of  his  father, 
and  upon  whom  he  had  placed  his  entire  affection. 
And  after  that  his  friends  had  sent  for  him  into  Spain 
to  be  their  general,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  his  mother's 


434 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


death,  he  had  almost  cast  away  himself  and  died  for 
grief;  for  he  lay  seven  days  together  continually  in 
his  tent,  without  giving  the  word,  or  being  seen  by 
the  nearest  of  his  friends;  and  when  the  chief  com- 
manders of  the  army,  and  persons  of  the  greatest 
note  came  about  liis  tent,  with  great  difficulty  the}^ 
j)revailed  with  him  at  last  to  come  abroad,  and  speak 
to  his  soldiers,  and  to  take  upon  him  the  management 
of  affairs,  which  were  in  a  prosperous  condition. 
And  thus,  to  many  men's  judgment,  he  seemed  to 
have  been  in  himself  of  a  mild  and  compassionate 
temper,  and  naturally  given  to  ease  and  quietness, 
and  to  have  accepted  of  the  command  of  military 
forces  contrary  to  his  own  inclination,  and  not  being 
able  to  live  in  safety  otherwise,  to  haA^e  been  driven 
by  his  enemies  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  and  to 
espouse  the  wars  as  a  necessary  guard  for  the  defence 
of  his  person. 

His  negotiations  ^vith  king  Mithridates  further 
argue  the  greatness  of  his  mind.  For  when  Mithri- 
dates, recovering  himself  from  his  overthrow  by  Sylla, 
like  a  strong  wrestler  that  gets  up  to  try  another 
fall,  was  again  endeavoring  to  reestablish  his  power 
in  Asia,  at  this  time  the  great  fame  of  Sertorius  was 
celebrated  in  all  places ;  and  when  the  merchants  who 
came  out  of  the  western  parts  of  Europe,  bringing 
these,  as  it  were,  among  their  other  foreign  wares, 
had  filled  the  kingdom  of  Pontus  with  their  stories  of 
his  exploits  in  war,  jNIithridates  was  extremely  desir- 
ous to  send  an  embassy  to  him,  being  also  highly 
encouraged  to  it  by  the  boastings  of  his  flattering 
courtiers,  who,  comparing  Mithridates  to  Pyrrhus, 
and  Sertorius  to  Hannibal,  professed  that  the  Ro- 
mans would  never  be  able  to  make  any  considerable 
resistance  against  such  great  forces,  and  such  admir- 
able commanders,  when  they  should  be  set  upon  on 


SERTORIUS 


435 


both  sides  at  once,  on  one  by  the  most  warlike  general, 
:  and  on  the  other  by  the  most  powerful  prince  in 
existence. 

Accordingly,  Mithridates  sends  ambassadors  into 
Spain  to  Sertorius  with  letters  and  instructions,  and 
commission  to  promise  ships  and  money  towards  the 
charge  of  the  war;  if  Sertorius  would  confirm  his 
pretentions  upon  Asia,  and  authorize  him  to  possess 
all  that  he  had  surrendered  to  the  Romans  in  his 
treaty  with  Sylla.  Sertorius  summoned  a  full  coun- 
cil which  he  called  a  senate,  where,  when  others  joy- 
fully approved  of  the  conditions,  and  were  desirous 
immediately  to  accept  of  his  offer,  seeing  that  he 
desired  nothing  of  them  but  a  name,  and  an  empty 
title  to  places  not  in  their  power  to  dispose  of,  in 
recompense  of  which  they  should  be  supplied  with 
what  they  then  stood  most  in  need  of,  Sertorius  would 
by  no  means  agree  to  it ;  declaring  that  he  was  willing 
that  king  Mithridates  should  exercise  all  royal  power 
and  authority  over  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia,  coun- 
tries accustomed  to  a  monarchical  government,  and 
not  belonging  to  Rome,  but  he  could  never  consent 
that  he  should  seize  or  detain  a  province,  which,  by 
the  justest  right  and  title,  was  possessed  by  the  Ro- 
mans, which  Mithridates  had  formerly  taken  away 
from  them,  and  had  afterwards  lost  in  open  war  to 
Fimbria,  and  quitted  upon  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
Sylla.  For  he  looked  upon  it  as  his  duty  to  enlarge 
the  Roman  possessions  by  his  conquering  arms,  and 
not  to  increase  his  own  power  by  the  diminution  of  the 
Roman  territories.  Since  a  noble-minded  man, 
though  he  willingly  accepts  of  victory  when  it  comes 
with  honor,  will  never  so  much  as  endeavor  to  save 
his  own  life  upon  any  dishonorable  terms. 

When  this  was  related  to  Mithridates,  he  was 
struck  with  amazement,  and  said  to  his  intimate 


436  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


friends,  "What  will  Sertoriiis  enjoin  us  to  do  when 
he  comes  to  be  seated  in  the  Palatium  in  Rome,  who 
at  present,  when  he  is  driven  out  to  the  borders  of  the 
Atlantic  sea,  sets  bounds  to  our  kingdoms  in  the  east, 
and  threatens  us  with  war,  if  we  attempt  the  recovery 
of  Asia?"  However,  they  solemnly,  upon  oath,  con- 
cluded a  league  between  them,  upon  these  terms :  that 
Mithridates  should  enjoy  the  free  possession  of  Cap- 
padocia  and  Bithynia,  and  that  Sertorius  should  send 
him  soldiers,  and  a  general  for  his  army,  in  recom- 
pense of  which  the  king  was  to  supply  him  with  three 
thousand  talents  and  forty  ships.  ISIarcus  Marius, 
a  Roman  senator  who  had  quitted  Rome  to  follow 
Sertorius,  was  sent  general  into  Asia,  in  company 
with  whom  when  jNIithridates  had  reduced  divers  of 
the  Asian  cities,  ]Marius  made  his  entrance  with  rods 
and  axes  carried  before  him,  and  Mithridates  fol- 
lowed in  the  second  place,  voluntarily  waiting  upon 
him.  Some  of  these  cities  he  set  at  liberty,  and  oth- 
ers he  freed  from  taxes,  signifying  to  them  that  these 
privileges  were  granted  to  them  by  the  favor  of  Ser- 
torius, and  hereby  Asia,  which  had  been  miserably 
tormented  by  the  revenue-farmers,  and  oppressed  by 
the  insolent  pride  and  covetousness  of  the  soldiers, 
began  to  rise  again  to  new  hopes,  and  to  look  forward 
with  joy  to  the  expected  change  of  government. 

But  in  Spain,  the  senators  about  Sertorius,  and 
others  of  the  nobility,  finding  themselves  strong 
enough  for  their  enemies,  no  sooner  laid  aside  fear, 
but  their  minds  were  possessed  by  envy  and  irrational 
jealousies  of  Sertorius's  power.  And  chiefly  Per- 
penna,  elevated  by  the  thoughts  of  his  noble  birth, 
and  carried  away  with  a  fond  ambition  of  command- 
ing the  army,  threw  out  villanous  discourses  in  private 
amongst  his  acquaintance.  "  What  evil  genius,"  he 
would  say,  "  hurries  us  perpetually  from  worse  to 


SERTORIUS 


437 


worse?  We  who  disdained  to  obey  the  dictates  of 
Sylla,  the  ruler  of  sea  and  land,  and  thus  to  live  at 
home  in  peace  and  quiet,  are  come  hither  to  our 
destruction,  hoping  to  enjoy  our  liberty,  and  have 
made  ourselves  slaves  of  our  own  accord,  and  are 
become  the  contemptible  guards  and  attendants  of 
the  banished  Sertorius,  who,  that  he  may  expose  us 
the  further,  gives  us  a  name  that  renders  us  ridiculous 
to  all  that  hear  it,  and  calls  us  the  Senate,  when  at 
the  same  time  he  makes  us  undergo  as  much  hard 
labor,  and  forces  us  to  be  as  subject  to  his  haughty 
commands  and  insolences,  as  any  Spaniards  and 
Lusitanians."  With  these  mutinous  discourses,  he 
seduced  them;  and  though  the  greater  number  could 
not  be  led  into  open  rebellion  against  Sertorius,  fear- 
ing his  power,  they  were  prevailed  with  to  endeavor 
to  destroy  his  interest  secretly.  For  by  abusing  the 
Lusitanians  and  Spaniards,  by  inflicting  severe  pun- 
ishments upon  them,  by  raising  exorbitant  taxes,  and 
by  pretending  that  all  this  was  done  by  the  strict 
command  of  Sertorius,  they  caused  great  troubles, 
and  made  many  cities  to  revolt;  and  those  who  were 
sent  to  mitigate  and  heal  these  differences,  did  rather 
exasperate  them,  and  increase  the  number  of  his  ene- 
mies, and  left  them  at  their  return  more  obstinate 
and  rebellious  than  they  found  them.  And  Sertorius, 
incensed  with  all  this,  now  so  far  forgot  his  former 
clemency  and  goodness,  as  to  lay  hands  on  the  sons 
of  the  Spaniards,  educated  in  the  city  of  Osca;  and, 
contrary  to  all  justice,  he  cruelly  put  some  of  them 
to  death,  and  sold  others. 

In  the  mean  time,  Perpenna,  having  increased  the 
number  of  his  conspirators,  drew  in  Manlius,  a  com- 
mander in  the  army,  who,  at  that  time  being  attached 
to  a  youth,  to  gain  his  affections  the  more,  discov- 
ered the  confederacy  to  him,  bidding  him  neglect 


488  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


others,  and  be  constant  to  him  alone;  who,  in  a  few 
days,  was  to  be  a  person  of  great  power  and  authority. 
But  the  youth  having  a  greater  inclination  for  Aufi- 
dius,  disclosed  all  to  him,  which  much  surprised  and 
amazed  him.  For  he  was  also  one  of  the  confederacy, 
but  knew  not  that  Manlius  was  anyways  engaged  in 
it;  but  when  the  youth  began  to  name  Perpenna, 
Gracinus,  and  others,  whom  he  knew  very  well  to  be 
sworn  conspirators,  he  was  very  much  terrified  and 
astonished;  but  made  light  of  it  to  the  youth,  and 
bade  him  not  regard  what  Manlius  said,  a  vain  boast- 
ing fellow.  However,  he  went  presently  to  Per- 
penna, and  giving  him  notice  of  the  danger  they  were 
in,  and  of  the  shortness  of  their  time,  desired  him 
inmiediately  to  put  their  designs  in  execution.  And 
when  all  the  confederates  had  consented  to  it,  they 
provided  a  messenger  who  brought  feigned  letters  to 
Sertorius,  in  which  he  had  notice  of  a  victory  obtained, 
it  said,  by  one  of  his  lieutenants,  and  of  the  great 
slaughter  of  his  enemies;  and  as  Sertorius,  being 
extremely  well  pleased,  was  sacrificing  and  giving 
thanks  to  the  gods  for  his  prosperous  success,  Per- 
penna invited  him,  and  those  v/ith  him,  who  were  also 
of  the  conspiracy,  to  an  entertainment,  and  being  very 
importunate,  prevailed  with  him  to  come.  At  all 
suppers  and  entertainments  where  Sertorius  was  pres- 
ent, great  order  and  decency  was  wont  to  be  observed, 
for  he  would  not  endure  to  hear  or  see  any  thing  that 
was  rude  or  unhandsome,  but  made  it  the  habit  of  all 
who  kept  his  company,  to  entertain  themselves  with 
quiet  and  inoffensive  amusements.  But  in  the  middle 
of  this  entertainment,  those  v/ho  sought  occasion  to 
quarrel,  fell  into  dissolute  discourse  openly,  and  mak- 
ing as  if  they  were  very  drunk,  committed  many  in- 
solences on  purpose  to  provoke  him.  Sertorius,  being 
offended  with  their  ill  behavior,  or  perceiving  the 


SERTORIUS 


state  of  their  minds  by  their  way  of  speaking  and 
their  unusually  disrespectful  manner,  changed  the 
posture  of  his  lying,  and  leaned  backward,  as  one 
that  neither  heard  nor  regarded  them.  Perpenna 
now  took  a  cup  full  of  wine,  and,  as  he  was  drinking, 
let  it  fall  out  of  his  hand  and  make  a  noise,  which  was 
the  sign  agreed  upon  amongst  them;  and  Antonius, 
who  was  next  to  Sertorius,  immediately  wounded 
him  with  his  sword.  And  whilst  Sertorius,  upon  re- 
ceiving the  wound,  turned  himself,  and  strove  to  get 
up,  Antonius  threw  himself  upon  his  breast,  and  held 
both  his  hands,  so  that  he  died  by  a  number  of  blows, 
without  being  able  even  to  defend  himself. 

Upon  the  first  news  of  his  death,  most  of  the 
Spaniards  left  the  conspirators,  and  sent  embassadors 
to  Pompey  and  Metellus,  and  yielded  themselves  up 
to  them.  Perpenna  attempted  to  do  something  with 
those  that  remained,  but  he  made  only  so  much  use  of 
Sertorius's  arms  and  preparations  for  war,  as  to  dis- 
grace himself  in  them,  and  to  let  it  be  evident  to  all, 
that  he  understood  no  more  how  to  command,  than 
he  knew  how  to  obey;  and  when  he  came  against 
Pompey,  he  was  soon  overthrown,  and  taken  prisoner. 
Neither  did  he  bear  this  last  affliction  with  any  brav- 
ery, but  having  Sertorius's  papers  and  writings  in  his 
hands,  he  offered  to  show  Pompey  letters  from  per- 
sons of  consular  dignity,  and  of  the  highest  quality 
in  Rome,  written  with  their  own  hands,  expressly 
to  call  Sertorius  into  Italy,  and  to  let  him  know  what 
great  numbers  there  were  that  earnestly  desired  to 
alter  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and  to  introduce 
another  manner  of  government.  Upon  this  occasion, 
Pompey  behaved  not  like  a  youth,  or  one  of  a  light 
inconsiderate  mind,  but  as  a  man  of  a  confirmed, 
mature,  and  solid  judgment;  and  so  freed  Rome  from 
great  fears  and  dangers  of  change.    For  he  put  all 


440  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Sertorius's  writings  and  letters  together  and  read  not 
one  of  them,  nor  suffered  any  one  else  to  read  them, 
but  burnt  them  all,  and  caused  Perpenna  immediately 
to  be  put  to  death,  lest  by  discovering  their  names, 
further  troubles  and  revolutions  might  ensue. 

Of  the  rest  of  the  conspirators  with  Perpenna, 
some  were  taken  and  slain  by  the  command  of  Pom- 
pey,  others  fled  into  Africa,  and  were  set  upon  by  the 
Moors,  and  run  through  with  their  darts;  and  in  a 
short  time,  not  one  of  them  was  left  alive,  except  only 
Aufidius,  the  rival  of  Manlius,  who,  hiding  himself, 
or  not  being  much  inquired  after,  died  an  old  man,  in 
an  obscure  village  in  Spain,  in  extreme  poverty,  and 
hated  by  all. 


EUMENES' 


Translated  for  Dryden^s  Edition  by 
Some  One  Unnamed. 

DuRis  reports  that  Eumenes,  the  Cardian,  was 
the  son  of  a  poor  wagoner  in  the  Thracian  Cher- 
sonesus,  yet  liberally  educated,  both  as  a  scholar  and 
a  soldier;  and  that  while  he  was  but  young,  Philip, 
passing  through  Cardia,  diverted  himself  with  a  sight 
of  the  wrestling-matches  and  other  exercises  of  the 
youth  of  that  place,  among  whom  Eumenes  perform- 
ing with  success,  and  showing  signs  of  intelligence 
and  bravery,  Philip  was  so  pleased  with  him,  as  to 
take  him  into  his  service.  But  they  seem  to  speak 
more  probably,  who  tell  us  that  Philip  advanced 
Eumenes  for  the  friendship  he  bore  to  his  father, 
whose  guest  he  had  sometime  been.  After  the  death 
of  Philip,  he  continued  in  the  service  of  Alexander, 
with  the  title  of  his  principal  secretary,  but  in  as  great 
favor  as  the  most  intimate  of  his  familiars,  being 
esteemed  as  wise  and  faithful  as  any  person  about 
him,  so  that  he  went  with  troops  under  his  immediate 
command  as  general  in  the  expedition  against  India, 
and  succeeded  to  the  post  of  Perdiccas,  when  Per- 
diccas  was  advanced  to  that  of  Hephsestion,  then 
newly  deceased.  And  therefore,  after  the  death  of 
Alexander,  when  Neoptolemus,  who  had  been  captain 
of  his  lifeguard,  said  that  he  had  followed  Alexander 

^  He  was  forty-five  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death,  SI 6 
B.  C.  Of  his  ability,  both  as  a  general  and  a  statesman,  no  doubt 
can  be  entertained. — ^Dr.  Wiljiam  Smith. 

(441)  , 


442  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  shield  and  spear,  but  Eumenes  only  with  pen  and 
paper,  the  Macedonians  laughed  at  him,  as  knowing 
very  well  that,  besides  other  marks  of  favor,  the  king 
had  done  him  the  honor  to  make  him  a  kind  of  kins- 
man to  himself  by  marriage.  For  Alexander's  first 
mistress  in  Asia,  by  whom  he  had  his  son  Hercules, 
was  Bar  sine,  the  daughter  of  Artabazus;  and  in  the 
distribution  of  the  Persian  ladies  amongst  his  cap- 
tains, Alexander  gave  Apame,  one  of  her  sisters,  to 
Ptolemy,  and  another,  also  called  Barsine,  to 
Eumenes. 

Notwithstanding,  he  frequently  incurred  Alexan- 
der's displeasure,  and  put  himself  into  some  danger, 
through  Hepha^stion.  The  quarters  that  had  been 
taken  up  for  Eumenes,  HephfEstion  assigned  to 
Euius,  the  flute-player.  Upon  which,  in  great  anger, 
Eumenes  and  Mentor  came  to  Alexander,  and  loudly 
complained,  sa^ang  that  the  way  to  be  regarded  was 
to  throw  away  their  arms,  and  turn  flute-players  or 
tragedians;  so  much  so  that  Alexander  took  their 
part  and  chid  Hephsestion;  but  soon  after  changed 
his  mind  again,  and  was  angry  with  Eumenes,  and 
accounted  the  freedom  he  had  taken  to  be  rather  an 
affront  to  the  king,  than  a  reflection  upon  Heph^stion. 
Afterwards,  v/hen  Nearchus,  with  a  fleet,  was  to  be 
sent  to  the  Southern  Sea,  Alexander  borrowed  money 
of  his  friends,  his  own  treasury  being  exhausted,  and 
would  have  had  three  hundred  talents  of  Eumenes, 
but  he  sent  a  hundred  only,  pretending  that  it  was  not 
without  great  difliculty  he  had  raised  so  much  from 
his  stewards.  Alexander  neither  complained  nor 
took  the  money,  but  gave  private  order  to  set 
Eumenes's  tent  on  fire,  designing  to  take  him  in  a 
manifest  lie,  when  his  money  was  carried  out.  But 
before  that  could  be  done,  the  tent  was  consumed, 
and  Alexander  repented  of  his  orders,  all  his  papers 


ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT 


EUMENES 


443 


being  burnt;  the  gold  and  silver,  however,  which  was 
melted  down  in  the  fire,  being  afterwards  collected, 
was  found  to  be  more  than  one  thousand  talents;  yet 
Alexander  took  none  of  it,  and  only  wrote  to  the 
several  governors  and  generals  to  send  new  copies  of 
the  papers  that  were  burnt,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
delivered  to  Eumenes. 

Another  difference  happened  between  him  and 
Hephsestion  concerning  a  gift,  and  a  great  deal  of  ill 
language  passed  between  them,  yet  Eumenes  still 
continued  in  favor.  But  Hephaestion  dying  soon 
after,  the  king,  in  his  grief,  presuming  all  those  that 
differed  with  Hephaestion  in  his  lifetime  were  now 
rejoicing  at  his  death,  showed  much  harshness  and 
severity  in  his  behavior  with  them,  especially  towards 
Eumenes,  whom  he  often  upbraided  with  his  quarrels 
and  ill  language  to  Hephaestion.  But  he,  being  a 
wise  and  dexterous  courtier,  made  advantage  of  what 
had  done  him  prejudice,  and  struck  in  with  the  king's 
passion  for  glorifying  his  friend's  memory,  suggest- 
ing various  plans  to  do  him  honor,  and  contributing 
largely  and  readily  towards  erecting  his  monument. 

After  Alexander's  death,  when  the  quarrel  broke 
out  between  the  troops  of  the  phalanx  and  the  officers, 
his  companions,  Eumenes,  though  in  his  judgment  he 
inclined  to  the  latter,  yet  in  his  professions  stood 
neuter,  as  if  he  thought  it  unbecoming  him,  who  was 
a  stranger,  to  interpose  in  the  private  quarrels  of  the 
Macedonians.  And  when  the  rest  of  Alexander's 
friends  left  Babylon,  he  stayed  behind,  and  did  much 
to  pacify  the  foot-soldiers,  and  to  dispose  them  to- 
wards an  accommodation.  And  when  the  officers  had 
agreed  among  themselves,  and,  recovering  from  the 
first  disorder,  proceeded  to  share  out  the  several 
commands  and  provinces,  they  made  Eumenes  gov- 
ernor of  Cappadocia  and  Paphlagonia,  and  all  the 


444  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


coast  upon  the  Pontic  Sea  as  far  as  Trebizond,  which 
at  that  time  was  not  subject  to  the  Macedonians,  for 
Ariarathes  kept  it  as  king,  but  Leonnatus  and  An- 
tigonus,  with  a  large  army,  were  to  put  him  in  pos- 
session of  it.  Antigonus,  already  filled  with  hopes 
of  his  own,  and  despising  all  men,  took  no  notice  of 
Perdiccas's  letters;  but  Leonnatus  with  his  army 
came  down  into  Phrygia  to  the  service  of  Eumenes. 
But  being  visited  by  Hecatseus,  the  tyrant  of  the  Car- 
dians,  and  requested  rather  to  relieve  Antipater  and 
the  Macedonians  that  were  besieged  in  Lamia,  he  re- 
solved upon  that  expedition,  inviting  Eumenes  to  a 
share  in  it,  and  endeavoring  to  reconcile  him  to  Hec- 
at£eus.  For  there  was  an  hereditary  feud  between 
them,  arising  out  of  political  differences,  and 
Eumenes  had  more  than  once  been  known  to  de- 
nounce Hecatgeus  as  a  tyrant,  and  to  exhort  Alexan- 
der to  restore  the  Cardians  their  liberty.  Therefore 
at  this  time,  also,  he  declined  the  expedition  proposed, 
pretending  that  he  feared  lest  Antipater,  who  already 
hated  him,  should  for  that  reason  and  to  gratify  Hec- 
at£eus,  kill  him.  Leonnatus  so  far  believed,  as  to 
impart  to  Eumenes  his  whole  design,  which,  as  he  had 
pretended  and  given  out,  was  to  aid  Antipater,  but 
in  truth  was  to  seize  the  kingdom  of  Macedon;  and 
he  showed  him  letters  from  Cleopatra,^  in  which,  it 
appeared,  she  invited  him  to  Pella,  with  promises  to 
marry  him.  But  Eumenes,  whether  fearing  Anti- 
pater, or  looking  upon  Leonnatus  as  a  rash,  head- 
strong, and  unsafe  man,  stole  away  from  him  by 
night,  taking  with  him  all  his  men,  namely,  three 
hundred  horse,  and  two  hundred  of  his  own  servants 
armed,  and  all  his  gold,  to  the  value  of  five  thousand 

^  Alexander's  own  sister ;  at  the  celebration  of  whose  mar- 
riage with  Alexander  of  Epirus,  Philip  was  killed. 


EUMENES 


445 


talents  of  silver,  and  fled  to  Perdiccas,  discovered  to 
him  Leonnatus's  design,  and  thus  gained  great  inter- 
est with  him,  and  was  made  of  the  council.  Soon  after, 
Perdiccas,  with  a  great  army,  which  he  led  himself, 
conducted  Eumenes  into  Cappadocia,  and,  having 
taken  Ariarathes  prisoner,  and  subdued  the  whole 
country,  declared  him  governor  of  it.  He  accord- 
ingly proceeded  to  dispose  of  the  chief  cities  among 
his  own  friends  and  made  captains  of  garrisons, 
judges,  receivers,  and  other  officers,  of  such  as  he 
thought  fit  himself,  Perdiccas  not  at  all  interposing. 
Eumenes,  however,  still  continued  to  attend  upon 
Perdiccas,  both  out  of  respect  to  him,  and  a  desire  not 
to  be  absent  from  the  royal  family. 

But  Perdiccas,  believing  he  was  able  enough  to 
attain  his  own  further  objects  without  assistance,  and 
that  the  country  he  left  behind  him  might  stand  in 
need  of  an  active  and  faithful  governor,  when  he  came 
into  Cilicia,  dismissed  Eumenes  under  color  of  send- 
ing him  to  his  command,  but  in  truth  to  secure  Ar- 
menia, which  was  on  its  frontier,  and  was  unsettled 
through  the  practices  of  Neoptolemus.  Him  a  proud 
and  vain  man,  Eumenes  exerted  himself  to  gain  by 
personal  attentions;  but  to  balance  the  Macedonian 
foot,  whom  he  found  insolent  and  self-willed,  he  con- 
trived to  raise  an  army  of  horse,  excusing  from  tax 
and  contribution  all  those  of  the  country  that  were 
able  to  serve  on  horseback,  and  buying  up  a  number 
of  horses,  which  he  distributed  among  such  of  his  own 
men  as  he  most  confided  in,  stimulating  the  courage 
of  his  new  soldiers  by  gifts  and  honors,  and  inuring 
their  bodies  to  service  by  frequent  marching  and  exer- 
cising; so  that  the  Macedonians  were  some  of  them 
astonished,  others  overjoj^ed,  to  see  that  in  so  short  a 
time  he  had  got  together  a  body  of  no  less  than  six 
thousand  three  hundred  horsemen. 


446  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


But  when  Craterus  and  Antipater,  having  sub- 
dued the  Greeks,  advanced  into  Asia,  with  intentions 
to  quell  the  power  of  Perdiccas,  and  were  reported  to 
design  an  invasion  of  Cappadocia,  Perdiccas,  resolv- 
ing himself  to  march  against  Ptolemy,  made  Eumenes 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  of  Armenia  and 
Cappadocia,  and  to  that  purpose  wrote  letters,  requir- 
ing Alcetas  and  Neoptolemus  to  be  obedient  to 
Eumenes,  and  giving  full  commission  to  Eumenes  to 
dispose  and  order  all  things  as  he  thought  fit.  Alce- 
tas flatly  refused  to  serve,  because  his  Macedonians, 
he  said,  were  ashamed  to  fight  against  Antipater,  and 
loved  Craterus  so  well,  they  were  ready  to  receive  him 
for  their  commander.  Neoptolemus  designed  treach- 
ery against  Eumenes,  but  was  discovered;  and  being 
summoned,  refused  to  obey,  and  put  himself  in  a  pos- 
ture of  defence.  Here  Eumenes  first  found  the  bene- 
fit of  his  own  foresight  and  contrivance,  for  his  foot 
being  beaten,  he  routed  Neoptolemus  with  his  horse, 
and  took  all  his  baggage;  and  coming  up  with  his 
whole  force  upon  the  phalanx  while  broken  and  dis- 
ordered in  its  flight,  obliged  the  men  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  and  take  an  oath  to  serve  under  him.  Neop- 
tolemus, with  some  few  stragglers  whom  he  rallied, 
fled  to  Craterus  and  Antipater.  From  them  had 
come  an  embassy  to  Eumenes,  inviting  him  over  to 
their  side,  offering  to  secure  him  in  his  present  gov- 
ernment and  to  give  him  additional  command,  both 
of  men  and  of  territory,  with  the  advantage  of  gain- 
ing his  enemy  Antipater  to  become  his  friend,  and 
keeping  Craterus  his  friend  from  turning  to  be  his 
enemy.  To  which  Eumenes  replied,  that  he  could 
not  so  suddenly  be  reconciled  to  his  old  enemy  Anti- 
pater, especially  at  a  time  when  he  saw  him  use  his 
friends  like  enemies,  but  was  ready  to  reconcile  Cra- 
terus to  Perdiccas,  upon  any  just  and  equitable  terms; 


EUMENES 


447 


but  in  case  of  any  aggression,  he  would  resist  the  in- 
justice to  his  last  breath,  and  would  rather  lose  his  life 
than  betray  his  word. 

Antipater,  receiving  this  answer,  took  time  to  con- 
sider upon  the  whole  matter;  when  Neoptolemus  ar- 
rived from  his  defeat,  and  acquainted  them  with  the 
ill  success  of  his  arms,  and  urged  them  to  give  him 
assistance,  to  come,  both  of  them,  if  possible,  but 
Craterus  at  any  rate,  for  the  Macedonians  loved  him 
so  excessively,  that  if  they  saw  but  his  hat,^  or  heard 
his  voice,  they  would  all  pass  over  in  a  body  with  their 
arms.  And  in  truth,  Craterus  had  a  mighty  name 
among  them,  and  the  soldiers  after  Alexander's  death 
were  extremely  fond  of  him,  remembering  how  he 
had  often  for  their  sakes  incurred  Alexander's  dis- 
pleasure, doing  his  best  to  withhold  him  when  he 
began  to  follow  the  Persian  fashions,  and  always 
maintaining  the  customs  of  his  country,  when,  through 
pride  and  luxuriousness,  they  began  to  be  disregarded. 
Craterus,  therefore,  sent  on  Antipater  into  Cilicia, 
and  himself  and  Neoptolemus  marched  with  a  large 
division  of  the  army  against  Eumenes;  expecting  to 
come  upon  him  unawares,  and  to  find  his  army  disor- 
dered with  revelling  after  the  late  victory.  Now  that 
Eumenes  should  suspect  his  coming,  and  be  prepared 
to  receive  him,  is  an  argument  of  his  vigilance,  but 
not  perhaps  a  proof  of  any  extraordinary  sagacity, 
but  that  he  should  contrive  both  to  conceal  from  his 
enemies  the  disadvantages  of  his  position,  and  from 
his  own  men  whom  they  were  to  fight  with,  so  that 
he  led  them  on  against  Craterus  himself,  without 
their  knowing  that  he  commanded  the  enemy,  this, 

^  His  hat  should  be  rather,  perhaps,  his  bonnet;  it  is  the 
Macedonian  broad-flapping  causia,  which  their  kings,  even  in 
Egypt,  retained  as  a  mark  of  their  nationality.  See  the  ac- 
count in  the  Life  of  Antony,  Vol.  V. 


448  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


indeed,  seems  to  show  peculiar  address  and  skill  in 
the  general.  He  gave  out  that  Neoptolemus  and 
Pigres  were  approaching  with  some  Cappadocian  and 
Paphlagonian  horse.  And  at  night,  having  resolved 
on  marching,  he  fell  asleep,  and  had  an  extraordinary 
dream.  For  he  thought  he  saw  two  Alexanders 
ready  to  engage,  each  commanding  his  several  pha- 
lanx, the  one  assisted  by  Minerva,  the  other  by  Ceres ; 
and  that  after  a  hot  dispute,  he  on  whose  side  Minerva 
was,  w^as  beaten,  and  Ceres,  gathering  ears  of  corn, 
wove  them  into  a  crown  for  the  victor.  This  vision 
Eumenes  interpreted  at  once  as  boding  success  to 
himself,  who  was  to  fight  for  a  fruitful  country,  and 
at  that  very  time  covered  with  the  young  ears,  the 
whole  being  sowed  with  corn,  and  the  fields  so  thick 
with  it,  that  they  made  a  beautiful  show  of  a  long 
peace.  And  he  was  further  emboldened,  when  he 
understood  that  the  enemy's  pass-word  was  Minerva 
and  Alexander.  Accordingly  he  also  gave  out  as 
his,  Ceres  and  Alexander,  and  gave  his  men  orders 
to  make  garlands  for  themselves,  and  to  dress  their 
arms  with  wreaths  of  corn.  He  found  himself  under 
many  temptations  to  discover  to  his  captains  and 
officers  whom  the^^  were  to  engage  with,  and  not  to 
conceal  a  secret  of  such  moment  in  his  own  breast 
alone,  yet  he  kept  to  his  first  resolutions,  and  ven- 
tured to  run  the  hazard  of  his  own  judgment. 

When  he  came  to  give  battle,  he  would  not  trust 
any  Macedonian  to  engage  Craterus,  but  appointed 
two  troops  of  foreign  horse,  commanded  by  Pharna- 
bazus,  son  to  Artabazus,  and  Phoenix  of  Tenedos, 
with  order  to  charge  as  soon  as  ever  they  saw  the 
enemy,  without  giving  them  leisure  to  speak  or  retire, 
or  receiving  any  herald  or  trumpet  from  them.  For 
he  was  exceedingly  afraid  about  his  JMacedonians, 
lest,  if  they  found  out  Craterus  to  be  there,  they 


EUMENES 


449 


should  go  over  to  his  side.  He  himself,  with  three 
hundred  of  his  best  horse,  led  the  right  wing  against 
Neoptolemus.  When  having  passed  a  little  hill  they 
came  in  view,  and  were  seen  advancing  with  more 
than  ordinary  briskness,  Craterus  was  amazed,  and 
bitterly  reproached  Neoptolemus  for  deceiving  him 
with  hopes  of  the  Macedonians'  revolt,  but  he  encour- 
aged his  men  to  do  bravely,  and  forthwith  charged. 
The  first  engagement  was  very  fierce,  and  the  spears 
being  soon  broken  to  pieces,  they  came  to  close  fight- 
ing with  their  swords;  and  here  Craterus  did  by  no 
means  dishonor  Alexander,  but  slew  many  of  his 
enemies,  and  repulsed  many  assaults,  but  at  last  re- 
ceived a  wound  in  his  side  from  a  Thracian,  and  fell 
off  his  horse.  Being  down,  many  not  knowing  him 
went  past  him,  but  Gorgias,  one  of  Eumenes's  cap- 
tains, knew  him,  and  alighting  from  his  horse,  kept 
guard  over  him,  as  he  lay  badly  wounded  and  slowly 
dying.  In  the  mean  time  Neoptolemus  and  Eumenes 
were  engaged ;  who,  being  inveterate  and  mortal  ene- 
mies, sought  for  one  another,  but  missed  for  the  two 
first  courses,  but  in  the  third  discovering  one  another, 
they  drew  their  swords,  and  with  loud  shouts  imme- 
diately charged.  And  their  horses  striking  against 
one  another  like  two  galleys,  they  quitted  their  reins, 
and  taking  mutual  hold  pulled  at  one  another's  hel- 
mets, and  at  the  armor  from  their  shoulders.  While 
they  were  thus  struggling,  their  horses  went  from 
under  them,  and  they  fell  together  to  the  ground, 
there  again  still  keeping  their  hold  and  wrestling. 
Neoptolemus  was  getting  up  first,  but  Eumenes 
wounded  him  in  the  ham,  and  got  upon  his  feet  before 
him.  Neoptolemus  supporting  himself  upon  one 
knee,  the  other  leg  being  disabled,  and  himself  under- 
most, fought  courageously,  though  his  blows  were  not 
mortal,  but  receiving  a  stroke  in  the  neck  he  fell  and 


'450 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


ceased  to  resist.  Eumenes,  transported  with  passion 
and  his  inveterate  hatred  to  him,  fell  to  reviling  and 
stripping  him,  and  perceived  not  that  his  sword  was 
still  in  his  hand.  And  with  this  he  wounded  Eumenes 
under  the  bottom  of  his  corselet  in  the  groin,  but  in 
truth  more  frightened  than  hurt  him;  his  blow  being 
faint  for  want  of  strength.  Having  stript  the  dead 
body,  ill  as  he  was  with  the  wounds  he  had  received 
in  his  legs  and  arms,  he  took  horse  again,  and  hurried 
towards  the  left  wing  of  his  army,  which  he  supposed 
to  be  still  engaged.  Hearing  of  the  death  of  Cra- 
terus,  he  rode  up  to  him,  and  finding  there  was  yet 
some  life  in  him,  alighted  from  his  horse  and  wept, 
and  laying  his  right  hand  upon  him,  inveighed  bit- 
terly against  Neoptolemus,  and  lamented  both  Cra- 
terus's  misfortune  and  his  own  hard  fate,  that  he 
should  be  necessitated  to  engage  against  an  old  friend 
and  acquaintance,  and  either  do  or  suffer  so  much 
mischief. 

This  victory  Eumenes  obtained  about  ten  days 
after  the  former,  and  got  great  reputation  alike  for 
his  conduct  and  his  valor  in  achieving  it.  But  on  the 
other  hand,  it  created  him  great  envy  among  his  own 
troops,  and  his  enemies,  that  he,  a  stranger  and  a 
foreigner,  should  employ  the  forces  and  arms  of 
Macedon,  to  cut  off  the  bravest  and  most  approved 
man  among  them.  Had  the  news  of  this  defeat  come 
timely  enough  to  Perdiccas,  he  had  doubtless  been  the 
greatest  of  all  the  Macedonians;  but  now,  he  being 
slain  in  a  mutiny  in  Egypt,  two  days  before  the  news 
arrived,  the  Macedonians  in  a  rage  decreed  Eumenes's 
death,  giving  joint  commission  to  Antigonus  and 
Antipater  to  prosecute  the  war  against  him.  Pass- 
ing by  Mount  Ida,  where  there  was  a  royal  establish- 
ment of  horses,  Eumenes  took  as  many  as  he  had 
occasion  for,  and  sent  an  account  of  his  doing  so  to 


EUMENES 


451 


the  overseers,  at  which  Antipater  is  said  to  have 
laughed,  calling  it  truly  laudable  in  Eumenes  thus  to 
hold  himself  prepared  for  giving  in  to  them  *  (or 
would  it  be  taking  from  them?)  strict  account  of  all 
matters  of  administration.  Eumenes  had  designed 
to  engage  in  the  plains  of  Lydia,  near  Sardis,  both 
because  his  chief  strength  lay  in  horse,  and  to  let 
Cleopatra  see  how  powerful  he  was.  But  at  her  par- 
ticular request,  for  she  was  afraid  to  give  any  um- 
brage to  Antipater,  he  marched  into  the  upper  Phry- 
gia,  and  wintered  in  Celsenge ;  when  Alcetas,  Polemon, 
and  Docimus  disputing  with  him  who  should  com- 
mand in  chief,  "  You  know,"  said  he,  "  the  old  saying, 
That  destruction  regards  no  punctilios."  Having 
promised  his  soldiers  pay  within  three  days,  he  sold 
them  all  the  farms  and  castles  in  the  country,  together 
with  the  men  and  beasts  with  which  they  were  filled ; 
every  captain  or  officer  that  bought,  received  from 
Eumenes  the  use  of  his  engines  to  storm  the  place^ 
and  divided  the  spoil  among  his  company,  propor- 
tionably  to  every  man's  arrears.  By  this  Eumenes 
came  again  to  be  popular,  so  that  when  letters  were 
found  thrown  about  the  camp  by  the  enemy,  promis- 
ing one  hundred  talents,  besides  great  honors,  to  any 
one  that  should  kill  Eumenes,  the  Macedonians  were 
extremely  offended,  and  made  an  order  that  from  that 
time  forward  one  thousand  of  their  best  men  should 
continually  guard  his  person,  and  keep  strict  watch 
about  him  by  night  in  their  several  turns.  This  order 
was  cheerfully  obeyed,  and  they  gladly  received  of 

*  That  is,  to  Antipater  and  (under  him)  Antigonus,  the 
former  of  whom,  since  Perdiccas's  death,  held  the  regency. 
Eumenes,  who  had  been  faithful  to  Perdiccas,  as  regent,  and 
was  now,  therefore,  treated  as  an  enemy  by  his  successors,  was 
anxious  to  maintain  his  relations  with  the  royal  family,  all  that 
iipw  was  left  for  him. 


:452 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Eumenes  the  same  honors  which  the  kings  used  to  con- 
fer upon  their  favorites.  He  now  had  leave  to  bestow 
purple  hats  and  cloaks,  which  among  the  Macedonians 
is  one  of  the  greatest  honors  the  king  can  give. 

Good  fortune  will  elevate  even  petty  minds,  and 
gives  them  the  appearance  of  a  certain  greatness  and 
stateliness,  as  from  their  high  place  they  look  down 
upon  the  world;  but  the  truly  noble  and  resolved 
spirit  raises  itself,  and  becomes  more  conspicuous  in 
times  of  disaster  and  ill  fortune,  as  was  now  the  case 
with  Eumenes.  For  having  by  the  treason  of  one  of 
his  own  men  lost  the  field  to  Antigonus  at  Orcynii,  in 
Cappadocia,  in  his  flight  he  gave  the  traitor  no  oppor- 
tunity to  escape  to  the  enemy,  but  immediately  seized 
and  hanged  him.  Then  in  his  flight,  taking  a  con- 
trary course  to  his  pursuers,  he  stole  by  them  un- 
awares, returned  to  the  place  where  the  battle  had 
been  fought,  and  encamped.  There  he  gathered  up 
the  dead  bodies,  and  burnt  them  with  the  doors  and 
windows  of  the  neighboring  villages,  and  raised  heaps 
of  earth  upon  their  graves ;  insomuch  that  Antigonus, 
who  came  thither  soon  after,  expressed  his  astonish- 
ment at  his  courage  and  firm  resolution.  Falling 
afterwards  upon  the  baggage  of  Antigonus,  he  might 
easily  have  taken  many  captives,  both  bond  and  free- 
men, and  much  wealth  collected  from  the  spoils  of  so 
many  wars;  but  he  feared  lest  his  men,  overladen  with 
so  much  booty,  might  become  unfit  for  rapid  retreat, 
and  too  fond  of  their  ease  to  sustain  the  continual 
marches  and  endure  the  long  waiting  on  which  he 
depended  for  success,  expecting  to  tire  Antigonus 
into  some  other  course.  But  then  considering  it 
would  be  extremely  difficult  to  restrain  the  Mace- 
donians from  plunder,  when  it  seemed  to  offer  itself, 
he  gave  them  order  to  refresh  themselves,  and  bait 
their  horses,  and  then  attack  the  enemy.    In  the 


EUMENES 


458 


mean  time  he  sent  privately  to  Menander,  who  had 
care  of  all  his  baggage,  professing  a  concern  for  him 
upon  the  score  of  old  friendship  and  acquaintance; 
and  therefore  advising  him  to  quit  the  plain  and  se- 
cure himself  upon  the  sides  of  the  neighboring  hills, 
where  the  horse  might  not  be  able  to  hem  him  in. 
When  Menander,  sensible  of  his  danger,  had  speedily- 
packed  up  his  goods  and  decamped,  Eumenes  openly 
sent  his  scouts  to  discover  the  enemy's  posture,  and 
commanded  his  men  to  arm,  and  bridle  their  horses, 
as  designing  immediately  to  give  battle ;  but  the  scouts 
returning  with  news  that  Menander  had  secured  so 
difficult  a  post  it  was  impossible  to  take  him, 
Eumenes,  pretending  to  be  grieved  with  the  disap- 
pointment, drew  off  his  men  another  way.  It  is  said 
that  when  Menander  reported  this  afterwards  to  An- 
tigonus,  and  the  Macedonians  commended  Eumenes, 
imputing  it  to  his  singular  good-nature,  that  having 
it  in  his  power  to  make  slaves  of  their  children,  and 
outrage  their  wives,  he  forebore  and  spared  them  all, 
Antigonus  replied,  "  Alas,  good  friends,  he  had  no 
regard  to  us,  but  to  himself,  being  loath  to  wear  so 
many  shackles  when  he  designed  to  fly." 

From  this  time  Eumenes,  daily  flying  and  wan- 
dering about,  persuaded  many  of  his  men  to  disband, 
whether  out  of  kindness  to  them,  or  unwillingness  to 
lead  about  such  a  body  of  men  as  were  too  few  to  en- 
gage, and  too  many  to  fly  undiscovered.  Taking 
refuge  at  Nora,  a  place  on  the  confines  of  Lycaonia 
and  Cappadocia,  with  five  hundred  horse,  and  two 
hundred  heavy-armed  foot,  he  again  dismissed  as 
many  of  his  friends  as  desired  it,  through  fear  of  the 
probable  hardships  to  be  encountered  there,  and  em- 
bracing them  with  all  demonstrations  of  kindness, 
gave  them  license  to  depart.  Antigonus,  when  he 
came  before  this  fort,  desired  to  have  an  interview; 


454  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


with  Eumenes  before  the  siege;  but  he  returned  an- 
swer, that  Antigonus  had  many  friends  who  might 
command  in  his  room;  but  they  whom  Eumenes  de- 
fended, had  no  body  to  substitute  if  he  should  mis- 
carry; therefore,  if  Antigonus  thought  it  worth  while 
to  treat  with  him,  he  should  first  send  him  hostages. 
And  when  Antigonus  required  that  Eumenes  should 
first  address  himself  to  him  as  his  superior,  he  replied, 
"  While  I  am  able  to  wield  a  sword,  I  shall  think  no 
man  greater  than  myself."  At  last,  when  according  to 
Eumenes's  demand,  Antigonus  sent  his  own  nephew 
Ptolemy  to  the  fort,  Eumenes  went  out  to  him, 
and  they  mutually  embraced  with  great  tenderness 
and  friendship,  as  having  formerly  been  very  inti- 
mate. After  long  conversation,  Eumenes  making  no 
mention  of  his  own  pardon  and  security,  but  requiring 
that  he  should  be  con^firmed  in  his  several  govern- 
ments, and  restitution  be  made  him  of  the  rewards  of 
his  service,  all  that  were  present  were  astonished  at 
his  courage  and  gallantry.  And  many  of  the  Mace- 
donians flocked  to  see  what  sort  of  person  Eumenes 
was,  for  since  the  death  of  Craterus,  no  man  had  been 
so  much  talked  of  in  the  army.  But  Antigonus,  being 
afraid  lest  he  might  suffer  some  violence,  first  com- 
manded the  soldiers  to  keep  off,  calling  out  and  throw- 
ing stones  at  those  who  pressed  forwards.  At  last, 
taking  Eumenes  in  his  arms,  and  keeping  off  the 
crowd  with  his  guards,  not  without  great  difficulty,  he 
returned  him  safe  into  the  fort. 

Then  Antigonus,  having  built  a  wall  round  Nora, 
left  a  force  sufficient  to  carry  on  the  siege,  and  drew 
off  the  rest  of  his  army;  and  Eumenes  was  belea- 
guered and  kept  garrison,  having  plenty  of  corn  and 
water  and  salt,  but  no  other  thing,  either  for  food,  or 
delicacy;  yet  with  such  as  he  had,  he  kept  a  cheerful 
table  for  his  friends,  inviting  them  severally  in  their 


EUMENES 


455 


turns,  and  seasoning  his  entertainment  with  a  gentle 
and  affable  behavior.  For  he  had  a  pleasant  coun- 
tenance, and  looked  not  like  an  old  and  practised  sol- 
dier, but  was  smooth  and  florid,  and  his  shape  as  deli- 
cate as  if  his  limbs  had  been  carved  by  art  in  the  most 
accurate  proportions.  He  was  not  a  great  orator, 
but  winning  and  persuasive,  as  may  be  seen  in  his 
letters.  The  greatest  distress  of  the  besieged  was  the 
narrowness  of  the  place  they  were  in,  their  quarters 
being  very  confined,  and  the  whole  place  but  two 
furlongs  in  compass;  so  that  both  they  and  their 
horses  fed  without  exercise.  Accordingly,  not  only 
to  prevent  the  listlessness  of  such  inactive  living,  but 
to  have  them  in  condition  to  fly  if  occasion  required, 
he  assigned  a  room  one  and  twenty  feet  long,  the 
largest  in  all  the  fort,  for  the  men  to  walk  in,  direct- 
ing them  to  begin  their  walk  gently,  and  so  gradually 
mend  their  pace.  And  for  the  horses,  he  tied  them 
to  the  roof  with  great  halters,  fastening  which  about 
their  necks,  with  a  pulley  he  gently  raised  them,  till 
standing  upon  the  ground  with  their  hinder  feet,  they 
just  touched  it  with  the  very  ends  of  their  fore  feet. 
In  this  posture  the  grooms  plied  them  with  whips  and 
shouts,  provoking  them  to  curvet  and  kick  out  with 
their  hind  legs,  struggling  and  stamping  at  the  same 
time  to  find  support  for  their  fore  feet,  and  thus  their 
whole  body  was  exercised,  till  they  were  all  in  a  foam 
and  sweat ;  excellent  exercise,  whether  for  strength  or 
speed;  and  then  he  gave  them  their  corn  already 
coarsely  ground,  that  they  might  sooner  despatch,  and 
better  digest  it. 

The  siege  continuing  long,  Antigonus  received 
advice  that  Antipater  was  dead  in  Macedon,  and  that 
affairs  were  embroiled  by  the  differences  of  Cassander 
and  Polysperchon,  upon  which  he  conceived  no  mean 
hopes,  purposing  to  make  himself  master  of  all,  and. 


456 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


in  order  to  his  design,  thought  to  bring  over  Eumenes, 
that  he  might  have  his  advice  and  assistance.  He, 
therefore,  sent  Hieronymus  ^  to  treat  with  him,  pro- 
posing a  certain  oath,  which  Eumenes  first  corrected, 
and  then  referred  himself  to  the  Macedonians  them- 
selves that  besieged  him,  to  be  judged  by  them,  which 
of  the  two  forms  were  the  most  equitable.  Antigonus 
in  the  beginning  of  his  had  slightly  mentioned  the 
kings  ^  as  by  way  of  ceremony,  while  all  the  sequel 
referred  to  himself  alone;  but  Eumenes  changed  the. 
form  of  it  to  Olympias  and  the  kings,  and  proceeded 
to  swear  not  to  be  true  to  Antigonus  only,  but  to 
them,  and  to  have  the  same  friends  and  enemies,  not 
with  Antigonus,  but  with  Olympias  and  the  kings. 
This  form  the  Macedonians  thinking  the  more  reason- 
able, swore  Eumenes  according  to  it,  and  raised  the 
siege,  sending  also  to  Antigonus,  that  he  should  swear 
in  the  same  form  to  Eumenes.  Meantime,  all  the 
hostages  of  the  Cappadocians  whom  Eumenes  had  in 
ISTora  he  returned,  obtaining  from  their  friends  war 
horses,  beasts  of  carriage,  and  tents  in  exchange. 
And  collecting  again  all  the  soldiers  who  had  dis- 
persed at  the  time  of  his  flight,  and  were  now  wan- 
dering about  the  country,  he  got  together  a  body  of 
near  a  thousand  horse,  and  with  them  fled  from  Anti- 
gonous  whom  he  justly  feared.  For  he  had  sent  or- 
ders not  only  to  have  him  blocked  up  and  besieged 
again,  but  had  given  a  very  sharp  answer  to  the  Mace- 

^  Hieronymus  of  Cardia,  his  countryman,  who  afterwards 
wrote  his  life. 

^  Arrhidaeus  Philip,  and  Alexander  ^gus,  the  former  the  son 
of  Philip,  the  latter  Alexander's  posthumous  child  by  Roxana, 
the  regents  for  whom  had  been,  first,  Perdiccas,  on  his  death 
Antipater,  and  now,  by  Antipater's  will,  Polysperchon. 


EUMENES 


:457 


donians,  for  admitting  Eumenes's  amendment  of  the 
oath. 

While  Eumenes  was  flying,  he  received  letters  from 
those  in  Macedonia,  who  were  jealous  of  Antigonus's 
greatness,  from  Olympias,  inviting  him  thither,  to 
take  the  charge  and  protection  of  Alexander's  infant 
son,  whose  person  was  in  danger,  and  other  letters 
from  Polysperchon,  and  Philip  the  king,  requiring 
him  to  make  war  upon  Antigonus,  as  general  of  the 
forces  in  Cappadocia,  and  empowering  him  out  of 
the  treasure  at  Quinda  to  take  five  hundred  talents, 
compensation  for  his  own  losses,  and  to  levy  as  much 
as  he  thought  necessary  to  carry  on  the  war.  They 
wrote  also  to  the  same  effect  to  Antigenes  and  Teu- 
tamus,  the  chief  officers  of  the  Argyraspids;  who,  on 
receiving  these  letters,  treated  Eumenes  with  a  show 
of  respect  and  kindness ;  but  it  was  apparent  enough 
they  were  full  of  envy  and  emulation,  disdaining  to 
give  place  to  him.  Their  envy  Eumenes  moderated, 
by  refusing  to  accept  the  money,  as  if  he  had  not 
needed  it;  and  their  ambition  and  emulation,  who 
were  neither  able  to  govern,  nor  willing  to  obey,  he 
conquered  by  help  of  superstition.  For  he  told  them 
that  Alexander  had  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  and 
showed  him  a  regal  pavilion  richly  furnished,  with  a 
throne  in  it ;  and  told  him  if  they  would  sit  in  council 
there,  he  himself  would  be  present,  and  prosper  all 
the  consultations  and  actions  upon  which  they  should 
enter  in  his  name.  Antigenes  and  Teutamus  were 
easily  prevailed  upon  to  believe  this,  being  as  little 
willing  to  come  and  consult  Eumenes,  as  he  himself 
was  to  be  seen  waiting  at  other  men's  doors.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  erected  a  tent  royal,  and  a  throne, 
called  Alexander's,  and  there  they  met  to  consult 
upon  all  affairs  of  moment. 

Afterwards  they  advanced  into  the  interior  of 


458 


PLUTARCH^S  -LIVES 


Asia,  and  in  their  march  met  with  Peucestes/  who 
was  friendly  to  them,  and  with  the  other  satraps,  who 
joined  forces  A\ith  them,  and  greatly  encouraged  the 
Macedonians  -v^dth  the  number  and  appearance  of 
their  men.  But  they  themselves,  having  since  Alex- 
ander's decease  become  imperious  and  ungoverned  in 
their  tempers,  and  luxurious  in  their  daily  habits, 
imagining  themselves  great  princes,  and  pampered  in 
their  conceit  b^^  the  flattery  of  the  barbarians,  when  all 
these  conflicting  pretensions  now  came  together,  were 
soon  found  to  be  exacting  and  quarrelsome  one  with 
another,  while  all  alike  unmeasurably  flattered  the 
Macedonians,  giving  them  money  for  revels  and  sac- 
rifices, till  in  a  short  time  they  brought  the  camp  to  be 
a  dissolute  place  of  entertainment,  and  the  army  a 
mere  multitude  of  voters,  canvassed  as  in  a  democracy 
for  the  election  of  this  or  that  commander.  Eumenes, 
perceiving  they  despised  one  another,  and  all  of  them 
feared  him,  and  sought  an  opportunity  to  kill  him, 
pretended  to  be  in  want  of  mone}'',  and  borrowed 
many  talents,  of  those  especially  who  most  hated  him, 
to  make  them  at  once  confide  in  him,  and  forbear  all 
violence  to  him  for  fear  of  losing  their  own  money. 
Thus  his  enemies'  estates  were  the  guard  of  his  per- 
son, and  by  receiving  money  he  purchased  safetj^  for 
which  it  is  more  common  to  give  it. 

The  Macedonians,  also,  while  there  was  no  show 
of  danger,  allowed  themselves  to  be  corrupted,  and 
made  all  their  court  to  those  who  gave  them  presents, 
who  had  their  body-guards,  and  affected  to  appear  as 
generals-in-chief.  But  when  x4ntigonus  came  upon 
them  with  a  great  arm}^  and  their  affairs  themselves 

'  The  satrap  or  governor  of  Persia ;  the  other  satraps  are 
also  all  of  the  eastern  provinces,  in  which  the  action  continues 
down  to  Eumenes's  death. 


EUMENES 


459! 


seemed  to  call  out  for  a  true  general,  then  not  only 
the  common  soldiers  cast  their  eyes  upon  Eumenes, 
these  men,  who  had  appeared  so  great  in  a  peaceful 
time  of  ease,  submitted  all  of  them  to  him,  and  quietly 
posted  themselves  severally  as  he  appointed  them. 
And  when  Antigonus  attempted  to  pass  the  river 
Pasitigris,  all  the  rest  that  were  appointed  to  guard 
the  passes  were  not  so  much  as  aware  of  his  march; 
only  Eumenes  met  and  encountered  him,  slew  many 
of  his  men,  and  filled  the  river  with  the  dead,  and  took 
four  thousand  prisoners.  But  it  was  most  particu- 
larly when  Eumenes  was  sick,  that  the  Macedonians 
let  it  be  seen  how  in  their  judgment,  while  others 
could  feast  them  handsomely  and  make  entertain- 
ments, he  alone  knew  how  to  fight  and  lead  an  army. 
For  Peucestes,  having  made  a  splendid  entertainment 
in  Persia,  and  given  each  of  the  soldiers  a  sheep  to 
sacrifice  with,  made  himself  sure  of  being  commander- 
in-chief.  Some  few  days  after,  the  army  was  to 
march,  and  Eumenes,  having  been  dangerously  ill, 
was  carried  in  a  litter  apart  from  the  body  of  the 
army,  that  any  rest  he  got  might  not  be  disturbed. 
But  when  they  were  a  little  advanced,  unexpectedly 
they  had  a  view  of  the  enemy,  who  had  passed  the  hills 
that  lay  between  them,  and  was  marching  down  into 
the  plain.  At  the  sight  of  the  golden  armor  glitter- 
ing in  the  sun  as  they  marched  down  in  their  order,  the 
elephants  with  their  castles  on  their  backs,  and  the 
men  in  their  purple,  as  their  manner  was  when  they 
were  going  to  give  battle,  the  front  stopped  their 
march,  and  called  out  for  Eumenes,  for  they  would 
not  advance  a  step  but  under  his  conduct ;  and  fixing 
their  arms  in  the  ground,  gave  the  word  among  them- 
selves to  stand,  requiring  their  officers  also  not  to  stir 
or  engage  or  hazard  themselves  without  Eumenes. 
News  of  this  being  brought  to  Eumenes,  he  hastened 


460 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


those  that  carried  his  litter,  and  drawing  back  the  cur- 
tains on  both  sides,  joyfully  put  forth  his  right  hand. 
As  soon  as  the  soldiers  saw  him,  they  saluted  him  in 
their  Macedonian  dialect,  and  took  up  their  shields, 
and  striking  them  with  their  pikes,  gave  a  great 
shout;  inviting  the  enemy  to  come  on,  for  now  they 
had  a  leader. 

Antigonus  understanding  by  some  prisoners  he 
had  taken  that  Eumenes  was  out  of  health,  to  that 
degree  that  he  was  carried  in  a  litter,  presumed  it 
would  be  no  hard  matter  to  crush  the  rest  of  them, 
since  he  was  ill.  He  therefore  made  the  greater  haste 
to  come  up  with  them  and  engage.  But  being  come 
so  near  as  to  discover  how  the  enemy  was  drawn  up 
and  appointed,  he  was  astonished,  and  paused  for 
some  time ;  at  last  he  saw  the  litter  carrying  from  one 
wing  of  the  army  to  the  other,  and,  as  his  manner  was, 
laughing  aloud,  he  said  to  his  friends,  "That  litter 
there,  it  seems,  is  the  thing  that  offers  us  battle;"  and 
immediately  wheeled  about,  retired  with  all  his  army, 
and  pitched  his  camp.  The  men  on  the  other  side, 
finding  a  little  respite,  returned  to  their  former  hab- 
its, and  allowing  themselves  to  be  flattered,  and  mak- 
ing the  most  of  the  indulgence  of  their  generals,  took 
up  their  winter  quarters  near  the  whole  country  of  the 
Gabeni,^  so  that  the  front  was  quartered  nearly  a 
thousand  furlongs  from  the  rear;  which  Antigonus 
understanding,  marched  suddenly  t»  '^s  them,  tak- 
ing the  most  difficult  road  through  a  country  that 
wanted  water ;  but  the  way  was  short  though  uneven ; 
hoping,  if  he  should  surprise  them  thus  scattered  in 
their  winter  quarters,  the  soldiers  would  not  easily  be 
able  to  come  up  time  enough,  and  join  with  their  offi- 
cers.   But  having  to  pass  through  a  country  uninhab- 

^  Gabene,  or  Gabiene. 


EUMENES 


461 


ited,  where  he  met  with  violent  winds  and  severe 
frosts,  he  was  much  checked  in  his  march,  and  his  men 
suffered  exceedingly.  The  only  possible  relief  was 
making  numerous  fires,  by  which  his  enemies  got  no- 
tice of  his  coming.  For  the  barbarians  who  dwelt  on 
the  mountains  overlooking  the  desert,  amazed  at  the 
multitude  of  fires  they  saw,  sent  messengers  upon 
dromedaries  to  acquaint  Peucestes.  He  being  as- 
tonished and  almost  out  of  his  senses  with  the  news, 
and  finding  the  rest  in  no  less  disorder,  resolved  to 
fly,  and  collect  what  men  he  could  by  the  way.  But 
Eumenes  relieved  him  from  his  fear  and  trouble,  un- 
dertaking so  to  stop  the  enemy's  advance,  that  he 
should  arrive  three  days  later  than  he  was  expected. 
Having  persuaded  them,  he  immediately  despatched 
expresses  to  all  the  officers  to  draw  the  men  out  of 
their  winter  quarters,  and  muster  them  with  all  speed. 
He  himself  with  some  of  the  chief  officers  rode  out, 
and  chose  an  elevated  tract  within  view,  at  a  distance, 
of  such  as  travelled  the  desert;  this  he  occupied  and 
quartered  out,  and  commanded  many  fires  to  be  made 
in  it,  as  the  custom  is  in  a  camp.  This  done,  and  the 
enemies  seeing  the  fire  upon  the  mountains,  Antigo- 
nus  was  filled  with  vexation  and  despondency,  sup- 
posing that  his  enemies  had  been  long  since  advertised 
of  his  march,  and  were  prepared  to  receive  him. 
Therefore,  lest  his  army,  now  tired  and  wearied  out 
with  their  march,  should  be  forced  immediately  to  en- 
counter with  fresh  men,  who  had  wintered  well,  and 
were  ready  for  him,  quitting  the  near  way,  he  marched 
slowly  through  the  towns  and  villages  to  refresh  his 
men.  But  meeting  with  no  such  skirmishes  as  are 
usual  when  two  armies  lie  near  one  another,  and  being 
assured  by  the  people  of  the  country  that  no  army 
had  been  seen,  but  only  continual  fires  in  that  place, 
he  concluded  he  had  been  outwitted  by  a  stratagem  of 


'462 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Eumenes,  and  much  troubled,  advanced  to  give  open 
battle. 

By  this  time,  the  greatest  part  of  the  forces  were 
come  together  to  Eumenes,  and  admiring  his  sagacity, 
declared  him  alone  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole 
army;  upon  with  Antigenes  and  Teutamus,  the  com- 
manders of  the  Argyraspids,  being  very  much  of- 
fended, and  envying  Eumenes,  formed  a  conspiracy 
against  him;  and  assembling  the  greater  part  of  the 
satraps  and  officers,  consulted  when  and  how  to  cut 
him  off.  When  they  had  unanimously  agreed,  first 
to  use  his  service  in  the  next  battle,  and  then  to  take 
an  occasion  to  destroy  him,  Eudamus,  the  master  of 
ihe  elephants,  and  Phsedimus,  gave  Eumenes  private 
advice  of  this  design,  not  out  of  kindness  or  good-will 
to  him,  but  lest  they  should  lose  the  money  they  had 
lent  him.  Eumenes,  having  commended  them,  re- 
tired to  his  tent,  and  telling  his  friends  he  lived  amnog 
a  herd  of  wild  beasts,  made  his  will,  and  tore  up  all  his 
letters,  lest  his  correspondents  after  his  death  should 
be  questioned  or  punished  on  account  of  anything  in 
his  secret  papers.  Having  thus  disposed  of  his  af- 
fairs, he  thought  of  letting  the  enemy  win  the  field,  or 
of  flying  through  Media  and  Armenia  and  seizing 
Cappadocia,  but  came  to  no  resolution  while  his 
friends  stayed  with  him.  After  turning  to  many  ex- 
pedients in  his  mind,  which  his  changeable  fortune  had 
made  versatile,  he  at  last  put  his  men  in  array,  and 
encouraged  the  Greeks  and  barbarians;  as  for  the 
phalanx  and  the  Argyraspids,  they  encouraged  him, 
and  bade  him  be  of  good  heart,  for  the  enemy  would 
never  be  able  to  stand  them.  For  indeed  they  were 
the  oldest  of  Philip's  and  Alexander's  soldiers,  tried 
men,  that  had  long  made  war  their  exercise,  that  had 
never  been  beaten  or  foiled;  most  of  them  seventy, 
none  less  than  sixty  years  old.    And  so  when  they 


EUMENES 


463 


charged  Antigonus's  men,  they  cried  out,  "You  fight 
against  your  fathers,  you  rascals,"  and  furiously  fall- 
ing on,  routed  the  whole  phalanx  at  once,  nobody  be- 
ing able  to  stand  them,  and  the  greatest  part  dying  by 
their  hands.  So  that  Antigonus's  foot  were  routed, 
but  his  horse  got  the  better,  and  he  became  master  of 
the  baggage,  through  the  cowardice  of  Peucestes,  who 
behaved  himself  negligently  and  basely;  while  Anti- 
gonus  used  his  judgment  calmly  in  the  danger,  being 
aided  moreover  by  the  ground.  For  the  place  where 
they  fought  was  a  large  plain,  neither  deep,  nor  hard 
under  foot,  but,  like  the  sea-shore,  covered  with  a  fine 
soft  sand,  which  the  treading  of  so  many  men  and 
horses,  in  the  time  of  the  battle,  reduced  to  a  small 
white  dust,  that  like  a  cloud  of  lime  darkened  the  air, 
so  that  one  could  not  see  clearly  at  any  distance,  and 
so  made  it  easy  for  Antigonus  to  take  the  baggage  un- 
perceived. 

After  the  battle,  Teutamus  sent  a  message  to  An- 
tigonus to  demand  the  baggage.  He  made  answer, 
he  would  not  only  restore  it  to  the  Argyaspids,  but 
serve  them  further  in  other  things  if  thev  would  but 
deliver  up  Eumenes.  Upon  which  the  Argyraspids 
took  a  villanous  resolution  to  deliver  him  up  alive  into 
the  hands  of  his  enemies.  So  they  came  to  wait  upon 
him,  being  unsuspected  by  him,  but  watching  their 
opportunity,  some  lamenting  the  loss  of  the  baggage, 
some  encouraging  him  as  if  he  had  been  victor,  some 
accusing  the  other  commanders,  till  at  last  they  all  fell 
upon  him,  and  seizing  his  sword,  bound  his  hands  be- 
hind him  with  his  own  girdle.  When  Antigonus  had 
sent  Nicanor  to  receive  him,  he  begged  he  might  be 
led  through  the  body  of  the  Macedonians,  and  have 
liberty  to  speak  to  them,  neither  to  request,  nor  de- 
precate any  thing,  but  only  to  advise  them  what  would 
be  for  their  interest.    A  silence  being  made,  as  he 


464  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


stood  upon  a  rising  ground,  he  stretched  out  his  hands 
bound,  and  said,  "What  trophy,  O  ye  basest  of  all  the 
Macedonians,  could  Antigonus  have  wished  for  so 
great  as  you  yourselves  have  erected  for  him,  in  de- 
livering up  your  general  captive  into  his  hands  ?  You 
are  not  ashamed,  when  you  are  conquerors,  to  own 
yourselves  conquered,  for  the  sake  only  of  your  bag- 
gage, as  if  it  were  wealth,  not  arms,  wherein  victory 
consisted ;  nay,  you  deliver  up  your  general  to  redeem 
your  stuff.  As  for  me,  I  am  unvanquished,  though  a 
captive,  conqueror  of  my  enemies,  and  betrayed  by  my 
fellow  soldiers.  For  you,  I  adjure  you  by  Jupiter, 
the  protector  of  arms,  and  by  all  the  gods  that  are 
the  avengers  of  perjury,  to  kill  me  here  with  your  own 
hands ;  for  it  is  all  one ;  and  if  I  am  murdered  yonder, 
it  will  be  esteemed  your  act,  nor  will  Antigonus  com- 
plain, for  he  desires  not  Eumenes  alive,  but  dead.  Or 
if  you  withhold  your  own  hands,  release  but  one  of 
mine,  it  shall  suffice  to  do  the  work;  and  if  you  dare 
not  trust  me  with  a  sword,  throw  me  bound  as  I  am 
under  the  feet  of  the  wild  beasts.  This  if  you  do  I 
shall  freely  acquit  you  from  the  guilt  of  my  death,  as 
the  most  just  and  kind  of  men  to  their  general." 

While  Eumenes  was  thus  speaking,  the  rest  of  the 
soldiers  wept  for  grief,  but  the  Argyraspids  shouted 
out  to  lead  him  on,  and  give  no  attention  to  his  trifling. 
For  it  was  no  such  great  matter  if  this  Chersonesian 
pest  should  meet  his  death,  who  in  thousands  of  battles 
had  annoyed  and  wasted  the  Macedonians;  it  would 
be  a  much  more  grievous  thing  for  the  choicest  of  Phil- 
ip's and  Alexander's  soldiers  to  be  defrauded  of  the 
fruits  of  so  long  service,  and  in  their  old  age  to  come 
to  beg  their  bread,  and  to  leave  their  wives  three  nights 
in  the  power  of  their  enemies.  So  they  hurried  him 
on  with  violence.  But  Antigonus,  fearing  the  multi- 
tude, for  nobody  was  left  in  the  camp,  sent  ten  of  his 


EUMENES 


465 


strongest  elephants  with  divers  of  his  Mede  and  Par- 
thian lances  to  keep  off  the  press.  Then  he  could  not 
endure  to  have  Eumenes  brought  into  his  presence,  by 
reason  of  their  former  intimacy  and  friendship;  but 
when  they  that  had  taken  him  inquired  how  he  would 
have  him  kept,  "As  T  would,"  said  he,  "an  elephant  or 
a  lion."  A  little  after^  being  moved  with  compassion,  he 
commanded  the  heaviest  of  his  irons  to  be  knocked  off, 
one  of  his  servants  to  be  admitted  to  anoint  him,  and 
that  any  of  his  friends  that  were  willing  should  have 
liberty  to  visit  him,  and  bring  him  what  he  wanted. 
Long  time  he  deliberated  what  to  do  with  him,  some- 
times inclining  to  the  advice  and  promises  of  Near- 
chus  of  Crete,  and  Demetrius  his  son,  who  were  very 
earnest  to  preserve  Eumenes,  whilst  all  the  rest  were 
unaninlously  instant  and  importunate  to  have  him 
taken  off.  It  is  related  that  Eumenes  inquired  of  On- 
omarchus,  his  keeper,  why  Antigonus  now  he  had 
his  enemy  in  his  hands,  would  not  either  forthwith 
dispatch  or  generously  release  him?  And  that  Ono- 
marchus  contumeliously  answered  him,  that  the  field 
had  been  a  more  proper  place  than  this  to  show  his 
contempt  of  death.  To  whom  Eumenes  replied, 
"And  by  heavens,  I  showed  it  there;  ask  the  men  else 
that  engaged  me,  but  I  could  never  meet  a  man  that 
was  my  superior."  "Therefore,"  rejoined  Ono- 
marchus,  "now  you  have  found  such  a  man,  why  don't 
you  submit  quietly  to  his  pleasure?" 

When  Antigonus  resolved  to  kill  Eumenes,  he 
commanded  to  keep  his  food  from  him,  and  so  with 
two  or  three  days'  fasting  he  began  to  draw  near  his 
end;  but  the  camp  being  on  a  sudden  to  remove,  an 
executioner  was  sent  to  dispatch  him.  Antigonus 
granted  his  body  to  his  friends,  permitted  them  to 
burn  it,  and  having  gathered  his  ashes  into  a  silver 
urn^  to  send  them  to  his  wife  and  children. 


466 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 


Eumenes  was  thus  taken  off;  and  Divine  Provi- 
dence assigned  to  no  other  man  the  chastisement  of  the 
commanders  and  soldiers  that  had  betrayed  him;  but 
Antigonus  himself,  abominating  the  Argyraspids  as 
wicked  and  inhuman  villains,  delivered  them  up  to 
Sibyrtius,  the  governor  of  Arachosia,  commanding 
him  by  all  ways  and  means  to  destroy  and  exterminate 
them,  so  that  not  a  man  of  them  might  ever  come  to 
Macedon,  or  so  much  as  within  sight  of  the  Greek 
sea. 


COMPARISON  OF  SERTORIUS 
WITH  EUMENES 

These  are  the  most  remarkable  passages  that  are 
come  to  our  knowledge  concerning  Eumenes  and  Ser- 
torius.  In  comparing  their  lives,  we  may  observe 
that  this  was  common  to  them  both ;  that  being  aliens, 
strangers  and  banished  men,  they  came  to  be  com- 
manders of  powerful  forces,  and  had  the  leading  of 
numerous  and  warlike  armies,  made  up  of  divers  na- 
tions. This  was  peculiar  to  Sertorius,  that  the  chief 
command  was,  by  his  whole  party,  freely  yielded  to 
him,  as  to  the  person  of  the  greatest  merit  and  re- 
nown, whereas  Eumenes  had  many  who  contested  the 
office  with  him,  and  only  by  his  actions  obtained  the 
superiority.  They  followed  the  one  honestly,  out  of 
desire  to  be  commanded  by  him ;  they  submitted  them- 
selves to  the  other  for  their  own  security,  because  they 
could  not  command  themselves.  The  one,  being  a 
Roman,  was  the  general  of  the  Spaniards  and  Lusi- 
tanians,  who  for  many  years  had  been  under  the  sub- 
jection of  Rome;  and  the  other,  a  Chersonesian,  was 
chief  commander  of  the  Macedonians,  who  were  the 
great  conquerors  of  mankind,  and  were  at  that  time 
subduing  the  world.  Sertorius,  being  already  in  high 
esteem  for  his  former  services  in  the  wars,  and  his 
abilities  in  the  senate,  was  advanced  to  the  dignity  of 
a  general;  whereas  Eumenes  obtained  this  honor  from 
the  office  of  a  writer,  or  secretary,  in  which  he  had  been 
despised.  Nor  did  he  only  at  first  rise  from  inferior 
opportunities,  but  afterwards,  also,  met  with  greater 
impediments  in  the  progress  of  his  authority,  and  that 

(467) 


1 


468  PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 

not  only  from  those  who  publicly  resisted  him,  but 
from  many  others  that  privately  conspired  against 
him.  It  was  much  otherwise  with  Sertorius,  not  one 
of  whose  party  publicly  opposed  him,  only  late  in  life 
and  secretly  a  few  of  his  acquaintance  entered  into  a 
conspiracy  against  him.  Sertorius  put  an  end  to  his 
dangers  as  often  as  he  was  victorious  in  the  field, 
whereas  the  victories  of  Eumenes  were  the  beginning 
of  his  perils,  through  the  malice  of  those  that  envied 
him. 

Their  deeds  in  war  were  equal  and  parallel,  but 
their  general  inclinations  different.  Eumenes  natur- 
ally loved  war  and  contention,  but  Sertorius  esteemed 
peace  and  tranquillity;  when  Eumenes  might  have 
lived  in  safety,  with  honor,  if  he  would  have  quietly  re- 
tired out  of  their  way,  he  persisted  in  a  dangerous  con- 
test with  the  greatest  of  the  Macedonian  leaders ;  but 
Sertorius,  who  was  unwilling  to  trouble  himself  with 
any  public  disturbances,  was  forced,  for  the  safety  of 
his  person,  to  make  war  against  those  who  would  not 
suffer  him  to  live  in  peace.  If  Eumenes  could  have  con- 
tented himself  with  the  second  place,  Antigonus,  freed 
from  his  competition  for  the  first,  would  have  used 
him  well,  and  shown  him  favor,  whereas  Pompey's 
friends  would  never  permit  Sertorius  so  much  as  to 
live  in  quiet.  The  one  made  war  of  his  own  accord, 
out  of  a  desire  for  command;  and  the  other  was  con- 
strained to  accept  of  command,  to  defend  himself  from 
war  that  was  made  against  him.  Eumenes  was  cer- 
tainly a  true  lover  of  war,  for  he  preferred  his  covet- 
ous ambition  before  his  own  security;  but  Sertorius 
was  truly  warlike,  who  procured  his  own  safety  by 
the  success  of  his  arms. 

As  to  the  manner  of  their  deaths,  it  happened  to 
one  without  the  least  thought  or  surmise  of  it;  but  to 
the  other  when  he  suspected  it  daily ;  which  in  the  first. 


SERTORIUS    AND    EUMENES  469 


argues  an  equitable  temper,  and  a  noble  mind,  not  to 
distrust  his  friends;  but  in  the  other,  it  showed  some 
infirmity  of  spirit,  for  Eumenes  intended  to  fly  and 
was  taken.  The  death  of  Sertorius  dishonored  not  his 
life;  he  suffered  that  from  his  companions  which  none 
of  his  enemies  were  ever  able  to  perform.  The  other, 
not  being  able  to  deliver  himself  before  his  imprison- 
ment, being  willing  also  to  live  in  captivity,  did  neither 
prevent  nor  expect  his  fate  with  honor  or  bravery;  for 
by  meanly  supplicating  and  petitioning,  he  made  his 
enemy,  that  pretended  only  to  have  power  over  his 
body,  to  be  lord  and  master  of  his  body  and  mind. 


